CHAPTER ONE
1.0
INTRODUCTION
The Encarta dictionaries define the term Conflict as “an on going state of hostility
between two groups or “war between opposing forces especially a prolonged and bitter
but sporadic struggle. Disagreement or clash between ideas, principles or people.”1
Development is a pattern of resource use that aims to meet human needs while preserving
the environment so that these needs can be met not only in the present, but also for
generations to come. It can also be defined as the process of economic and social
transformation which is based on complex cultural and environmental factors and their
interactions.
Conflicts started long ago before independence but they became magnified at the
on set of gaining independence. This research concentrates on the period from 1970,
towards the end of Obote II regime and Iddi Amin’s hegemony, the transition period up
to today. The major conflicts that have been witnessed by Uganda are; Obote against
Amin, Amin against Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) and Tanzania, UNLF
against the National Resistance Movement/Army (NRM/A), the Lord Resistance Army
against NRA, Allied Democratic Forces in Mt Rwenzori against NRM and generally the
North against the south.
To some extent there has been conflict between the Muslims against Christians.
The worst hit regions being the northern and western Uganda where chronic insecurity
has resulted into social dislocation and economic underdevelopment. These conflicts pose
a large financial cost to the entire nation in order to maintain high levels of military
personnel and equipment. Revenue that could otherwise contribute to national economic
growth is lost in planning for wars both internal and external.
1
Encarta Library Dictionary 2009
1
“According to international standards, Uganda still ranks amongst the 20 poorest
countries in the world in terms of gross national product (GNP) per capita, with over 50
percent of the population living below the official poverty line.”2 “The HIV/AIDS
epidemic takes a particularly heavy toll on the economy as it tends to rob society of its
most productive members in their 30s and 40s.”3 There has been a growth in inequality,
with an increasingly common feeling that only privileged groups and regions are
benefiting from economic growth, while others are being left behind. These impacts are
particularly prevalent in rural areas where the economy tends to be dominated by low
productivity subsistence agriculture.
1.1.1
Origins of the Conflicts in Uganda
“The most persistent patterns of cultural difference tend to be those arising from
the generalized conflicts between the Nilotic and para-Nilotic peoples on one hand and
the Bantu on the other.”4 From colonialism through the post-colonial period in Uganda,
one finds a state not run on capabilities, merit and talents of individuals along socioeconomic theory in which market forces determine the strength of regions and people but
an ethnically organised state in which rewards are given on the tribal settings.”5 Along
these arrangements, leaders are interested in impingement on the economy of political
power system of a state and value attitudes associated with their religion and culture or
tribe. Where there are opportunities for rebellion the societies experience civil war
because they want to oust the leader who has sidelined them. Natural resources remain a
2
Hogle.A. Janice et al, What Happened in Uganda? USAID Report, Washington DC, 2002, p5
Tumusiime James, The politics of HIV/AIDS in Uganda: Social policy and Programme Report Number
28, 2006, p 6.
4
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State Power and Democratisation process in Uganda, Uppsala, Nordic African
Institute, 2002, p.13
5
Parsons Talcott, Max Weber: The Theory of social and Economic Organisation, New York, Simom and
Schuster Inc,1997, p54
3
2
viable source of revenue during war which other regions would like to grab or share.”6
This is manifested in the regimes of central, south and north of Uganda.
Various regimes become apparent aversion to ethnicity in Uganda, they have
rested on distinctly ethnic political foundations and reproduced themselves on the basis of
definable, and in most cases, narrow ethnic alliances. The present government of
National Resistance Movement (NRM) has tried to bridge the gap without success.
“The NRM/A inherited all the cleavages and intricacies that had befallen
Uganda's post-colonial history: ethnicity, north-south divide and militarism. However,
force, intolerance, manipulation of constitutional provisions, suppression of alternative
political views, the reconfiguration of power on ethnic/religious and political foundations,
and the reproduction of state power on the basis of definable narrow ethnic alliances
became the hallmark of NRM/A.”7 The result has been the further entrenchment of a
militarist, ethnically organised state, totally opposed to genuine competition for power.
1.1.2
Boundaries and Neigbouring States of Uganda
Boundaries are geographical limits separating Nations. This implies that some
State boundaries may not necessarily be national boundaries. Such a situation arises
where nationalities traverse states. “First, the single most important element that
entrenched ethnicity in the body politic of Uganda was the arbitrary colonial act of
boundaries.”8
“Although Uganda shared boundaries with Sudan and DRC, the boundaries
remained a geographical bound but gained political prominence after the colonial
6
Ballentine Karen, The political Economy of Armed Conflict, USA, Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc. 2005, p
19-21
7
Mugaju J.B, An Analytical Review of Uganda’s Decade of Reform, Kampala, Fountain Publishers Ltd,
1996, p 30.
8
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State Power and Democratisation process in Uganda, Uppsala, Nordic African
Institute, 2002, p11.
3
conquest that resulted in the same tribes that stay on either side of the countries.”9 These
tribes occupying either side of the line have always posed asocial as well as political
problems.
“The partition of the interior of Africa and of the continent as a whole was
ultimately a matter of bilateral diplomacy.”10 The departure of colonialists left behind
borders that remained subject to interpretation and contradictions as a result of colonial
administrative policies on border demarcation. The borders have consequently become
areas of disputes that still glare to date.
1.1.3
Nature of Conflicts in Uganda
There are significantly two types of conflicts in Uganda. The internal conflicts of
rebel groups of LRA and ADF against the Government, Karamoja clans among g each
other and with the government. “The second type of conflict is external conflict involving
neighbouring countries such as one time Rwanda, Sudan and DRC presently and in the
past years Tanzania, Kenya and Israel.”11
1.2
Statement of the Problem
Conflict has been a major factor that has lead to the low rate of development in
Uganda but there have been other factors at play both national and global consequences.
“The Uganda government has been discredited institution for over 30 years and it is easy
to cast the current government in the well known stereotyped moulds of the previous
regimes.”12
9
Zoe Mersh and G.W. Kingsnorth, An introduction to history of East Africa, England, Cambridge
University Press, 1957, p,116-117
10
Wesseling H.L, Divide and Rule: The partition of Africa, 1880-1914, London, Westport CT, Praeger
Publishers, 1996, 131-33
11
Kiseka Fredrick, Roots of Conflict in Nothern Uganda: Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies
Volume 32, Issue 4, 2007, p421.
12
Tumusime James, Uganda 30 Years: 1962-1992, Kampala, Uganda, Fountain Publishers, 1992, p87.
4
International trade, financial stability, poverty and inequality, foreign aid, debt
relief, international migration, food security, intellectual property rights, human universal
education, communicable diseases, humanitarian development emergencies, hunger and
malnutrition, refugees, global environment climate change, deforestation, access to safe
water, and natural loss of biodiversity, land degradation, sustainable energy, resources
depletion of fisheries, peace and security Arms proliferation, armed conflict, terrorism,
removal of land mines, drug trafficking and other crime, disarmament, genocide ,poor
governance international law, multilateral treaties, conflict prevention, reform of the
United Nations system, reform of international financial institutions, transnational
corruption, global compact.
Uganda has had a spiral of conflicts that have left the country devastated,
impoverished and underdeveloped.
“On International Peace Day, the chairperson of the African Union Commission
counted losses the continent has suffered in conflicts. Mr. Jean Ping, conservative
estimates point to a combined economic loss of around $300 billion since 1990 by
African countries affected by conflict.”13 A lot of money that would be used in
development goes to buying weapons to fight insurgency and settling conflicts.
“Conflicts over land, vengefulness, border rows and tribal conflicts have been blamed for
the slow development in northern Uganda and the whole country at large, following the
end of the insurgency in the region.”14
1.3
Purpose of the Study
The study of conflicts as a factor that contributed to underdevelopment in Uganda
is intended to provide useful information that will provide guidance to the leaders whose
13
Oweyegha Afunaduula, “African Budgetary Deadlock,” Monitor News Paper, Uganda, Kampala, 3
October 2010, p1
14
Wandera E,”The Insurgency not Yet over,” Newvision , Uganda, Kampala, 26 September 2010, p2
5
responsibility is to provide solutions to the conflicts and revamp acceralated development
in the country. The paper will examine the, causes, nature, actors management and
remedies as the basis of the problems relating to present low rate of development in
Uganda. The study will also provide suggested solutions to the problems. The paper will
therefore lay a foundation for further research in the area of underdevelopment caused by
persistent conflicts in Uganda.
1.4
General Objective
The objective of this research is to identify the causes of the conflicts in Uganda
and establish weather conflicts have contributed to underdevelopment of Uganda.
1.5
Conceptual Framework
“The purpose of theory is to simplify reality by capturing its most important aspects.”15
Social conflict theory of Karl Marx will be used in this research. According to Karl Marx
in all stratified societies there are two major social groups: a ruling class and a subject
class. The ruling class derives its power from its ownership and control of the forces of
production. The ruling class exploits and oppresses the subject class. As a result there is a
basic conflict of interest between the two classes. Police power, for instance, is used to
enforce property rights and guarantee unfair contracts between capitalist and worker.
Because the ruling class controls the social relations of production, the dominant
ideology in capitalist society is that of the ruling class. Ideology and social institutions, in
turn, serve to reproduce and perpetuate the economic class structure. Thus, Marx viewed
the exploitative economic arrangements of capitalism as the real foundation upon which
the superstructure of social, political, and intellectual consciousness is built. “Marx
argues that large-scale civil unrest was the second stimulus to the early development of
15
Paquette Laure, Strategy and Ethnic Conflict: A Method, Theory, and Case Study, Westport, Praeger
Publishers, 2002, p 37.
6
conflict analysis and management.”16 The exploited people cause unrest because they are
poor and dissatisfied; the unrest when uncontrolled develops into insurgence like those
many insurgencies that have been fought in Uganda.
