The Phoenicians in the Mediterranean:'.'
A Non-Greek Model for Expansion and
Settlemenr in Antiquity
HANS GEORG
(Uniuersity of Hamburg)
presence in the Mediterranean offers a more complex picture. Although it
will not be possible to deal with the whole range of questions generãted
*
This paper is dedicated to the memory of Villiam Culican who was a pioneer in rhis 6eld of
It represcnts another step in the evaluation of the results of the exiavations ar Toscanos
and, more recenrly, canhage. It draws partly on my 'Die Phönizier und die Mittelmeerwelt im
research.
r, ryfi þ984),7-zt, znd'l
dei
W. Burkert, Die orientølisierende Epoche in der griech
(1984), r. J. H. Fernández, 'La première période de la
Conference of Prebistory, BAR Int. Ser. zz9 þ984),7
Louanensia Atalecta r5, Studia Phoenicia
popoli del mare', in: D. Musti led.l, Le origini
Filisrei el le invasioni dei
9851, zz7-56.
SBHeidelberg
in: The Deyà
italisches und
in Olympia', in: Atti Conu. Atene ry79, üi. z7r-94. B.
frühe¡ruskischer Granulationsarb eîrcn', Mü. J b. \ (tS8 +), 7-4o. E. M
F. R. Ridgway, The Bronze Hoard from S. Maria in Paulis, Sa¡dinia.
Paper 45 (r984)- H. G. Niemeyer, 'Griechische Keramik in phönizischen Faktoreicn: der Beiund dcr
Kampagne t967 in Toscanos (Malaga)', in: H. A. G. Brijder (ed.), Ancient Greek and Related
Pottery: Proceedings of the lnt. Vase Symposium in Amsterdam t984 ft9t), zrz-:7. F. Rakob,
Etruskisches
A Non-Greeþ" Model for Expansion
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z. Phoenician
sertlements on the south coast of the Iberian peninsula
by this topic, it may be useful to define rhe general ourlines of the matter
at hand. vith this in mind, we shall start wirh a brief tour d'borizon of
the Phoenician setrlements in the Mediterranean (Fig. r). For a number of
reasons sites in Spain (Fig. z) will be discussed in more detail than the
others.
Lixus lies in a strategically important position ar the mourh of the river
Loukkos (Fig. ¡). The remains so far uncovered date, for the most part,
from the Mauretanian era of the last two centuries Bc, from Rorn"rt
Imperial times, and from the Byzantine period. It was probably a
predominantly agricultural city as well as a harbour for thè expori of
garurat' which was produced in large quantities at Lixus. some Ãrchaic
material has been discovered in deeper levels and just above bedrock in
the area of the acropolis and the southern slope. The respecrive
stratigraphy is, as yer, unpublished and the narure of the oìiginal
settlement remains unclear. The excavator purports to have fãund
architectural remains from the 8th-7th cenruries sc within the area later
occupied by the Roman forum. These remains âre, however, difficult to
interpret and require further investigation.
South of the Moroccan Atlantic coast, on the edge of the ancient
world, lies the island of Mogador, where some exrremely interesting
finds were excavated in the r95os. Fragments of Attic and Ionic
amphorae dare the beginning of the settlemenr to rhe 7th century ¡c. The
importance of the site should not be underestimated. It is, to date, the
H. G. Niemeyer
3. Lixus on the mouth of the river Loukkos
best example of an early Phoenician settlement in the far'West beyond
the Straits of Gibraltar. As at Lixus, the pattern and development of the
Archaic settlement remain obscure.
According to ancient tradition, Gades (modern Câdiz) wâs the most
important Phoenician settlement in the Mediterranean next to Carthage.
