The Wrong Road to Reform Author(s): Michael Tanner Source: The Hastings Center Report, Vol. 36, No. 5 (Sep. - Oct., 2006), pp. 24-26 Published by: The Hastings Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4625670 Accessed: 30/04/2009 12:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=hastings. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Hastings Center is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Hastings Center Report. http://www.jstor.org ly insurancewith affordablemonthly expenses-and they will not receiveone in Massachusetts. Who Defines "Affordable?" T he board of the Connector is key. Although "stakeholders"are well representedamong its members,the board nonetheless has little accountability,especiallyto uninsured and low- to middle-incomeresidents.Boardmembersarenot elected,and thereis little representationof thosewho arelikely to be most affectedby crucialdecisionsabout affordability, subsidies, and what counts as "creditablecoverage."Reform based on an individualmandate mustmake adequatehealth It must also ensurethat the planshave insurance"affordable." real value. If they do not, then purchasinghealth insurance might not be betterfor one's health than other spendingoptions, like healthy food or college tuition, leavingindividuals to question the legitimacyof the mandate.The boardneeds, somehow, to starta deliberativedialog about affordability-a dialog that engagesthe bartendersand shop clerkswho might wear "Define Affordable"'T-shirts. If in the end insurersdo not offer affordableproducts,as defined eitherby the Connector or by intendedpurchasers-or, better still, by the Connector as the mediatinginstitution of public input-the state of Massachusettsmay not come as close to universalcoverageas they and the restof us hope they can. If near-universalinsurancebenefits providers,large employers,and the young and healthyat the expenseof employees, small employers,the old, and the sick, the reformwill exacerbateratherthan reduceinjustice. The to Wrong Road Reform BY MICHAEL TANNER he roadto hell, it is said,is pavedwith good inten- tions. So it is with Massachusetts'recent attempt at health care reform.The legislation is an attempt to deal with seriousand legitimateproblems in the health care system, undertakenwith the best of intentions. But in the end, it is liableto createfarmore problemsthan it solves,leaving health careconsumerswith fewerchoices and less control over their health caredecisionswhile saddlingtaxpayerswith significantnew costs. In large part, this is because the Massachusettsreform stems from a faultypremise.It assumesthat the primarygoal of health carereformshould be to extend insurancecoverage, with an eventual goal of universal coverage. Having long Acknowledgments insurancecoveragewith accessto health careand acSusanDorr Goold'sworkwas supportedin partby an Eliza- equated cess to better health, many see an individualmandateas probeth C. CrosbyResearchAward. ducing betterhealthoutcomes.In reality,the experienceof raunder national health insurance schemes in other 1. "Massachusetts HealthPlana PoorChoiceforNewYork: JustFol- tioning NewYorkMetro countriesshows that insurancecoverageand accessto careare low the Money,"a statement by Leonard Rodberg, Chapter of Physiciansfor a National Health Program,at entirelydifferentthings.As the CanadianSupremeCourt said 13, recentlyin strikingdown part of Canada'snationalhealth in(lastaccessed September http://www.healthcareforall.org/mass.html 2006). surance program, "Accessto a waiting list is not access to 2. K. Pollitzet al., "Fallingthroughthe Cracks:Storiesof How health care." HealthInsuranceCan FailPeoplewith Diabetes,"February8, 2005, at Moreover,evidence that insurancecoverageor access to http://www.healthinsuranceinfo.net/newsyoucanuse/08.html. health care leads to better health outcomes is uncertain at morethan$100,000received 3. In2004,families 27 percent earning best. Evidence suggeststhat those without health insurance forhealthspending. of thetaxbenefits J. Carroll, "Taxpayers RejectIdea receive less care than those who are covered. However, do Care 12 of LosingDeductionforHealthInsurance," no. 14, Managed (2005): 11-12. there is also substantialevidencethat culture,education,and 4. G.E Andersonet al., "HealthSpendingin the United Statesand lifestyleareat least as importantas lack of insurancein deterHealthAffairs the Restof theIndustrialized World," 24, no. 4 (2005): mining outcomes. At the same time, there is evidence that 903-914. of those with insuranceactuallyover-consumehealth of the CitizensHealthCareWorking many 5. Seethe recommendations carebecausethe true cost of careis hidden. Groupatwww.citizenshealth care.gov/recommendations/interimrecomOthers, includingeconomistsof all stripes,have tended to mendations.pdf. embraceuniversalcoveragefor anotherreason.When an individualwithout health insurancebecomessick or injured,he Center "TheWrongRoadto Reform," Michael 36, no.5 Tanner, Report Hastings 24-26. (2006): 24 HASTINGS CENTER REPORT September-October 2006 or she still