“When the synthesis comes from conflict, the interaction is likely to be more
costly and destructive than when it comes from cooperation. But, even then, conflict can
be pursued and managed in less costly ways. Our ultimate objective is to identify some of
the more economical ways of dealing with conflict. The greater the number of
individuals, groups, organizations, and societies in conflict that are engaged
constructively, the greater the development of human potential.”17
“Underdevelopment represents a state of economic deprivation, dependence, and
a vicious circle of poverty. Absolute poverty pervades economic underdevelopment: a
significant part of the society's population remains below a minimally acceptable
standard of living, while the prospects of the economy's ability to raise incomes and to
effect desired structural changes remain bleak.”18
“In the domain of policy development and implementation, orthodox development
thinking presupposes that the society in question must have effective and efficient
humanly created institutions. In certain regards, some aspects of these institutions refer to
the rules, regulations, and conventions that govern the way and manner in which
economic agents must behave and act.
“GNP per capita is interpreted as the value of output per capita in a given year.
Using this measure, development is said to take place when GNP per capita increases
over time.”19 In many ways, while certain institutions are subject to change and readily
16
Ezeala_Harrison Fedelis, Economic Development: Theory and Policy Applications, Westport CT, Praeger
Publishers, 1996, p.15
17
Ibid, p23
18
Ezeala_Harrison Fedelis, Economic Development: Theory and Policy Applications, Westport CT,
Praeger Publishers, 1996, p12
19
Jaffee David, Levels of Socio-Economic Development Theory, Westport CT, Praeger Publishers, 1998, p6
7
poised to provide and promote the necessary environment within which development
plans, policies, programs, and projects will work effectively as expected.”20
1.6
Literature Review
“Understanding the dimensions of this tragedy requires an appreciation of the
interrelationship between Uganda's ethnic diversity, the central government's increasing
ineffectiveness, the emergence of the military as a political actor, and the proliferation of
weak, brutal, and incompetent leaders.”21
Frances et al in his book War and Underdevelopment an account how problems of
conflict and low rate of development started on the onset of colonial handover of power
to Ugandans. He says “Uganda has had a harsh, conflict-ridden history since 1962. These
conflicts were the outcome of a complex interaction between ethnic, regional and
religious divisions and transformed the tensions into violent conflicts.”22
“At independence, there was 15 major tribes, speaking an estimated 63 languages
or dialectics broadly divided between Bantu (South) and non-Bantu (North) a
classification which was made by colonialists not previously recognized by Africans,
while the Nilotic (West Nile) formed a third group, regional and ethnic differences
largely coincided the economic inequalities, the southerners were privileged in education
and resources; Northerners and Easterners were extremely poor and underdeveloped.”
23
“Religious differences partly coincided and partly cut across these regional, ethnic and
economic divisions.
“Determined to fulfill his economic aspirations, Obote stuck to his socialist
tendencies when he joined the Club of African leaders who embraced the socialist path of
20
Senyo B. S .K Adjibolosoo, Rethinking Development Theory and Policy: A human Factor Critique,
PRAEGER, London, Westmont Connecticut, 1999, p35
21
Ofcansky.P, Uganda: Tarnished Pearl of Africa, Boulder, CO. Westview Press, 1996, p 35
22
Frances Stewart, Valpy Fitz et al, War and Underdevelopment Volume 2: Country Experiences, New
York Oxford University Press, 2001, p226
23
Frances Stewart, Valpy Fitz et al, War and Underdevelopment Volume 2: Country Experiences, New
York Oxford University Press, 2001, p238
8
independence.”24 This move led to his downfall as it angered Britain, Israel and United
States of America who isolated him and his government.
Okoth argues that problems escalated on January 25 1971 when President Obote
was toppled by Idi Amin in a coup de detat supported by the West. This marked endless
conflicts that have persisted till today. “The capture of state power by the dictator to be
Idi Amin brought to an end effort by his predecessor Obote to consolidate economic
relations with neighbours and the west.”25
Amin embarked on killing spree from July 1971 especially military officers of the
Acholi and Langi origin. Murders spread to civilians and the troubles continued to rise.
They were compounded by the expulsion of Asians from Uganda who were core
backbone of economic development; he only gave them ninety days to leave the country
on September 1972.
“Uganda was ravaged by military plunder, barbarism and carnage. Soldiers
roamed the Uganda countryside to pillage and rape.”26
The industrial sector collapsed, there was smuggling and manufactured goods
were being imported from Kenya, the tax base deteriorated tremendously, citizens
suffered a blow of economic doom.
The War between Uganda and Tanzania in 1978-1979, greatly undermined the
economic progress of Uganda. Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government
under Yusif K Lule which replaced Amin was short lived. Just the rule of sixty-eight days
was ousted due to political infighting. Godfrey Lukongwa Binaisa replaced him.
In 1980-1985 Obote fell back to the throne as president the second time but
during the elections that brought him to power, UPC his party had ridged elections of
24
Okoth P Godfrey, Africa at the Beginning of Twenty- Century, Nairobi, Nairobi University press, 2000,
p294
25
Ibid p295
26
Ayittey B.N. George, Africa Betrayed, New York, Transnational Publishers, Inc. 1991, p147.
9
1980. “There was insecurity virtually in every district in the country; lawlessness was
rampant; violation of human rights and property rights was rife; the economy was in
ruins; most roads were in state of disrepair and electricity in the country was erratic.”27
“Obote not only failed to resolve Uganda's many political, economic, and social problems
but also perpetuated the violence and chaos that characterized the Amin regime. This
turmoil emanated from Obote's lack of political legitimacy. Like the government of his
ruthless predecessor, Obote's government rested on a narrow ethnic base, with most of its
supporters coming from the northern Acholi and Lango districts. l.”28 Museven later took
over power in 1986 and his first years he also opposed the western ideologies.
Conflict in Contemporary Africa by Okoth and Ogot they state that the sour
relations between Uganda and Sudan in 1971 were as a result of earlier troubles that had
happened.
They say, when Amin took over, the government of Khartoum did not
welcome the regime because the perpetrators were West Nilers Nubians Southern
Sudanese who had been recruited into Ugandan forces. Amin was also responsible for
supplying arms to Southern Sudan rebels to fight Khartoum.
“December 1971 witnessed fierce fighting between Sudanese government troops
and Anya Nya forces at the border between the two countries of which had been closed
since1969.”29 Due to bad blood of Amin with Israel, there was semblance of relations
between the governments of Numeiry because they were all Muslims. However this was
short lived as so many events took toll and Amin was thrown out of the country and later
on several unstable governments followed.
“Even at the economic level the cost that has been and is being paid is very
alarming. The wars in Luwero, Gulu, Kitgum, Kumi and Soroti have entailed the
27
Oyugi.O. Walter, Politics and Administration in East Africa, Nairobi, Kenya, East African Educational
Publishers Ltd, 1994, p376-377.
28
Ofcansky. P. Thomas P, Uganda Tarnished Pearl of Africa, U.S.A, Westview Press, A Division of
Harper ,Collins Publishers, 1996, p52
29
Okoth P Godfrey and Bethwell A Ogot, Conflict in Contemporary Africa, Kenya, Nairobi Jommo
Kenyata Foundation 2002 p105
10
diversion to their purposes of resources that are very much needed else where in the
economy.”30
Umar Bashir in extending his Islamic fundamentalism south words he embarked
on destabilizing Uganda. “Joseph Kony rebels of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) who
had been fighting Museveni’s government with the aim of overthrowing it became a
ready conduit of Khartoum.”31 LRA started receiving military support from Sudanese
government. LRA abducted
many young people for training in southern Sudan to
counter NRA and SPLA.
Mamdani in Politics and Class Formation in Uganda, concurs with former
writers that there was class conflict. This became more evident when Idi Amin expelled
Asians and their property was shared by high ranking Army officials from West Nile,
Moslems and the petty bourgeoisie. The ordinary soldiers resorted to looting and plunder.
While Amin officially encouraged terror he did not consolidate the commercial
community. This prevented the stabilization of the economy. Price rises and commodity
scarcities skyrocketed, peasants refused to sell their surplus crops on the market, there
was inflation which forced printing of worthless paper money.”32 “Mamdan contends that
there was a state of anarchy and people either lost their lives or property in the hands of
brutal soldiers. The sophiscated weapons of destruction were not a sign of development
or productive forces but a timely loan that underdeveloped the country.”33 The struggle
against Amin was not against dictatorship but simply struggle against imperialism.
“Mamdan clearly indicates that conflict and low development started with
imperialism.”34
30
Oyugi Walter, Politics and Administration in East Africa, Nairobi, Kenya, East African Educational
Publishers, 1994 Ltd,P245-246.
31
Okoth P Godfrey and Bethwell A Ogot, Conflict in Contemporary Africa, Op Cit, p110
3232
Mamdan Mahmood, Politics and Class Formation in Uganda, Kampala, Uganda, Fountain Publishers
33
Ibid, p312
34
Ibid, p313
11
The dramatic events of coups and guerrilla campaigns, with the high level of local
violence and harassment of the rural population, distracted the attention from the
underlying facts of political economy, masking class processes.
“He asserts that Uganda's economic and social development has been seriously
affected by the prevalence of dictatorships in the country. In earlier years, Uganda had
been looked upon as one of the most vigorous economies based on peasant production.”35
It had a well developed intellectual force in the civil service; and a middle class was
beginning to emerge on the land and in the commercial sector but this one is no more.
Aronson gives an account like that one of Okoth and Mamdan, he asserts that
Uganda is said to have lost its glory of being the pearl of East Africa because of
unfortunate situation it has gone through. “Uganda’s political history reached its peak
during the eight years of Idi Amin, the brutal army sergeant turned international buffoon.