Here too, the evidence is incomplete. The spectacular finds of the 5th
and 4th centuries ¡c from the necropolis are well known-but of no
value for the problem at hand. The occasional stray finds are of little
assistance, unrelated as they are to any topographic or stratigraphic
context. None the less, there is sufficient indication that the original
settlement was on the outermost tip of the island (Fig.+).There must
have been quite a prestigious architecture even in early times. This is
demonstrated by a sculptured stone raised from the waters of the San
Sebastian reef, to the immediate west of Câdiz. Initially, it was thought
to be an Aeolic capital, but closer investigation has revealed it to be a
floral finial similar to those carried by the columns in front of the wellknown terracotta shrine from Idalion in Cyprus. This suggests that there
was a pair of columns of the type that stood in front of many temples in
Syria and Palestine, such as the temple of Solomon in Jerusalem (r Kings
7. r5ff .) or the temple of Heracles-Melkart at Tyre (Hdt. z. 477). Quite
rightly, they have often been associated with the monumental thymia-
A Non-Greeþ Model for Expansion
471
Gades: location of Phoenician settlement and necropolis (after Garcia y
Bellido).
teria in front of the Aphrodite temple in paphus, as pictured on Roman
Imperial coins. v. Karageorghis has been abre to pråue rhe existence of
such columns in front of the Astarte temple
citi,r- on cyprus.
"i have
Buildings of similar monumental characrer musr
.*i.tåd in
^lso
914.rr Except fo¡ some scatrered chalcolithic rraces, no finds from
cádiz known so far can be dated earlier than the gth century ac.
Leaving aside some Phoenician sites of minor import"nce å.,d others
_
that are archaeologically less werl known, we turn to Toscanos, the
history of which is now better documented than that of
-h.,
".ry to
Phoenician serrlement in spain. Its geographic position conforms
the
typical pattern of early Phoenician semlemenrs (Ëig. ). Irs cenrre lies on a
s
short flat finger of land extending from the hill áúntry in front of the
Baetic cordillera and into the bay which once formed the mouth of the
Rio de vélez. In the presenr alluvial land, one can still ascerrain the
o.riginal harbour bay where ships could easily be puiled onto a gently
sloping beach. The particularly favourable position for r." trade beãomes
clear when rhe c. rooo m high zaffaraya pass, about twenty kilometres
inland, is considered (Fig. 6). Relatively easy to reach from the coasq it
opens the way into the area around Granada, to cordoba, and further on
to the area around Linares with its mineral wealth.
H. G. Niemeyer
474
Alarcon
rc
d
o
-a
Ëà
---
Alluvial I¡nd
Approximatesizeof setrlemenrin 7rh/6rh cenr, BC
(!
þl
a
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U
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5. Toscanos. Location of Phoenician settlement and necropoleis
The last of the Phoenician sites bordering the southern coast of early
Iron Age Spain to be examined is Sexi, modern Almuñécar. It is another
O
I
o
example of the typical pattern of Phoenician setrlemenr. In what is today
an alluvial plain, but which in antiquity was an open bay, lies an
isolated island, separated from the Baetic cordillera (Fig.Z). According to
the evidence provided by a small trial trench, this was the location of the
settlement itself. The disposition of the necropoleis is also characteristic.
They are lined along the bay's mainland as if to form the periphery of an
ancient theatre. At the west end ofthe bay arepozzo graves from the 8th
and 7th centuries BC. Neâr the middle of the half-circle is a grave field,
predominantly of fossa graves of a later period, the earliest of which date
to the 7th century ec. Single finds suggest the existence of another grave
field at the east end of the bay.
The first site outside Spain to be discussed is Utica, which has suffered
not only from being built on by the Romans in late Republican and
Imperial times but also from the silting-over of the Bagradas river. It has
been postulated that the original settlement was situated on the tip of a
Iand finger extending into this alluvial area (Fig. 8). Credit is due to
P. Cintas for the exploration of the necropoleis. Among the tombs he has
excavated is at least one which, although plundered and empty, can be
dated co the 8th-7th centuries BC, on the basis of typological and other
crlterla.
Of the Phoenician settlements that existed on the groups of islands of
Malta (Melite) and Gozo (Gaulos), according to literary tradition, none
G
o
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H. G. Niemeyer
476
Schliemann
in
A Non-Greek Model for Expansion
the early rgTos and the dedication
477
of
anorher true
e
:
ories or little islands detached fronì
A few words wll
have
tha.t the geomorphoroqicar
Sardinia.
estigared more intensively
of evidence for the earlv
ions can be made ir, .o-'-
condi.t.J':î
ï:î:li?;åi1ïiîiJ:i,?ïJ
drfterenr' the pattern of settrement is essentially rhe same,
.*.*prìfi.d
by^Tharros (Fig. s). Its Archaic cenrre
to be", at Torre di
S. Giovanni, while the Archaic necropoleis"pp."r.
ii. tor"".d, ,r,. .Jài ,r,.