receivesmedicaltreatment.In fact, hospitalshave a legal requirementto providecare regardlessof ability to pay. Physiciansdo not face the samelegalrequirement,but few are willing to deny treatmentbecausea patient lacks insurance. Such treatmentis not free.The cost is simply shifted to others:those with insuranceor, more often, taxpayers.Thus to a large degree individualswithout health insuranceare "freeriding"on the rest of us. But this problem is smallerthan commonly believed.At the time the bill was enacted,total uncompensatedcarecosts representedless than 3 percent of all health carespending in Massachusetts,at the low end of the national average(estimated at 3 to 5 percent).In addition, those most likely to go without health insurancearethe young and relativelyhealthythose least likely to impose significant costs on society.For example, although 18- to 24-yearolds are only 10 percent of the U.S. population, they are 21 percent of the long-term uninsured. For these young, healthy individuals, going without health insuranceis often a logical decision. The larger problem here is that this patternis a form of adverse selection: removing the young and healthy from the insurance pool means that those remaining in the pool will be older and sicker. The result is higher insurancepremiums for those who are insured.The problem is even greaterin a state such as Massachusetts,where a modified form of community rating-an economic term referringto the mandatedpooling of individualseven where an insurancecompany might do otherwise-forbids insurance companies from pricing their productsbased on age or health and requiressome forty distinct and often costly mandated benefits. These regulations increasecosts dramaticallyfor young and healthyindividuals, many of whom then decide, rationally enough, to forego health insurance.The individual mandate attempts to solve this problemby forcingyoung and healthypeople into the insurance pool. Massachusettsalso attempted to address this issue by loosening some of the restrictionsand mandatesfor those ages nineteen to twenty-six. Massachusettschose not to tacklethe questionof universal coveragedirectlythrough a single-payersystem. It also chose not to rely on free-marketreformsand deregulationto lower the cost of careand give consumersmore choice. Insteadit attempted to be a little bit pregnant on the issue through a combination of an individual mandate, subsidies, and a redesign of the small-groupand individualinsurancemarkets. Mandated Participation M ost mediaattentionhasbeenon thestate'scontroversial mandate that every resident have health insurance. Such an interventionon the part of the statein personaldecision-making is "unprecedented,"accordingto the Congressional Budget Office, representingthe firsttime a statehas required residents-simply by virtue of living in a state-to purchaseany state-definedproduct. Advocatesof a mandatearguethat if we can mandateautomobile insurancein orderto protect society from the costs imposed by uninsureddrivers,we should be able to do the same for health insurance.This is an imperfectanalogy,however. First,it has long been recognized that driving is a privilege, subject to all manner of regulatory requirements.If one does not like the regulations,including an insurancemandate, one can choose not to drive. A health insurance mandate would not generallygive people such a choice. Second, the reason states mandate auto insurance is for the protectionof others rather than oneself. Most statesdo not mandateyou carry insurance for your own injury or repair costs. However, auto insurance does provide a cautionary tale of how difficult it will be to enforce the mandate. Despite fines and other penalties, roughly 7 percent of all Massachusettsdriversremain uninsured-and this is relatively low compared to other states. The health insurancemandate is likely to prove even more difficult to enforce. Having mandatedthe purchaseof health insurance,Massachusettshad to find mechanismsto make insuranceaffordable to low- and middle-income individuals. It did this through a seriesof subsidieson a sliding scale for individuals with incomes up to 300 percentof the povertylevel. Unfortunately,the bill'ssubsidiesarepoorly targetedand overlygenerous. Subsidieswould be availablefor those with incomes rangingfrom $30,480 for a single individualto as much as $130,389 for a marriedcouple with seven children.A typical marriedcouple with two childrenwould qualifyfor a subsidy if their income were below $58,500. Many of those eligible for subsidieswere alreadyinsured.The subsidieswill encourage businessesto discontinue their health insurance,forcing costs onto the taxpayers.And subsidiesat this levelwill extend dependenceon governmentwell into the middle class. Weshouldshift the debateawayfrom its single-minded focus on expandingcoverageto the biggerquestionof howto reducecostsand improve quality. September-October 2006 HASTINGS CENTER REPORT 25 A Controlled Market France, 31 percent in Germany,28 percent in Canada, 28 percentin Australia,and 46 percentin New Zealand. the