Uganda’s problems neither began nor ended with Amin nor ended with Obote
Uganda’s first prime minister.”36 Obote did not succeed in resealing the grory instead he
was humiliated and sent into exile in Zambia.
“Okuku gives slightly different account of the causes of conflict that leads to low
rate of development. He links its origins to the old woes. Ethnicity is conceptualized to
form identities to differentiate one group from another. It is linked to colonial setting
where it was enhanced by post colonial practices.”37 The 1971 coup was a result of ethnic
power rivalry between President Milton Obote and his army commander. The NRM/A
inherited all the cleavages intricacies that had bedeviled Uganda’s post colonial era:
ethnicity, north – south and militarism. A sense of political and economic sanity in the
southern parts of the country was restored by NRM administration.”38
35
Ibid, p 310
Aronson David, Why Africa Stays Poor: and why Not, The Humanist Vol 5, 1993, p.1
37
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State, Power and the Decentralization Process in Uganda, Sweden, University
Printers, 2002, p17
38
Ibid p20
36
12
Mugaju in Ethnicity, state, Power and the Decentralization Process in Uganda
gives the same account of the conflicts although he tends to be biased to the ruling party.
He says “the political conflicts and rivalries within Uganda parties, tribes and individuals
increased; by 1970 the UPC party had been split into several ideological and ethnic based
camps. Instead of reviving the fortunes of Obote regime, the move to the left created a
fertile ground for a coup de tat of 25 January 1971 masterminded by his Army
commander Idi Amin Dada while attending the common wealth conference in
Singapore.”39 “Amin squandered the enormous good will and support both at home and
abroad. The reign of terror had begun with the killings and purges in the army.”40 Many
soldiers suspected to be connected with Obote especially the Acholi and the Langi lost
their lives. He argues that, economy declined and there were shortages of essential
commodities. Inflation become rampart and money lost value.
“Amin’s invasion, occupation and annexation of the Kagera Salient of Tanzania
in October 1978 was a disaster to the country. This act of aggression provoked decisive
military response from Tanzania.”41 This began the greatest problems, Tanzania armed
anti Amin groups to fight his regime which they overthrew in 1979. The economy
declined and there was no any economic development.
“The emergence of the NRM-NRA on the historical scene was a consequence of
the fact that politics, as practiced by Ugandan petit bourgeoisie elite in the post
independence era, had failed to address the basic needs of the ordinary masses of
Ugandan people.”42 By the time NRM took over power, Ugandan Monetary economic
39
Mugaju J. B, An Analytic Review of Uganda’s Decade of Reforms, Kampala, Fountain Publishers Ltd,
1996 p19
40
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State, Power and the Decentralisation process in Uganda, Op Cit, p 20
41
Mugaju J. B, An Analytic Review of Uganda’s Decade of Reforms, Kampala, Fountain Publishers Ltd.
1996, p20
42
Ondoga Ori Amaza, Museven’s Long Match: From Guerrilla to Statesman, Uganda, Fountain Publishers
Ltd, 1999
13
growth was minus 1.1% but by the end of 1987 the economy had grown at 3.8%, after ten
years in 1997 it had grown to 10%.
“The economic recovery was successful and the pace of macro economic and
institutional reforms has been impressive."43 There was a macro- economic reform,
reliance on private sector as an engine of growth and trade liberalization “Good
leadership, peace and stability coupled with good economic policies are responsible for
the economic miracle Uganda has experienced during the last decade under the NRM
administration.”44
The conflicts pose a large financial cost to the entire nation in order to maintain
high levels of military personnel and equipment, revenue that could otherwise contribute
to national economic growth is put to buying military arsenal.
1.7
Research Methodology
This research paper relied principally on information obtained through secondary
sources. The secondary sources used include written materials from Books, Journals,
Periodicals, Newspapers, Government reports and internet sources. The maps used in this
research paper were obtained from an internet source and Encarta Library Reference
2009. The author also used own knowledge and experience gained from interaction with
the Ugandan leaders, and people in the conflict regions, the author has also been involved
in conflict management in the western and northern parts of Uganda. Certain facts were
obtained through direct interaction with old people who witnessed the era before
independence and are still living now in Uganda.
43
Mugaju J B, An Analytic Review of Uganda’s Decade of Reforms, Kampala, Fountain Publishers Ltd.
1996, p39
44
Ibid, p,45.
14
1.8
Hypothesis
This study is based on the assumptions that; Conflicts are responsible for the low
rate of development in Uganda especially the Northern part of the country. Poor
leadership, coup detats and poor policies undermined the development of Uganda.
Colonial divide between the south and the north is the main cause of conflicts that lead to
low rate of development.
15
CHAPTER TWO
2.0
OVERVIEW OF CONFLICTS AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT IN
UGANDA
2.1
Evolution of Underdevelopment
“The most common explanation for ethnic conflict in Africa is its arbitrary
colonial borders. The colonial powers drew boundaries at the Berlin Conference of 1884
to suit their interests.”45 This explanation assumes that Africa’s tribes are inherent
incapable of getting along peacefully with each other.
“Uganda’s independence was such as to heighten and intensify rather than
assuage internal political and ideological differences and conflicts of interest between
rival contenders to power.”46 The current conflicts in Uganda are a result of decades of
political corruption and unrest within the region.
2.2
Conflict Escalation.
Conflicts began escalating on the on set of 1970 that began with Amin’s Military
coup detat, subsequently the attack of Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces in collaboration
with Ugandan dissidents which saw his over throw and getting exiled in Libya. “The
capture of state power by Amin brought to end efforts by Obote to consolidate economic
relations with both neighbouring and distant countries. Amin did not set out a concrete
economic policy for his government to follow. He was prepared to reverse Obote’s
socialistic economic programmes to appease the west and also get economic backing
from there.”47 Obote was overthrown again by his military junta who later was taken over
by NRA in 1986 which has seen many conflicts, the Major one being LRA. “Much has
45
West,G. Hurry, Conflict and Resolution in Contemporary Africa, New York, University Press of
America, 1997, p3-5
46
Oyugi. O. Walter, Politics and Administration in East Africa, Op Cit, p505
47
Okoth. P. Godfrey, Africa at the Beginning of the 21st Century, Op Cit, p 294.
16
been made in the British press of the fact that Museveni is a Bantu southerner and the
present government is the first to be effectively headed by a leader from the south.
“By 1988 NRA had been able to defeat a number of rebel groups that were
determined to fight on in the northern part of the country. Joseph Kony a former alter boy
and nephew to Lakwena a daughter to Severino Lokoya took over the leadership. Kony
has since then proclaimed himself as a messianic prophet who wants to over throw the
“The few threats to the stability of the government under NRM’s leadership that
have surfaced so far have tended to be externally linked, a feature of contemporary Africa
politics in general and has become an aspect of change specifically applicable to
Uganda.”48
Amin,s ‘economic war’ was meant to be the short cut to Uganda’s ‘economic
independence’, moreover it was intended to create Ugandan black millionaires thus
violating ipso facto one of Amin’s eighteen points that accused Obote’s regime of
creating a wealthy class of leaders’ who talked socialism whiling they grew richer and the
common man poorer. “Far from addressing itself to the crisis of exploitation which led to
income inequalities and conflict, the military regime set in motion new policies which
worsened the situation.
In October 1972, Asian business started closing down en masse , The fact that
Indian commercial bourgeoisie was still a dependent class all banks in Kampala had
adverts like ‘Property of Standard Bank,’ Property of Barclays Bank. Functionally it
lubricated the export-import economy; financially, it was heavily reliant on and
subordinate to British banking capital. “It was clear that unless the state moved against
the British banks, the primary beneficially of the expulsion of Asians would be the
British big bourgeoisie, not the Ugandan petty bourgeoisie. Therefore there was second
48
Oyugi. O. Walter, Politics and Administration in East Africa, Op Cit, p526
17
phase of ‘economic war.’ Confined to British capita; it focused on Banking capital but
extended to its weakest section, the plantations.”49
The content of Amin’s domestic policy is somewhat shrouded in mystery, mainly
because the government in Uganda since 1971 was by decree, and the dissemination of
news concerning the economy of the society and the policy of the ruling power towards
the Ugandan power towards the Ugandan people was practically brought to standstill.
Industry was in much worse position.
With no foreign exchange nothing could be procured. The result was gradual
decline in production. Further more the people who took over the departed Asian
property were inexperienced in maintenance of the machines and factories, the factor that
contributed to the collapse of production. The effects of dislocation in the economy and
the high expenditures on the army for repression meant that certain types of imports vital
to the running of neocolonial economy could not be undertaken.
This was made worse by the withdrawal of loans, technical assistance and other
international facilities such as trade credits, which were necessary for the purchase of
capital equipment, spare parts and raw materials required for the manufacturing and
construction sector. This had a direct impact on agricultural production, there was
scarcity of farm inputs like hoes, and ox- ploughs, tractors, fertilizers, insecticides.
Vehicles could not move to the villages to collect the produce and this rendered farmers
to produce for home consumption only.
“Bringing Uganda’s post-colonial history up to date, the 1980s was also a lost
decade for Ugandans in terms of economic and political development.”50
49
50
Ibid, p 297.
Thomson Alex, An Introduction to African Politics,USA, New York, Routledge Press,2004, p146
18
2.3
Twist of the Conflict and New Era
“According to a report by the Civil Society Organizations for Peace in Northern
Uganda (CSOPNU), a coalition of 50 Ugandan and international groups, more than 2
million civilians have been affected. An estimated 90% of the population in the northern
region of Acholiland, particularly in the districts of Gulu, Kitigum, and Pader, has been
displaced; and some estimate that 80% of the forces in the LRA are the abducted children
from these areas.”51 For the past two decades, the victims in this conflict have largely
been civilians, although the conflict began as an effort to overthrow the Museveni
regime. The victims reportedly were abused routinely by security forces and the
government failed to provide adequate protection to civilians, particularly children in
northern Uganda, according to several reports. The LRA abducted more than 20,000
children over the past decade.