Alluvial land
Si¡c
NccropoIis
7. Almuñécar
,o ,,rm.ijtød:t:il:tl5n.-enrs on
(Sexi): location of Phoenician settlement and necropoleis.
of the Punta Cabizza, and a later one inland ..". SCio*r,ri
lfninsula
Jlnls.
It is only in carthage that the situation is compretely different,
both
have so far been found. It would appeer that these islands were not
particularly important to Phoenician traders of the 9th and 8th centuries
¡c and that the ancient sea routes to the West followed the coast of
Sicily.
Motya, a small island in the shallow waters of the westernmost tip of
Sicily, is of little use for our purposes. The outline and structure of the
early settlement are not known, despite a four-day dig by Heinrich
f--l
Q
L-/
Atlrui"ll"n,l
si,"
NecroPolis
9.
8. Utica: necropoleis and
supposed location of early settlement
Tharros (sardinia): Iocation of rater seftremenr (possibly identical
with
location of early site) and n...opìI.i,
478
H. G. Niemeyer
topographically and in terms of its, later historical development as the
most important Phoenician colony (Fig. ro). At first sight it was just
another factory-settlement, apparently small and situated seaward,
towards the Gulf of Tunis in the western Mediterranean. Unfortunately,
one can only guess at the extension and the character of the early
settlement. Archaic settlement levels have recently been identified by
F. Rakob. It seems ironic that, after r5o years of official excavations, it
was the building of a private swimming pool that led to the discovery of
early Archaic settlement levels.
Before examining the typological similarities of Phoenician colonies,
A Non_Greeþ Model for Expansion
479
it
might be useful to consider their chronological framework. This will
enable them to be contrasted with Greek colonies founded in the central
Mediterranean.
Phoenician pottery, at least in those cases in which the typological
development of the forms has been investigated, offers some assistance
for the dating of the settlements. For the most part, however, we are
nt.
ya also belongs to this period, as
made on pithecusa. It was found
;i."..î?::"îïj*::10.,",",,h..1î:Tï:tJir".:ï:xii.1î."'î.i:,;
As yet, no firm conclusions can
made in the Archaic serrlement o
necropoleis have long been kno
'Colline de Byrsa' and
the
d in the grave definitely indi_
exisrence of earlier sraves
i
t'hifiïrit; ä::"ï'.ï:: j*:
outlined would emounr ro
e silentio. S,r.f, .ã.r.irrion
would be in conrradiction : evidence provided
¡y ir,." ð.tär¡.
fi9the tophet.at Satammbo, the sá-called Cháp;tú
ð-1lr=f
L9:r._ty
thrs
puzzrrng deposit realry dates before the end
of the sih ..r,r,r.y
ua.
vidence has been
century nc. citium, on the southern
coast
Phoenician settlement which can be dated
9th century sc. This is, of course. related t
ro. Carthage: location of early Phoenician settlement and necropoleis
the Phoenician motherland, and rhe close
period that predates the Late Bronze Age.
aphic dating of
corroborate the
to the late rzth
48o
H. G. Niemeyer
A Non-Greeþ. Model for Expansion
When all this information is placed within a larger historic framework,
it becomes clear that the establishment of Phoenician settlements in the
central and western Mediterranean is a phenomenon which is more or
less contemporaneous with the Greek colonization movement in the
West. This must be borne in mind when one returns to the opening
question: are there differing models for the historically parallel processes
of Greek colonization and Phoenician expansion?
This paper presents only the Phoenician side of the problem, by
examining one example which offers important information for the
earlier period: Toscanos on the mouth of the Rio de Vélez, about thirty
kilometres east of Malaga on the southern coast of the Iberian peninsula.
According to present excavation results, the settlement was founded in
the last quarter or the last third of the 8th century ¡c. In its initial stages,
developmental phases rapidly succeeded one another. They can be
clearly distinguished in the small area of excavation. Belonging to the
first stratum is building A of which there is only a corner (Fig. rr). It is
unclear whether the function of this building was residential or commercial, although there is some evidence in favour of the former. Immediately to the north and west are public paths. To the west, the area
remained free of any construction for a distance of about fifteen metres.