legislationrestructuresthe individualand small By making universalcoveragethe focus of their reformefFinally, businessinsurancemarketsby creatinga new government- forts, the statehas injectedmore governmentcontroland regrun intermediary,the MassachusettsHealth Care Connector ulation into the health care system.The evidence, from both Authority,to match buyerswith "approved"insuranceplans. at home and abroad, is that government control will ultiThe Connectoris designedto createa form of managedcom- mately erode those things that are best about the U.S. system petition that providesfor privatesector insurancewithin an while doing little to solve the system'sproblems.Instead,we artificial,government-designedand -controlled marketplace. should shift the health caredebateawayfrom its single-mindInsurersare prohibitedfrom competing basedon their ability ed focus on expandingcoverageto the biggerquestionof how to price and manage risk, as plans must accept all applicants to reducecosts and improvequality.That will requirethe inand charge everyone the same price regardlessof individual troduction of market mechanisms to give consumers more health risk. In addition, insurersare not able to adjustpremi- control over and responsibilityfor their health caredecisions. ums on the basisof age, sex, or other riskfactors. In doing so, we can actuallyincreasecoverageand reduce These featuresof the new insurancemarket may appear the free riderproblem.If young, healthypeople can purchase beneficialand fair,but they are outweighedby the unintend- low-cost catastrophicinsurance,they are more likely to think ed consequencesof the regulation.Since the Connector has being insuredis in their self-interest.This will go a long way the power to decide what policieswill be sold, it will limit in- towarddealingwith the adverseselectionproblem.And to the surers'ability to reduce cost through benefit design. Conse- degreethat marketmechanismsmake health care and health quently,competition will occur only at the margins.Insurers, insurance less expensive, more low-income people can be unable to chargemore for an increasinglyexpensiveproduct, brought into the system.At the same time, we can maintain will trim costs by cutting back on their reimbursementrates the qualityof the Americanhealth caresystem, and most imto hospitals and physicians.In the long run this can lead to portant,preserveindividualchoice, liberty,and control. less availabilityof careand a decreasein the qualityof the care that is available.Also, an inability to price accordingto risk generallyresultsin an overprovisionof servicesto the healthy and an underprovisionto the sick. Overall, the Massachusettsreformheads down the wrong road to reform.The first rule of health carereformshould be taken from the Hippocratic Oath: First do no harm. We should not forgetthat for all its flaws,Americanhealth careis s of the highest quality availableanywherein the world. Most of the world'stop doctors,hospitals,and researchfacilitiesare located in the United States.Eighteen of the last twenty-five winners of the Nobel Prize in Medicine either are U.S. citizens or work here. U.S. companieshave developedhalf of all the majornew medicinesintroducedworldwideover the past twenty years.In fact, Americansplayed a key role in 80 percent of the most importantmedicaladvancesof the past thirty years.By almost any measure,if you are diagnosedwith a seriousillness,the United Statesis the placeyou want to be. Take prostate cancer, for example. According to OECD BY JAMES SABIN data, even though Americanmen are more likely to be diagnosed with prostate cancer than are their counterpartsin 11societies,no matterhowwealthy,mustsetlimitson other countries,we areless likely to die from the disease.Less health care. Rapid advancesin technology combined than one out of five Americanmen with prostatecancerwill with an aging population make limits unavoidable. die from it, but 57 percentof Britishmen and nearlyhalf of The fact we in the United Stateshave not agreedon an that Frenchand German men will. Even in Canada,a quarterof to men diagnosed with prostate cancer die from the disease. approach setting limits and have lackedthe politicalwill to Similar comparisonsare possible for other forms of cancer. come up with one is a centralimpedimentto the comprehenJust 30 percent of U.S. citizens diagnosedwith colon cancer sive reformwe so obviouslyneed. In our 2002 book SettingLimitsFairly,Norman Daniels die from it, comparedto 74 percentin Britain,62 percentin New Zealand, 58 percentin France,57 percentin Germany, and I asked how societies can meet the health needs of the 53 percentin Australia,and 36 percentin Canada.Less than 25 percent of U.S. women diagnosedwith breastcancerdie JamesSabin, "'Disappointingbut Fair':The Connector'sChallenge,"Hastings 36, no. 5 (2006):26-28. Report from it, comparedwith 46 percent in Britain,35 percent in Center but "Disappointing Fair" The Connector Challenge 26 HASTINGS CENTER REPORT September-October 2006
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