In the north, the government of Uganda has long fought the LRA, an armed rebel
group backed by the government of Sudan. Through over 20 years of civil war, the brutal
insurgency has created a humanitarian crisis that has displaced over 1.5 million people
and resulted in the abduction of over 20,000 children.
In late October 2007, President Museveni visited Washington, DC, and met with
President Bush and other senior Administration officials. President Museveni also met
with several Members of Congress.
“During his visit, President Museveni discussed a wide range of issues, including
U.S. Uganda relations, the crises in Somalia and Darfur, trade, and HIV/AIDS. Uganda
deployed an estimated 2,700 peacekeeping troops to Somalia, shortly after Ethiopian
forces invaded Mogadishu and installed the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). As
of July 2010, more than 20 members of the Ugandan peacekeeping forces have been
51
Dagne Ted, Uganda: Current Conditions and the Crisis in North Uganda, 6 October 2010, p4
19
killed in Somalia.”52 On July 11, 2010, the Somali terrorist group Al-Shabaab carried out
multiple suicide bombings in Kampala, Uganda. An estimated 76 people, including one
American, were killed and more than 80 injured. The United Nations, the African Union,
and the United States condemned the terrorist attacks. More than 20 suspects are
currently in prison.
The ongoing conflicts and displacement has caused a humanitarian crisis and
exacerbated social, economic, and political divisions within Uganda. It has also caused
instability throughout the region as the LRA expanded its area of operations deeper into
southern Sudan and to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Currently, the Government
of South Sudan, led by President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek Machar, is
attempting to negotiate a final peace settlement between the Government of Uganda and
the LRA in the town of Juba.
Once hostilities have truly ended, and reintegration is underway, appropriate
judicial measures and mechanisms can be considered for those who have committed
crimes against humanity. The ICC has partly succeeded in Uganda: without the arrest
warrants, many believe the LRA would not have come to the negotiating table. However,
the ICC indictments may need to be altered at some point if northern Uganda is to
achieve lasting peace. The current situation is extremely precarious and hostile rhetoric
from either side is unhelpful. The stakes are high: if this opportunity for a peaceful
settlement of the conflict is not seized, the conflict may reignite and escalate. The LRA,
Government of Uganda, and the international community must take action, invest in the
current peace process, and follow with reconstruction and reconciliation.”53
52
Dagne Ted, Uganda: Current Conditions and Crisis in North Uganda, 6 October, Op Cit, p7
53
The Conflict in Northern Uganda: Peace and Reconciliation, Report of International Rescue Committee,
November 2, 2006, p2
20
2.4
Impact of Conflict on Ugandans
The horrific and prolonged consequences of this war have devastated the society,
a society that has been reduced to ‘displaced camps’, where people languish without
assistance and protection. The war has also destroyed the culture and social fabric of the
Acholi society. Large numbers of orphans, who fend for themselves, illustrate this
tragedy. Furthermore, some children have been abducted by the LRA and forced to
torture and kill. Thus, the Rt. Rev. Macleod Baker Ochola II summarized some of the
effects of the war on Acholiland as follows: ‘Violent deaths of our people in the hands of
various armed groups; arson perpetrated on mass scale in our land; rape and defilement of
our women and girls; abduction of our young people; forced recruitment of our people
into rebel ranks; the prevalence of a general atmosphere of fear and disenchantment
amongst our people; mass displacement of our people; creation of protected villages
which have become breeding grounds for malnutrition and deaths resulting from cholera,
measles, and preventable diseases amongst our people; and destruction of our
infrastructures and continuous decline in socio-economic growth.
“Government has to introduce the curriculum that will foster industrialization in
impoverished areas it must emphasis the relevance of engineering as a discipline in the
conversion of raw materials into manufactured products. Interdisciplinary curricula
focusing on engineering and its sub specialties are sine qua non to industrialization.”54
“The complexity of negotiations in Uganda's context is further illustrated by the
general feeling that a negotiated compromise to the conflict is primarily the responsibility
of the ruling party, the National Resistance Movement Organization (NRM-O), in
Kampala. The ruling party and its leader, who serves also as the President of the Republic
of Uganda, and his backers apparently, believe that the regime has the privilege and
54
Ebomonyi William, A new Model for Developing Technology and Manufacturing Initiatives for SubSaharan Africa: The Western Journal of Black Studies, Volume 30, 2006, p 15
21
monopoly of negotiating the peace.”55 This hegemonic feeling, especially on the side of
the state, leads to repeated suspicion and mistrust among the negotiating parties,
particularly on the side of the LRA. For instance, the LRA accuses Dr. Riak Machar, the
chief negotiator, of partiality in the on-going talks. It argues that Dr. Machar is so much
inclined to the government's side that he cannot be neutral, given the Uganda
government's historical relationship with the present-day government of southern Sudan.
The Alliance of Democratic Forces (ADF) is another terrorist group made up of
Ugandan opposition forces, supported by the Government of Sudan, which fought the
Government of Uganda. ADF decided to adopt Islam as its ideology, and was born from
a core group of puritanical Moslems from the Tabliq sect whose members portray
themselves as ‘Moslem evangelists’. They set up rear bases in neighbouring DRC where
they began recruiting and training fighters with the promise of money and education. It
was easier to recruit in DRC where the people were not hostile to the ADF.
The ADF rebels, committed atrocities against the local civilian population,
driving them from their homes and farms in the mountains of Ruwenzori into lowland
towns. As the IDP population in the region grew to approximately 70,000 people, food
became scarcer and the towns became unable to absorb them.
“The ADF has few links with western Uganda - its leaders come from areas in
central Uganda with strong Islamic ties such as Iganga, Masaka and Kampala itself. A
former Catholic, Jamil Mukulu, is the driving force of the ADF. The group also includes
some ex-commanders of former president Idi Amin's army.”56
They attack
indiscriminately, just to kill. They hit soft targets, such as the IDPs. Attacks and atrocities
55
Ntale Fredrick Kisekka, Roots of the Conflict in Northern Uganda: The Journal of Social, Political, and
Economic Studies, Volume 32, 2007. p2.
56
Dr. Ali B. Ali-Dinar, Uganda: IRIN Special Report on ADF Rebellion [19991208], 1999, p2.
22
escalated and with the army apparently unable to contain them, one of its problems being
the lack of an adequate alpine force.
“In the west and southwest, the rebel Allied Democratic Forces significantly
heightened their activities in 1998, which included repeated attacks on civilian targets,
trading centers, and private homes, resulting in hundreds of deaths and abductions. The
It is evident that Uganda has had many conflicts since 1970 ranging from tribal,
structural, religious, economic, psychological, cultural, and violent conflicts that include
use of terrorism and arms. There were also interstate conflicts between the neighbouring
countries with Uganda like. Tanzania, Kenya, DRC, Rwanda and Sudan. There were also
international conflicts with Uganda especially the west and Israel. These conflicts have
had adverse effects on the development of Uganda. This will be discussed in details in
chapter three.
23
CHAPTER THREE
3.0
CONFLICTS IN UGANDA SINCE 1970
This chapter traces the major causes of conflicts in Uganda and looks at the major ones
that have occurred since the military coup de tat by Idi Amin. It analyses why conflicts
still persist in the Ugandan communities, their effects on the economic development and
society. Uganda’s history of repeated power struggles following independence has left
society impoverished as a whole. There has been a legacy of domination, violent politics
and militarism that is difficult to overcome, particularly in the north and north-eastern
(Karamoja). Second, deep-rooted divisions between the north and south of the country
have been accentuated by various leaders over the past 40 years and remain important
issues in the minds of many Ugandan citizens and seek to avenge for mischief against
them. This has left the economy in a state of stagnation.
3.1
Causes of Conflict in Uganda
“At independence, Uganda was more fortunate than most of its African
neighbours in that the country had promising economic potential and comparatively good
health and education services. The industrial sector produced a range of commodities
satisfying much of domestic needs. The export sector was buoyant, especially with
respect to cash crops such as coffee, cotton, and tea. Some minerals, including copper,
were also exported.”57 The social sector, especially education, had a good reputation
throughout Africa. The provision of health services was good, and health facilities were
well managed and stocked with medicines. The civil service, made up of a motivated and
trained work force, was regarded as functioning well. But the years that followed, this
57
Alcira Kreimer, Uganda Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Country Case Evaluation, Washington, DC
World Bank, 2000, p 17.
24
dropped down. If the wars and conflicts had not disrupted the positive growth, Uganda
would be enjoying a developed economy.
3.1.1. Historical Perspective of the Origin of Conflicts in Uganda
“Growing political conflict and Milton Obote's creation of a one-party state in the
mid-1960s led to increasing tensions, culminating in the overthrow of Obote in 1971
through a military coup led by Idi Amin his Army Commander.”58 This was the
beginning of the major conflicts in the era of 1970s that culminated into other severe
conflicts.
The Amin era from 1971 to 1979 was characterized by notorious political
mismanagement leading to severe economic decline, political instability, and increasing
civil violence. “An autocratic government took power, banning political activities,
severely intimidating civil society, and eliminating prominent individuals perceived to be
a threat to the regime. Ugandans of Asian origin, who over the years had dominated and
controlled the industrial and commercial sectors, were expelled and their property
confiscated as a form of political patronage.”59 This loss of entrepreneurs and skilled
manpower resulted in the breakdown of commercial and industrial prosperity. The pace
at which the economy was growing at after independence slackened down.