In the second phase, the use of the land intensified. Building A was
expanded with extension B and joined by houses H and K (Fig. rz).
From the many-roomed houses, only parts of the wall bases are
preserved. These were mainly made of sun-dried bricks. Older buildings
were so obviously taken into consideration when new ones were built
that one gets the impression that some sort of original plan had to be
respected. These buildings definitely served as residences.
It was not until the third phase, at the turn of the 8th to the 7th century
Bc, that the large building C was erected (Fig. 13). It was composed of
three wings with at least two storeys. In comparison to the older
buildings, it was constructed with great care. An important indication of
its original function is provided by a comparison with three-winged
buildings excavated in the harbour of Motya, considered by their
excavators to have been storehouses or magazines' A comparison with
Early Iron Age warehouses such as those in Flazor, has also proved
useful. Furthermore, sherds of amphorae have been found inside building
C. In contrast to the previously mentioned buildings, it represents a
relatively impressive edifice. There were probably several such warehouses in every Phoenician settlement.
Clearly, the erection of building C represents a structurally new and
different use of the area. Whether this change was as abrupt as the
excavators' report would have us believe cannot be certain. It is possible
that storage huts made of wood and reed had already existed next to
rr.
Toscanos: remains of early settlement, phase r
rz.
As fig.
rr:
phase z
A Non_Greek Modet for
Expansion
483
houses A/B and H' and as the new
usage persevered, e more permanent
structure was erected.
by a beach
a deep V_
an almost
About a century later, toward
setrlemenr experienced a thorough
mentioned above. An architectu-re
r3. As fig. rr:
phase
,, with
warehouse C
To return to the main question
Greek character in phoenician settl
grew up during the Greek colonizat
14. As 69.
rr:
late 7th--early 6th cent. ec; buildings of ashlar masonry
erected over filled-in ditch; earlier buildings in warehouse area demolished
(only traces of buildings replacing them have survived)
arly G-reek culture. According ro
ed as follows:
484
H. G. Niemeyer
(a) topographic and administrative unity of the settlement;
(b) a population of several thousand âs a necessary condition for
(c) a clear division of labour and for social differentiation;
(d) a variegated building typology;
(e) an urban life-style;
(f) the settlemenr functioning as the cenrral point for the surrounding
terrltory.
Let us examine to what extenr these criteria-which obviously owe
much to M. Weber's ideas----<an be applied to the Phoenician settlement
of Toscanos.
There was definitely topographical and administrative unity. Both the
older defence system, of which only the V-shaped ditch remains, and the
later system, which enclosed the Alarcon and the Peñón in its walls, gave
the settlement a definite frame.
One can only guess at the number of inhabitants. The later walls
enclosed an area between tz and 15 ha. Assuming that certain parts of
the area, especially the slopes of Peñón, were used for industry, and with
the knowledge that a heavy population density has only been ascertained in the area's centre, an estimâte of between r,ooo and r,5oo
inhabitants would be reasonable. This would mean that Kolb's second
cnterlon rs Just met.
Division of labour is suggested by the iron works on the slopes of the
Peñón, which presuppose a large number of professional workers.
Furthermore, it is more than likely that purple was produced at Toscanos. Osteological evidence indicates other professional groups, related to
the raising and slaughtering of fat stock and to meat distribution. It is
obvious that we can assume the existence of both social differentiation
and a central administration. On the other hand, the quesrion of the
composition and structure
of the population remains open.
Iùüas
it
comparable to thât of an ancient city or polis? Slas there, for instance, an
aristocracy, however small, whose members were the settlement's
leaders? Or were the government and administrative reins in the hands of
trading agents representing the business interests of their masters in the
Phoenician mother-city in the Levant? This important problem is not
easily resolved, though there is evidence to support the latter alternative.
The presence of various building types has already been mentioned.
The determination whether the life-style was urban is another matter. On
the basis of the archaeological finds in Toscanos or elsewhere, we are not
unequivocally drawn to a conclusion in its favour. Quite logically, Kolb
emphasizes the methodological difficulty inherent in trying to establish
empirically the existence of this critenon.