“In such circumstances, the contribution of donors in conflict-resolution and
reconstruction efforts was limited. Foreign exchange rationing continued, and inflation
was high. The gross domestic product (GDP) continued to fall, and the industrial sector
never revived.”60 The appointment of individuals through political patronage continued.
The civil service was poorly motivated and failed to deliver public goods and services.
58
Byarugaba, F, Ethnopolitics and the State: Lessons from Uganda, Uppsala, The Nordic Africa Institute,
Press, 1998, p.98
59
Alcira Kreimer, Uganda Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Country Case Evaluation, Washington, DC World
Bank, 2000, p. 17.
60
Ibid, p.18.
25
3.1.2
Ethnicity and Economic Imbalance
“Democracy is said to be problematic in ethnically plural societies. While this
may be true under certain circumstances, the solution to the problem of ethnicity is not to
suppress ethnic identities and consciousness. Ethnic configurations, the generation of
ethnic consciousness and the impetus of ethnic protest, must all be understood in the
context of the changing relationships between the state and civil society. Ethnic
consciousness and expression in terms of conflict or cleavages must be derived from
social structure and not relegated to psychological variables or to innate hatreds between
ethnic and racial groups.”61 “The genesis of the ethnic crisis in Uganda, as in most parts
of Africa, is mainly linked to the colonial intervention process and the particular
organisation of power in society. The post-colonial practices simply enhanced it.
Therefore, the formation of ethnic identities is a social construction defined by the
historical conditions in which they emerge.”62 Perhaps a more negative trend is one that
attributes to continued ethnicity in the country to the personalities of those who governed
after independence. “It is historically partial, both theoretically and empirically narrow, to
conceptualise the problem of ethnicity and political power in Uganda in this manner. It is
important to trace the social history of ethnicity and power, particularly from the colonial
practices, in order to interpret the current situation intelligently.”63 Britain systematically
cultivated and firmly established an intricate system of domination in all spheres of
Ugandan society.”64
The north-south divide in Uganda today is one of the most enduring legacies of
this colonial act. It must be noted, however, that the incorporation of different ethnic
groups under the same rule does not in itself lead to antagonism based on ethnicity. The
61
Quinn R Joanna, Ethnic Conflicts in Uganda, USA, University of Ontario, 2004, p. 8.
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State Power and the Democratisation Process in Uganda, Uppsala, Nordic
African Institute,2002, p 10.
63
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State Power and the Democratisation Process in Uganda, Uppsala, Nordic
African Institute,2002, p.11
64
Ibid, p 12
62
26
historical divide has remained between the south and north hence prolonged conflict in
Uganda. This is the reason why LRA continues to wage war despite the developmental
projects put in place by government in the north.”65
“The conflicts with deep rooted itching concern involved deep issues of ethnic
and cultural identity of recognition and of participation that were usually denied to ethnic
minorities in addition to security issues and other benefits.”66 This generated the basis of
long-term ethnic consciousness; every institution touched by the hand of the colonial
state was given a pronounced regional or nationality character. It became a truism that a
soldier must be a northerner, a civil servant a southerner and a merchant an Asian. This
was to drag on till the present day and it cannot favour economic development of a
country. The problem in Uganda is that the leadership has mainly been from the north.
The southerners who are mainly Bantu have played a peripheral role all these years since
independence in 1962. This is not being against the northerners as such, but this the
reason why conflicts continue to be supported.
“The assignment of the north, for instance, as a source of soldiers and policemen
had negative implications for stability as the ruling elite during the immediate postcolonial period, who were from the north, used this military predominance to acquire and
retain power undemocratically.”67
Religion also creates room for conflict. “The centrality of the Catholic Church in
the formation of the opposition Democratic Party, DP, exacerbated the polarisation as
religion became a factor in the formation of subsequent political parties. This legacy has
65
Quinn R Joanna, Ethnic Conflicts in Uganda, USA, University of Ontario, 2004, p. 16.
Lomo Zachary and Hovil Lucy, Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions
to the War in Northern Uganda, Refuge Law, Working Paper No. 11, February 2004, p.18
67
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State Power and the Democratisation Process in Uganda Op. Cit, p.14
66
27
haunted the county especially in 1980s to date in terms of who rules Uganda.”68 The
above conflicts let down the engines of economic growth.
“Socially, most of the infrastructure such as schools and hospitals was
concentrated in Buganda. The distribution of schools in Uganda was unfair. For instance,
in the 1920s there were 368 schools in Buganda, 44 in Western Province and 42 in
Eastern Province and none at all in northern Uganda.”69 This was a conscious colonial
government policy of making northern areas reserves of cheap unskilled labour for the
plantations, the army, police and prisons. Such a social policy could only but deepen
ethnic and regional cleavages.
Post colonial governments did not address this factor instead they watched as the
economic and social imbalance was widening. This has been carried on for several years
and the northern part of the country has lagged behind in terms of education and this has
been aggravated by conflict of more than two decades. Hence underdevelopment of the
area and escalation of hatred.”70
Everywhere, the local apparatus of the colonial state was organised either
ethnically or on a religious basis. This is why one finds it difficult to recall a single major
peasant uprising over the colonial period that has not been either ethnic or religious in
inspiration. This is so for a simple but basic reason: the anti-colonial struggle was first
and foremost a struggle against the hierarchy of the local state, ethnically organised
Native Authority that claimed an ethnic legitimacy.”71
Despite claims to the contrary, the ideology of the ‘movement’ appeared to be
leading to a reinstatement of one-party rule.’ However this was rectified in the
proceeding years when the constitution was promulgated in 1995 and multi-party rule
68
Okuku Juma, Ethnicity, State Power and the Democratisation Process in Uganda Op. Cit, p. 16
Ethnicity, State Power and the Democratisation Process in Uganda Op. Cit, 13
70
Lomo Zachary and Hovil Lucy, Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions
to the War in Northern Uganda, Refuge Law, Working Paper no. 11, February 2004, p. 20.
71
Chodos Bob, Northern Uganda: Magazine, Inroads, Issue: 23, Inroads, Inc. 2008, p. 117.
69
28
reinstated in 2001. Uganda is becoming democratic and the rule of law is experienced
throughout the country.
“When the NRM came to power, its first act was to ban all political activities in
the country (NRM, 1986) because the past political conflicts in Uganda were attributed to
ethnically and religiously based political parties. The solution to this was sought in
political conformity as expressed in ‘no-party’ rule. The solution to ethnicity, therefore, is
the suppression of the likely ‘sectarianism’ through a ‘no-party’, ‘all inclusive’ system of
governance until there occurs, a ‘crystallisation of socio-economic groups upon which we
can then base healthy political parties.”72 This however has not crystalised the north.
“The failure of successive governments to analyse and correctly diagnose the
problems facing different areas of Uganda led them to pursue policies that failed to
address these problems, or to adopt strategies riddled with inconsistencies that
inadvertently permitted contentious issues to degenerate into violence. In particular, lack
of clear leadership that is seen to stand above prejudices both at a national and grassroots
level is a recurring issue, and explains the failure to address these root causes. In the
context of the northern Uganda conflict, much of the current government’s official policy
response to the physical and human security challenges has been to de-legitimise the
rebellion by focusing on the LRA as criminal elements or terrorists who can be easily
suppressed.”73
“While the LRA's motives are obscure and difficult to understand, an important
part of the context for the conflict is the major ethno - linguistic fault line that runs
through Uganda along with the Nile River. Virtually no trust or sense of common
purpose between the Nilotic peoples of the north and the Bantu-speaking peoples of the
southwest. After the brief rule of an Acholi, General Tito Okello, Yoweri Museveni, an
72
Chodos Bob, Northern Uganda: Magazine, Inroads, Issue: 23, Inroads, Inc. 2008, p. 118
Lomo Zachary and Hovil Lucy, Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions
to the War in Northern Uganda, Refuge Law, Working Paper no. 11, February 2004, p. 20
73
29
ethnic Munyankole from the southwest, captured power in 1986 and has held it ever
since.”74 This angered many Nilotics and stuck to the use of the gun.
In a detailed report written in 2004, the Refugee Law Project at Makerere
University in Kampala noted the key components of the war and the long-term
underlying grievances in the north and the persistent, destructive LRA which are relevant
today, and each requires focused attention by policy makers in order to fully resolve the
conflict.”75
3.1.3
Political Corruption as Medium of Conflict
“Corruption can have paralysing effects on the very start of the process of
economic growth.”76 Indeed, corruption in the public administration of many
underdeveloped countries is very serious. In keeping with the historical interpretation of
the great differences among populations, this fact can in no way be explained in racial
terms. Uganda remains grappled in this intense corruption, where funds for
reconstruction and development of the country are mismanaged. This creates regional
imbalance, grievances and hence conflicts.
3.2
Karamoja Conflict
Since the colonial period, different Ugandan governments have adopted anti-pastoralist
policies, leading pastoralists to lose land vital for the survival of the herds on which they
depend. All post-independence governments have pursued policies similar to those of
their predecessors.
The National Resistance Movement in 1986 attempted to address the root causes
of the crises in Karamoja. “For the Karimojong, the causes of the persistent conflict and
insecurity have more to do with outsiders than with the Karimojong themselves. In
74
Chodos Bob, Northern Uganda: Inroads Magazine, Issue 23,Summer 2008, p 117
Lomo Zachary and Hovil Lucy, Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions
to the War in Northern Uganda, Refuge Law, Working Paper no. 11, February 2004, p. 4.
76
Labini Paolo Sylos, Underdevelopment: A Strategy for Reform, England, Cambridge University Press,
2001, p 173.
75
30
particular, they lay blame on the government for ignoring their problems, and doing
nothing to address their plight and provide an environment that would encourage other
income generating and livelihood enhancing activities.”77
As a result, there are no alternative means of survival, away from cattle keeping and
cattle raids, and there are no employment opportunities for the youth, who in any event lack
the education that would open up alternative opportunities. They argue that only through the
creation of such alternative opportunities would the cattle raids and general insecurity be
stemmed in Karamoja. Thus, for a Karimojong, the basic problem revolves around poverty,
underdevelopment and livelihood insecurity.
“The drought and looming famine have intensified hostilities within Karamoja
since October, 1999. The violence has spread to neighboring districts in Teso where
Karimojong herders moved their cattle at the beginning of the drought. The deaths of
over 100 persons as well as the destruction of more than 800 Iteso homesteads and large
scale population displacement and livestock losses in Teso have been attributed to
Karimojong raiding”78 This has been a historical conflict between Karimajong and their
neighbours in which all post-colonial governments have tried to solve without success.
Throughout these years there has been human loss and property and this has lead to
underdevelopment in this region.
The major causes of conflict and insecurity in Karamoja are classified as ;
“Culture and cultural practices-cattle complex, warrior phenomenon, high bride price;
Poverty, livelihood insecurity and underdevelopment; Absence of effective government
in Karamoja; Ineffectiveness of modern institutions of governance in maintaining
security and enforcing law and order; Absence of a clear, consistent and enforced
government policy on the conflict and insecurity in Karamoja; Proliferation of guns;
77
Gray J Sandra, Memory of Loss: Ecological Politics, Local History, and the Evolution of Karimojong
Violence, Society of Applied Anthropology, Volume: 59. Issue: 4, 2000, p,1
78
Gray J Sandra, Memory of Loss: Ecological Politics, Local History, and the Evolution of Karimojong
Violence, Journal, Society of Applied Anthropology,Volume: 59. Issue: 4, 2000, p,1.
31
Collapse of traditional authority and traditional institutions; Failure of political leadership
at the local level; Failure of the social and economic elite to impact positively on the
situation in Karamoja; Social, political and cultural isolation of Karamoja by successive
governments of Uganda; and Cross-border insecurity.”79
It has further been observed that the state in post-independence Uganda has tended to
treat Karamoja as a war zone, where the principles of democratic governance do not apply.
Instead ad hoc crisis management mechanisms are used in governing the Karimojong. As a
consequence, hostility and resentment characterize the Karimojong experience of government.
This undermines the authority of government in the area, as well as the capacity of government to
catalyze the transformation of the society.”80
“In addition, the NRM government has created an elaborate institutional
framework for dealing with Karamoja issues. The Karamoja Development Agency
(KDA) was created by statute in 1987. Its functions as set out in the statute are to oversee
the transformation of Karamoja.”81
“The creation of specific institutions to address the needs of Karamoja has been
useful in focusing national and even international attention on the problems of the
region.”82
The government has itself conceded that there are serious doubts about the
benefits of these institutions. It has recognized the need to “re-examine the whole
approach and either streamline it so that the agencies can efficiently operate within the
framework of the district structures or scrap the agencies altogether”. Indeed given the
very elaborate political and administrative institutional framework put in place under the
79
Wangoola Paulo, Cattle Rustling and Conflicts in N.E. Uganda: Views and Perspectives, Uganda, 1999,
p. 8.
80
Oloka-Onyango Joe, Gariyo Zie and Frank Muhereza, Pastoralism, Crisis and Transformation in
Karamoja, Uganda, IIED Drylands Network Programme. Issues Paper No. 43. June 1993, p. 19
81
Northern Uganda Reconstruction Programme (NURP II) District Profile Study, Final Report, Volume 1:
Office of the Prime Minister. August 1999, p. 15
82
Ibid, p. 24.
32
policy of decentralization, it is important to avoid the establishment of too many parallel
institutions, lest these compromise the effectiveness of the decentralization process and
framework.
3.3
Effects of conflict to Uganda
“The prevalence of internal conflicts within human societies has long been
recognized by social theorists as an inevitable consequence of the co-existence of large
numbers of people in a situation limited not only spatial in geographical sense but also in
terms of resources people require for their sustenance and survival.”83 Unequal sharing of
these national resources has been the major misunderstanding between the contending
parties.
The horrific and prolonged consequences of conflicts have devastated the
society, a society that has been reduced to ‘displaced camps’, where people languish
without assistance and protection. The war has also destroyed the culture and social
fabric of the Acholi society. Large numbers of orphans, who fend for themselves,
illustrate this tragedy. Furthermore, some children have been abducted by the LRA and
forced to torture and kill.
“Human Rights of internally displaced people have been severely abused in many
ways, including denial of access to education, employment opportunities, protection,
sexual harassment, and relegation to poorest human living conditions. There is also interconflicts within the hosting communities as a result of competition on scarce resources
such as land and social services. Refugees are always weaker, oppressed, suppressed and
on vulnerable side, they depend on camp handouts for basic survival and are deprived of
the freedom to produce for themselves.”84
83
Sille.D.L. The International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, London, Collier Macmillan
Publishers, 1972, p.63.
84
Makumi Mwangiru, Human Security:Setting the Agenda for the Horn of Africa,Nairobi-Kenya, African
Peace Forum, 2008, p. 130.
33
“Women and children are deliberately not protected from exploitation and abuse.
For example in IDPs camps in Northern Uganda, cases of sexual exploitation of women
in exchange of favours for food aid have been widely witnessed. Young girls are forced
into marriages with older men as second or third wives so that men can support their
starving families.”85
3.3.1
Socio-Political Effects
Conflict in Uganda has increased the spread of HIV/AIDS especially in women.
AIDS has not only hit those in IDP camps but also those in other parts of the country.
“For many households, current levels of agricultural production may be threatened,
especially as agricultural activities are labour intensive. With regard to social services,
AIDS is already affecting our over-stretched medical services.”86 Apart from looking
after AIDS patients, secondary infections such as tuberculosis have increased because of
AIDS. This affects work force hence low production that lead to low rate of development.
“The NRA/UPDF militarily and politically has not proved strong in elections but also
strong in alleviating or reducing disease and conflict.”87
In pursuit of their political goals, terrorists cause suffering, deaths maim people,
destroy peoples’ property, coerce the public, instilled fear and panic in the population,
and create tense atmosphere of insecurity in attaining their ulterior motive. The intention
is to show the populace that government has no capacity to protect them and their
property. Unfortunately all these bandits are either semi illiterate or illiterate, elite ones
are fear full of such acts and they are note committed at losing their lives.
It is very unfair to think that these groups have no any rightful cause neglected
and not solved as some spheres may think. “Terrorist is apolitical term, not neat and
85
Ibid, p.130
Museven K .Yoweri, What is Africa’s Problem? Kampala-Uganda, NRM Publications, 1992, p.275
87
Furley, O. and Katalikawe, J, Constitutional Reform in Uganda: The New Approach: African Affairs,
Vol. 96, 1997
86
34
clearly defined psychological label and governments and security agencies are extremely
quick to try to label their enemies as terrorists in hope that this will undermine
international sympathy for terrorist organization and deflect criticism away from any
policies used to fight the group.”88 This is not the case with Uganda since all efforts have
been used to solve the conflict but terrorists have clung to false accusations due to lack of
a clear political agenda. The areas affected have been given enough attention as regards
financial assistance. The grievance remains power sharing the reason which may be
solved by popular vote.
3.3.2
Economic Environment of Uganda
Uganda’s per capita income is less than US $ 1 per day. The biggest percentage
of the population is below the poverty line this makes the population vulnerable to
terrorist groups who want to exploit their poverty. Economic goals are some of the
motivation of terrorists. “Most of the conscripts are youths looking for a livelihood they
are easy to join terrorist groups hoping for greener pastures and because they are
energetic and have nothing to loose, this group is very dangerous.”89 The Muslim youth
are victims since largely they do not go to school to the profitable level but opt to carry
on go with petty jobs in tempting locations. Even those who are non-Muslims are easily
converted because of the hope to get richer in the shortest possible time.
3.3.3
The Lord Resistance Army and its Leaders Indictment
“The ICC has indicted the two remaining leaders of LRA and consequently
Joseph Kony has refused to sign the peace agreement. “Many Ugandans in the war-torn
north who are weary of a conflict that has killed thousands of their family members and
88
Silke Andrew, Terrorists, Victims and Society: Psychological Perspectives on Terrorism and its
Consequences, Chenchester, England, 2003 p34
89
Joint Anti Terrorism Task Force, Uganda, Library Reports 1999
35
forced two million of them into miserable camps, however, see the ICC as an obstacle to
peace. In response, the ICC insists that it is being made a scapegoat.”90
3.3.4
Conclusion
It is evidently clear that the major causes of conflicts in Uganda have the
connection with colonial legacy of divide and rule, ethnic configurations of the societies,
borders that separated communities, economic imbalance, corruption, drought, cultural
cleavages and religious fundamentalism. As a result there is death, diseases, hunger,
environmental degradation, hunger, inflation, loss of infrastructure, loss of revenue and
eventually underdevelopment.”91
During the 1970s, the political and economic crises induced by the government of
Idi Amin greatly reduced coffee exports and virtually eliminated cotton and large scale
manufacturing. However, this decline was partially compensated by food production for
both domestic and regional markets. The coffee and manufacturing industries are now
rapidly recovering from a very low base in response to improved security and economic
liberalization.”92
. “The cumulative effect of this period of conflict was an immense loss of life, a
destruction of economic assets, and the creation of a situation dominated by adversarial
competition and widespread distrust.”93
90
Bangura Abdul Karim, The Politics of the Struggle to Resolve the Conflict in Uganda: Westerners
Pushing Their Legal Approach versus Ugandans Insisting on Their Mato Oput, The Journal of Pan African
Studies. Volume: 2. Issue: 5, Itabari Zulu, 2008, p.142+
91
Appleton and J. Mackinnon, Poverty in Uganda: Characteristics, Causes and Constraints, Oxford,
Centre for the Study of African Economies, 1995 p. 18.