The last criterion in Kolb's list, that of being a focal point for the
A Non_Greeþ Model for
Expansion
485
surrounding area, is a deveropment of '$reber's
ideas about the role of the
market as a necessary factor fãr the,
comparable to the chora of the Gr
has not been proven. However, phoenic
be detected. In indigenous serrlements beyond
the coastal mountains,
Phoenician imports have been found aná certain
technical advancements' for instance the potter's wheel, arso found
trr.i.
*"y ,l ,t.- i""¿,,
"
interior. An increasin1
early Iron Age culture
waxing of these impo
influence in the souther
of a cultural conquest o
Tarressian hinterland by the string of isolated phoenician
coastar
settlemenrs. Even less reasonable ivourd be an
i"r..pr.ä"""
,rr",
suggesrs a political and_ ter¡itoriar conquest of
the hinterl""ã. ä1, i, i"
stark conrrast to rhe Helrenizatio., oi the Sicilian
sorrth-liaria'
chora. The question of the urban function of the phoenician
"rrd
.ärt.l
of a commanding role for the surrounding
ft open. It is precisely this last criterion whicñ
quite rightly, regarded as essential for any
lis.
As a whole, these observations lead to the conclusion
that phoenician
settlements such as Toscanos were not cities in the
same ,.rrr.-", ,rr.
colonies of the Greeks in the west. They appear to
constitute a different
'model', one which is reminiscent of K. päia.ryi,s .port
of trade,.
A 'port of trade' is best defined as an insrituiio., åf prof.rrio.r"i
tr"d.
situated in geographic and structural terms on the bordle.
u.r*.."
market-oriented society and a marker economy. An importanr.ir"å.,.r" """_
istic of this institution is its independence from both the
hi.rt.rl.r.rã'".rd
the business leaders of the mercìntile system, forming ,..i
ùrr*
"
"?
ime, the institution functions as a meeting
place
for
s of various origins. So defined, the model"only
takes
tural aspects inro account. .What effect it has on the
given settlement remains unclear. However that may
be'
one would expecr to find clear erriderrcá-ãi
.archaeologically
.rr.
trading activity involving many differenr peoples. ffo*."*,
,fr.
l"r,
opposite is true in Toscanos, as weil as in sìmiLr serrremenrs
rir.
southern coast of spain, in sicily, and in sardinia. Both the
"í."g
architeciural
486
H. G. Niemeyer
A Non_Greeþ Model for
evidence and the ceramic finds in the settlements and in the necropoleis
(for instânce the Trayamar tombs), clearly and exclusively betray the
stamp of only one, the Phoenician, culture.
The problem becomes even more obvious in the phoenician settlement
Expansion
487
of carthage. It is probably the only Phoenician settlement in the west
which corresponds with Kolb's definition of a 'city'. At first sight,
carthage seems ro fit into the scheme of Phoenician settlements alreãdy
mentioned. Its geographic situation is typical of Phoenician sires. It is on
a peninsula extending into the sea and protected from the mainland.
This is, of course, conducive to maritime trade and at the same time does
not hinder access to the immense hinterland and its fertile plains. In
Roman Imperial times these plains were famous for their abundance of
agricultural products.
A_second aspect is important for our consideration of Carthage. It is
-hardly
coincidental that carthage is the only one of all the phoénician
settlements in the (western) Mediterranean for which an extensive
foundation legend has survived. The legend, with all its romantic and
fairy-tale like aspects, is the key to an understanding of Carthage's
peculiarities. It begins with an altercation berween Elissa (Virgil's Dido)
sea people relatively unscarhed a
the Phoenicians take us back as
and the younger Pumai/Pygmalion. Both are children of King Mettenos/
Mattan of Tyre who dies before his heirs have come of age. The elder
sister, Elissa, is married to the high priest of Melkart and becomes a sort
of regent. The quarrel arises as Pumai asserrs his right as male heir to the
throne. Thus far, individual aspecrs of the story may sound like a novel,
but what follows is historically quite plausible. The aristocracy of Tyre
splits into two factions, one favouring Pumai, the other Elissa. The
mercantile fleet returns from a royal mission, iust in time to be seized by
Elissa and her followers. They sail to Cyprus for reinforcements and then
towards Carthage. The Phoenicians in the older settlement, Utica, as
well as the indigenous Berbers, take in the refugees. The love story of
Dido and Aeneas which then follows need not be dealt with here.