92
Nhema Alfred and Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, The Roots of African Conflicts: The Causes and Costs,
Volume, 79 Gale, Edinburgh University Press, 2009. p.614+
93
Ibid, p.614+
36
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0
ANALYSIS OF THE CONFLICT AND DEVELOPMENT IN UGANDA
This chapter gives critical analysis of the issues that are imbedded in the first three
chapters. It will give an account of whether conflict bleeds low rate of development or
whether it is underdevelopment that leads to conflict. It outlines instances where conflict
has been devastating and the policy implications of conflict. “The first question is
whether or not Uganda’s God given resource endowments are fairly distributed, the
second question is whether the current levels of development reveal inequalities capable
of generating conflicts among regions.
4.1
Amin’s Legacy
The crisis in the 1970s begins with a dangerous move by Amin Over throwing his
Commander-in- Chief President Milton Obote in a coup de tat and later on Ousting
Asians, Israelites and confiscating British firms. Amin added to the country’s aggravated
hiccups by his invasion of Tanzania and threatening to take some portion of Western
Kenya (Naivasha). This is the time when the ethnic conflict took a center stage.”94 It is
important to note that this could not encourage development since developmental people
were exiled or killed others lived in constant fear. It further bred the hatred which was
later to be avenged by his successors. If such a brutal dictator Amini had not taken power
probably Obote would have continued the legacy of development and the colonial divide
would have been reduced or solved.
Amin,s move to expel Asians to some extent was fair but unprofessional and
poorly handled prematurely and hurriedly. The situation that cost Uganda its flourishing
economy and international fame
94
Tumusiime James, Uganda 30 Years 1962-1992, Kampala, Fountain Publishers Ltd, 1992, p.42.
37
Amin was motivated by several factors of which he was conscious among them he
wanted popular support by his subjects. But this did not help him either instead it ruined
whatever little that was left there.
“The failure of the economy and the persistence of the mafuta mingi (illegal
trade) and bayaye (fake middlemen) elements which continued to dominate were still
substantial Magendo (black market) sector with impunity which were attributed to a large
measure to the epidemic feeling of insecurity that pervades the society as a whole. After
four years of pouring money into the economy, foreign donors in 1984 begun to wonder
aloud how long massive aid could be justified on such poor political showing. There was
insecurity going on and people were being killed in Luwero. There was the question of
human rights abuse.
4.2
Obote’s Legacy
“On the economy, Obote emphasized that his mixed character of the economy
was dictated by pragmatic rather than ideological considerations. Rehabilitation of the
economy, according to him depended not so much on purely economic measures but on
political leader ship. He quickly reached an agreement with Kenya and Tanzania to share
the assets of the EAC.”95 This was later to prove catastrophic to the economy and his
regime was later on over thrown by NRM through a peoples protracted guerrilla war.
4.3
National Resistance Movement Era
The economy began to rejuvenate when NRM took over in 1986. “In 1986/87 the
call by NRM government to all Ugandans was to produce more, grow more food, more
tomatoes, more ginger, raise more animals and so on to increase production. In 1986/87
the Ugandan monetary economy had grown at minus 1.1%. It is remarkable to note that
95
Ibid, p.672.
38
after nine years in 1994/95 the Ugandan Economy grew at 10% per annum.”96 Since the
take over of NRM government, Uganda has been implementing an economic reform
programme that aims at promoting prudent fiscal and monetary management, improving
incentives to private sector, liberalizing of the economy, reforming the regulatory
framework and developing human capital through investment in education and health.
The government concentrated on promoting economic growth through providing a
conducive environment for private sector investment providing infrastructure.
“When the National Resistance Army took over power in January 1986, it
embarked on the course of ‘fundamental change’ in domestic as well as diplomatic
relations. The NRM recognized that in order to restore Uganda’s image abroad, it was
necessary to establish the enabling domestic environment. In this sense, foreign policy
became an extension and reflection of the NRM programme of the rehabilitation and
reconstruction of Uganda.”97
4.4
The Western Conflict
The conflict of ADF in the Western part of the country subsided, fugitives remain
in the jungles of DRC. They inflicted a lot of damage to the economy of districts in
Western region and the country at large. Productive labour lost lives and development
slackened including the tourism. National Parks became insecure to tourists as they were
battle grounds between government forces and rebels. The country lost revenue from this
arena. It is imperative to note that even if the economy was growing at a positive rate
during the NRM take over, still a section of society was not contented and they continued
to wage war against the government.
96
Mugaju J.B, An Analytical Review of Uganda’s Decade of Reforms:1986-1996, Kampala, Fountain
Publishers, 1996, p.38
97
Mugaju J.B, An Analytical Review of Uganda’s Decade of Reforms:1986-1996, Op Cit p.59
39
4.5
Obligations of Government
The NRM government has to develop political institutions so as to reduce ethnic
tensions and conflicts. We are speaking about the need for coherent and cohesive political
programme.
“The government has exposed corrupt practices and taken corruption.”98 It should
be noted here that all efforts employed to fight corruption still government official
continue to misuse public money. This is why money budgeted to develop the war
ravaged area is not properly put to its own use and the end result is for the common
citizen to continue suffering in vicious cycle of poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and
insecurity.
“In the general analysis the
past and the on going conflicts and violence
mentioned in the last three chapters, are connected to the politics of the region as a whole,
with the war in Southern Sudan, the situation in Rwanda and Democratic Republic of
Congo. “Uganda’s welcome to refugees from all countries, her support for opposition in
Southern Sudan, for Tutsi invasion of Rwanda, of Kabila’s takeover in the Congo and
subsequently for anti Kabila forces in the Congo meant that opposition to these forces has
supported Violent Anti- Museven groups within Uganda.”99 It is difficult to estimate the
scale of violence and human suffering but it is with no doubt that heavy human costs and
diversion of resources to military expenses in order to combat different conflicts.
“Human costs such as poor nutrition and education constitute developmental costs
while developmental costs such as the destruction of infrastructure or declining exports
are among causes of human suffering. From the point of view of vulnerable groups, it
would seem clear to start from the notion that human costs of conflict other than
98
Mugaju .J.B, Uganda,s Decade of Reforms 1986-1996, Kampala, Fountain Publishers, 1996, p.32.
Frances Stewart and Valpy F itz Gerald, War and Underdevelopment Volume 2: Country Experiences.
New York, Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 248
99
40
immediate deaths and injuries from fighting arise from destruction of entitlements.”100
Entitlements include various forms of command over resources that permit people to
have access to essential goods and services such as food, water, health services and
education.
“The highest cost is incurred where conflict was pervasive geographically and the
government severely undermined to the extent of being unable to collect taxes or provide
services. This was the case with Uganda in the 1980s.”101
“In such economies the human costs of conflict are not the only the result of
direct violence, casualties from fighting between combatants and indiscipline behaviour
of troops, deliberate terrorizing of civilians and land mines. But also it arises from
hunger, forced immigration and the collapse of public services stemming from wider
effects of prolonged conflict on the economic and administrative structures of the country
as a whole.”102 It is imperative to note that the indirect consequences of conflict including
raise in death from hunger and disease generally far outweigh direct destruction and
battle death. Therefore the question of how best Uganda can approach this problem of
conflict-affected economy and particularly how to ameliorate the human costs should be
immediate and ongoing.
Total government expenditure as a percentage of GDP declined in the years of
political instability associated with Amin period especially 1979-1986. During this period
the country was fighting insurgency on many fronts that seriously started with Tanzania
invasion by Amin,s troops and his overthrow by UNLA, the coup de tats that followed
Obote II and the guerrilla warfare or the NRA. This situation was consuming the national
budget and citizens lived in a state of uncertainty.
100
Frances Stewart and Valpy F itz Gerald, War and Underdevelopment Volume 1: Economic and Social
Consequences of Conflict, New York, Oxford University Press, 2001, p.6.
101
Ibid, p.103
102
Frances Stewart and Valpy F itz Gerald, War and Underdevelopment Volume 1: Economic and Social
Consequences of Conflict, New York, Oxford University Press, 2001, p.225
41
“The long period of social disturbance in Uganda profoundly changed the
endowments and structure of the economy, depleting it of human, financial, public, and
social capital. For Bank operations to be effective there is a need both to respect these
constraints and to accelerate their relaxation.”103
Indeed, a civil war alters both the level and the structure of economic activity in
ways that persist beyond the war. Unless a peace settlement is unusually robust, the
rational expectation is that civil war could likely start again.”104
”During civil war, the growth rate of per capita GDP is drastically reduced to
lower levels per annum; implying that in most economies per capita incomes will be
falling. This annual loss constitutes a leveling effect on economic activity—that is, as the
war continues, the level of income gradually falls further and further behind what it
would have been during peacetime. The main process causing this growth loss is the
exodus of private capital. Other factors, such as economic disruption and diversion, may
also be at work.”105
“Evidence from the behavior of private investment suggests that the capital stock
had not fully adjusted by 1986. Investment remained very low until 1993. The growth
rate certainly increased, but not to the spectacular levels implied by the multi-country
regression analysis cited above
. “The period from 1986 to 1994 was therefore characterized by slow growth for
recovery from prolonged civil war. Evidence indicates that the early years of peace were
uncertain, delaying the return of private capital (financial and human). The initially low
level of investor confidence was a key factor in the post-war economy.”106
103
Alcira Kreimer, Uganda: Post-Conflict Reconstruction Country Case Evaluation, Washington, DC.
World Bank, 2000, p.31.
104
Ibid, p.32
105
Collier, P., A. Hoeffler, and C. Pattillo,Portfolio, Choice and Private Capital in Africa:Centre for the
Study of African Economies, U.K. Oxford University press, 1997, p.78.
106
Alcira Kreimer Uganda: Post-Conflict Reconstruction Country Case Evaluation, Op Cit, p.33.
42
”By the end of the civil war in 1986, Uganda had the worst risk rating of the 25 countries
then rated by Institutional Investor in Africa. A survey of potential and actual investors in Uganda
conducted in 1993-94 found that non-commercial risk was rated as the single most important
impediment to investment, well ahead of such factors as infrastructure.”107
“This ambivalence had an impact on donor conditionality. During fiscal year 1991-92,
there were disagreements between the government and the donors as to which of two
exchange rates should be applied to aid receipts. This caused serious delays in donor
disbursements. The government failed to adjust the budget in time, resulting in a rapid
spiral of inflation to an annualized rate of 230 percent by March 1992.”108
“President Yoweri Museveni attributes the escalating conflicts in Africa to underdevelopment. President Museveni says that the conduct of research into the causes of
conflicts other than trying to solve the problems emanating from the conflicts is a way to
go for Africa.”109
Conflict has been a feature of human society since time immemorial. Disputes
that arise may be organized around social class, ethnicity, religion, region, or some
combination of these factors. The struggle can be over economic opportunities, as well as
political and civil rights, among other contestable factors.”110
4.6
Conclusion
Finally, Uganda has suffered many conflicts ranging from political, ethnic, land,
ideological and regional those have either contributed to underdevelopment. When seen
at another perspective it is underdevelopment and imbalance in economic resources that
contribute to the conflict and human suffering. In chapter five all findings will be
grouped together and final recommendation given.
107
Alcira Kreimer Uganda: Post-Conflict Reconstruction Country Case Evaluation, Op Cit, p.34.
Kapoor, Kapil, Restructuring Uganda's Debt: The Commercial Debt Buy-back Operation, Policy
Research Working Paper 1409. Washington, D.C, World Bank, 1995.
109
Kasule Donald, President Attribute Conflict in Africa to Underdevelopment, Journal Uganda Media
Centre, 27 July 2010.
110
Massimo Guidolin and Eliana Ferara, The Economic Effects of Violence: Evidence in Asset Market
Reactions, Journal of Peace 2010, p. 671
108
43
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0
FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION
This is the final findings, recommendations and the conclusion of the relationship
between conflicts and development in Uganda.
5.1
Findings
Uganda’s problems started way back during colonialism and the country was
divided into distinct ethnic groups with different ambitions. The Bantu in the South and
the tribes in the North of the country. This created conflict and hatred within these
communities.
Amin, Obote and other short lived presidents did not help to solve the ethnic
divide and unite the Ugandans but instead escalated the conflict. President Museven tried
to unite the country and bridge the ruptured gap but the situation was already out of hand.
The government is trying to create economic and political balance. It is yet to completely
demystify it by putting to rest the question of LRA and cattle rusling in Karamoja.
Conflict breeds underdevelopment in affected areas and the country at large.
Conflict erodes the investment climate, and renders the communities affected
unproductive in terms of agricultural output. The work force is affected by abductions,
disease and human improvement in terms of education does not take place. Many
youthful people are killed and the remaining ones flee the country in search of peace and
greener pastures.”111
Infrastructure is greatly destroyed and therefore there is no enhancement of
industrial growth. The existing industries are weakened and production is limited and
some of them close down. Conflict affected the tourism industry which is the biggest
111
Massimo Guidolin and Eliana Ferara, The Economic Effects of Violence: Evidence in Asset Market
Reactions, Journal of Peace 2010, p. 678
44
foreign exchange earner in Uganda. Many tourist sites like National parks turned into
battle grounds. Tourists were scared away and the international community was warned
not to risk their lives by going to Uganda.
Because governments are involved in constant wars, they dedicate a large amount
of the budget to defence arsenal such as military equipment and maintaining troops in the
field for so, long leaving a small share for other sectors which are supposed to implement
on factors that acceralated development like transport and communication sector.
Conflict eventually leads to poverty because the people can nologer produce
surplus for sell. This poverty leads to further underdevelopment and later on increases
violence and conflict. People look at resistance as the only way to tell the government
that they have been left behind. Rebels find it easier to recruit the poor and unemployed
into their ranks hence prolonged insecurity.
Poor leadership creates conflict and eventually lead to low rate of development.
For any country to excel in economic growth there must be an engine to propel it, once
the leadership is brutal and dictatorial then there is mistrust and investment is not
encouraged. Corruption is another factor which leads to underdevelopment in Uganda.
This can be further elaborated by a lot of money that goes to the north of the country to
rebuild the area but it ends up in pockets of few representatives in the north. Worth to it
they don’t invest it in the area but they either take it abroad or to other regions of the
country due to fear of reprisals.
Communities in the north east of Uganda (Karimojong) are also engaged in
conflicts with the neighbouring districts for cattle rustling and plunder. However, people
to people initiative to reduce the incidence of cattle rustling that is so rampant in this
region has been initiated.
Greater use of traditional community based systems, such as elders’ arbitration
councils, could help resolve long standing conflicts between communities in this region.
45
The failure of state solutions to resolve conflict in these areas and the lack of trust by
community representatives of national systems emphasise the need to use traditional
responses that have been tried and tested within these communities for several centuries.
Both communities in Karamoja and Teso have their own systems of negotiation
and compensation when resolving conflicts. Reviving and strengthening these systems
can significantly contribute to reducing the levels of conflict in these areas.
Communities in both Karamoja and Teso, traditionally pastoralists, strive for amicable
relations and depend on each other for survival in harsh environmental conditions.
Government imposed restrictions on their traditional way of life, and now catle rusling is
becoming an economic venture rather than traditional and cultural value.112
For instance, for almost half of the year, Karamoja is in drought. This was
traditionally dealt with by moving to other places with greener pastures and water. In
such times Karamojong relied on the Iteso for water and pasture during the dry season;
the Iteso too, relied on the Karamojong for oxen to plough their land. Attempts by the
state to settle these groups, undermining their pastoralist lifestyle, and the creation of
boundaries have negatively affected these reciprocal practices that previously governed
relations and promoted trust between the two groups. Both areas also suffer from extreme
poverty. The easy availability of small arms has aggravated the conflict and both
communities are finding it increasingly difficult to manage with the rise in violence.
5.2
Conclusion
It is true conflict accelerates low rate of development and Uganda has been
derailed by such situation for the last three decades. Economic development in Uganda is
severely constrained due to internal conflict, the high prevalence of infectious diseases,
environmental degradation, lack of infrastructure, and low capacity for business
112
Chapman Chris and Alexander Kagaha, Resolving Conflicts Using Traditionanal Mechanism in
Karamoja and Teso in Uganda, Kampala, Minority Groups International 2009, p.2
46
development. Most serious has been the scale of ongoing internal conflict, especially in
parts of northern and western Uganda where chronic insecurity has resulted in social
dislocation and economic underdevelopment. These conflicts pose a large financial cost
to the entire nation in order to maintain high levels of military personnel and equipment,
the revenue that could otherwise contribute to national economic growth.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic takes a particularly heavy toll on the economy as it tends
to rob society of its most productive members in their 30s and 40s in poverty stricken
people in conflict regions. There has been a growth in inequality, with an increasingly
common feeling that only privileged groups and regions are benefiting from economic
growth, while others are being left behind. These impacts are particularly prevalent in
rural areas where the economy tends to be dominated by low productivity subsistence
agriculture. Rural Ugandans have seen very little real growth in crop production over the
last decade due to lack of access to agricultural inputs and financial services, poor
infrastructure, lack of critical information and communication, and the inability to access
large markets do to economic imbalance.
The experience in Uganda shows that sustainable development is not about
economic growth only; it is about human centred development, embracing equity, social
justice and an institutional framework for realising these standards. Karamoja should also
be included in this framework since economic imbalance and poverty aggravate the
culture of cattle rustling. In Uganda, realization of economic, social and cultural rights,
the very foundation of equity and justice is still unfulfilled. The fulfillment must be
holistic not peace meal, like adopting developmental projects, education being the pillar
of all this.”113
113
Tindifa Samuel, Peace, Conflict and Sustainable Development:Eperience in Uganda, Kampala,
Makerere University, 2001, p.25
47
5.3
Recommendations
Uganda should embrace holistic democracy and rule of law. The leadership
should unite the society by introducing common language which does not reflect
ethnicity, the most recommended is Swahili. This will ease the tension in communication
and trade. Uganda should solve the problem of ethnicity by involving all the regions in
the nation building.
The Ugandan government must facilitate IDP returns by removing landmines,
increasing police presence in return areas, building infrastructure, making social services
available and establishing judicial mechanisms to address criminal offences and land and
property disputes. Above all, the government should tackle the root causes of the conflict
and allocate more resources to implement its innovative IDP resettlement. The
government should continue to provide developmental projects, provide schools,
hospitals and water to the affected areas.
The government should continue to engage in peaceful negotiations with all the
grieved parties like LRA and ADF. It should continue to persuade the ICC to drop the
indictment of LRA leaders and call for local reconciliation of Mato Oput. The
Government of Uganda, regional and international stakeholders to the peace process must
exercise restraint in the face of renewed military offensive against the LRA in DRC to enable
conclusion of the peaceful approach to resolving the conflict.
The problem of Karimojong cattle rustling should be solved by providing
education to Karimajong children, giving them drought resistant seeds, constructing
valley dams for sustained water points. Mobilisation and sensitization should continue to
disarm the Karimojong warriors, in addition to this, sufficient security should be provided
to the region to protect the citizens from external aggression by neighbouring tribes
48
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