The legend is important because it indicates that Carthage had, in
contrest to other Phoenician settlements, a 'complete'population. There
was, for example, a strong aristocratic upper class leading the city. The
aristocracy, itself, would have been differentiated. The political
dynamism seen in the city's historical development could have been
generated only by such an aristocracy. Apparently, Carthage alone had
the demographic energy necessary during the Late Archaic and Classical
periods to build a territorial state similar ro thet of Syracuse and, larer,
Rome.
This demonstrates that in the history of the Phoenician expansion in
the West, Carthage is a special case, resembling the Greek colonies in its
foundation legend. The only other possible exception is Gades, consider-
exclusivity is one reason for the
imports had on native Greek art.
Trading contact between the Levant and the
back than rhe western phoenician
ea¡lier contact are:
..i,.Ã."*.
rü(/est
thus goes further
some testimonies to this
(a) Phoenician imports in.Enotrian graves
at Francavilla Marittima;
b ) the adopti on o f phoenicia'
fo r-r"ir, ."rly tt.li
ies like impasto rosso;
".r-..ì"iì;:;;;r"r_
(c) the appearance of orientar motifs
like the Herzsprung shield on
the grave stelai in the south-western lb..i"r,
p.rrinsula and the oriental
bronze bowl in the Late Bronze ng. n"Jli
nerzocana in Estremadura.
(
ith the trading expeditions under_
Solomon to Tarshish, mentioned
esrament. Tarshish we know to be
insula. Following mercantile inrer_
portant metal deposits in Etruria,
ti3ilïl,:,t*;
account and which m av help,'.rn.
the provenance of the orienial mercr andise exported
into the Medirerranean, as well as the origin of their carriers. Taken
lir.r"rylil.
lìuii.^l
record provides an accurare explanation of
the archaeotogié"t i..orà
å*::,,:îTü:l:
",
488
H. G. NietneYer
hand, including a variety of oriental imports from northern Syria,
Phoenicia, Urartu, Egypt, etc. Furthermore, it explains the number of
oriental graffiti, taken by some to be Phoenician and by others to be
Aramaic, which already was the lingua franca of the ancient Near East in
this period.
In Homer, our earliest Mediterranean written record, the carriers of all
those imports are Phoenicians, or Sidonioi, as Homer calls them, perhaps
for metric reasons. According to him, they were the most experienced in
seamanship and trading. Along with the output of Phoenician craftsmen,
they carried the merchandise of associated powers. They were also
known to participate in joint ventures with Greek merchants as in the
case of poor Odysseus, who, in spite of his own wit, was so badly
cheated by his Phoenician partner (Od. ry. z85ff.).
Leaving Carthage aside, is it not probable then that, during the 8th
and 7th centuries nc, Phoenician settlements were designed and established only to consolidate and secure these early trade relationships
which were threatened by the new and aggressive colonization movement of the Greeks? Due to the strong, unbroken Bronze Age tradition in
Phoenician culture, these trading and manufacturing settlements Probably followed the old oriental Karum model, though in a more one-sided
manner. This would have included merchants' agents, and craftsmen, in
a type of community designed to exist just outside the walls of a foreign
city, far from home. Further, there was the addition of defence works on
the border of indigenous barbarian civilizations, be they Berberian,
Iberian, Sardinian, or Elymian. These settlements apPear almost anachronistic in the period under consideration, which is the period of the
climax of Greek demographic explosion, and of Greek conquest and
colonization in Sicily and South Italy'
Pithecusa was founded before the Greek colonial movement began
and, since T. J. Dunbabin, is considered to have been a primarily
mercantile settlement. It is certainly no mere coincidence that both
Phoenicians and Euboeans were able to live there together in peace, as
the results of Buchner's excavations have shown.
were, as Thucydides relates, driven off in a rather hostile manner when
the Greek colonizers arrived. Their imprint will become apparent when
the phoenician red-slip porrery found by P. orsi at the beginning of this
century on the Ortygia Island of Syracuse and elsewhere is made
accessible for research. This pottery remained unnoticed in those days,
A Non_Greek Modet for
Expansion
4g9
stored away in the basement oj the syracuse
museum. It is only recentry
that the historic importance
..d_rhp ;;;;lry in eastern Sicily has been
"f
y reflects.the
growing awareness of túe import_
playecl rn whar one might call the
dawn of