This article is part of the "Family Foster Care: Voices From Around the World" special focus of
Families in Society with guest editor Rosemarie Carbino. www.familiesinsociety.org
INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON FOSTER CARE
Recruiting Hispanic Foster Parents:
Issues of Culture, Language,
and Social Policy
Doris Correa Capello
ABSTRACT
Hispanics are one of the fastest growing ethnic/racial groups in the United States. The number
of Hispanic children entering foster care is greater than the number of licensed families who
share their language and cultural identity. This paper addresses issues of culture, language, and
social policy which must be considered when recruiting Hispanic foster parents.
T
he most recent census data show that Hispanics1 have
surpassed African Americans as the largest minority
group in the United States. By 2001, the Hispanic
population grew to 37 million, increasing at a faster pace
than any other ethnic group in the United States (Miller,
2005). During that growth period, the number of Hispanic
children entering the foster care system continued to grow.
In 1998, 15% of children in foster care were Hispanic. By
2001 this percentage had grown to 17% (National Adoption
Information Clearinghouse, 2003). The Adoption and Safe
Families Act has played a significant role in increasing the
number of children in foster care as states terminate parental rights and create permanency plans for children coming
into care. Although the public outcry to keep children safe
has precipitated policies that focus on removal of children
who are at risk of abuse and neglect, many of these children
1 Latinos and Hispanics are used to refer to persons of Hispanic origin from
Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Central and South America. Latino is a selfdesignated term by members of different groups. Latino and Hispanic are used
interchangeably without preference or prejudice.
continue to linger in foster care. In 1999 only 37% of children freed for adoption were adopted, leaving the majority
of these children without a permanent home (The Urban
Institute, 2003).
For Hispanic children, the growth in the out-of-home
placement population has far outpaced the number of
Hispanic foster parents available to care for these children.
Issues of familiar language and culture play a significant
role in reducing the trauma children experience at the time
of removal from their birth homes. This article raises the
following questions:
• What factors account for the increasing number of
Hispanic children in foster care?
• What role do language and culture play in placement
decisions?
• What are the barriers that Hispanics face as they apply
for licensure as foster families?
Finally, this article describes a recruitment model developed by the Child Advocacy Resource Association (CARAS)
Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services | www.familiesinsociety.org | Copyright 2006 Alliance for Children and Families
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FAMILIES IN SOCIETY | Volume 87, No. 4
to recruit, train, and assess Hispanic families interested in
foster care and adoption. This article also makes recommendations useful to practitioners and policy makers
working in the child welfare field.
Sociodemographic Characteristics of Latinos
Population
Latinos, as projected by a number of studies, have become
the largest ethnic minority in the United States (Suro &
Singer, 2002; Committee for Hispanic Children and
Families, 2004). “The U.S. Census Bureau currently projects
that by 2025 the Latino population will grow from 35 million to 61 million, at which point it will represent 18 percent
of the U.S. population” (Pew Hispanic Center, 2002, p.1). In
2000, the Latino population numbered in the millions in
seven U.S. states, with California having the greatest Latino
population—10,966,566—and New Jersey having the
smallest of the seven—1,117,191 (Guzman, 2001).
Although the majority of Hispanics reside in the West
and Southwest, the increasing anti-immigrant movement
in the United States is forcing immigrants to relocate and
migrate to nontraditional geographic areas such as the
Southeast and the Midwest (Texeria, 2005). This population will continue to grow as the majority of Latinos in the
U.S. are well within their child-bearing years.
Health Status
“Hispanics report the highest uninsured rate among all
racial or ethnic groups” (Doty & Ives, 2002, p. 1). Among
the subgroups of Hispanics, Central Americans report the
highest rates of uninsured at 47%. For all Hispanic children
in 1999, 27.2% were reported to be uninsured. Those living
below the poverty level had an uninsured rate of 32.0%
(Doty & Ives). Even for families who are eligible for health
insurance due to citizenship, such as Puerto Ricans, there is
no guarantee that their health outcomes will be better.
In one county in New Jersey, for example, Puerto Rican
women—who are citizens by birth and therefore eligible
for Medicaid and other affordable health insurance—had
the highest rates (9.3 per 1,000) of low birth weight infants
compared to Mexican (4.3), Cuban (5.5), or Central
American (5.7) women. The use of cigarettes and illicit
drugs partially account for these high rates of low weight
births among pregnant Puerto Rican women in Hudson
County in New Jersey (McMahon, 2005). The poor health
outcomes for some subgroups of Latinos raises questions
about social policy initiatives that address individual problems but fail to address environmental issues that can
cause poor health outcomes.
Marital and Educational Status
The relationship between family structure and economic
status has been well documented (Mateo & Miller, 2003).
Almost one-third of Hispanic children living in a single-
530
parent home are living in poverty. Hispanics were also less
likely to complete high school than White or Black nonHispanics (Federal Interagency Forum on Child and
Family Statistics, 2003). One must read these statistics with
caution because subgroups of Hispanics may have higher
or lower rates of poverty or high school completion.
Poverty and Out-of-Home Placement
Child welfare literature (Gelles, 1996; Weil & Finegold,
2002) identifies poverty as one of the major risk factors for
child abuse and neglect. Poverty places tremendous strains
on the family’s ability to cope with lack of resources
for food, housing, medical, and educational expenses.
Children living in female-headed households have a
greater chance of being poor. For example, “New Jersey
children living with a single female householder have a one
in three chance of being poor. Racial disparities further
impact these rates: the chance that a Black or Latino child
living in a female-headed household will experience
poverty is nearly one in two” (Mateo & Miller, 2003, p. 21).
The Children’s Defense Fund (CDF, 2005) argues that
not only has the percent of poor children increased
between 2000 and 2004 but the percentage of children in
extreme poverty, “families living below one-half of the
poverty level” (p.3), has also increased. Among Latino
children there was a 24.9% increase of children in extreme
poverty. The report continues, “The result of so many lowpaying jobs is that nearly 39 million Americans, including
20 million children, are members of low-income working
families with barely enough money to cover basic needs
like housing, groceries, and child care” (p.10). In Hudson
County in New Jersey for example, where there is a large
concentration of Hispanic families, over 20% of children
under 18 years of age were living in poverty (CDF, 2005).
The concentration of high rates of poverty among Latinos
in Hudson County in New Jersey may account for the
increasing number of Latino children entering the foster
care system from that county.
In Texas, for example, as in New Jersey, the number of
Hispanic children in foster care has steadily increased over
the most recent 4-year period. In 2001 there were 4,547
Hispanic children in foster care. By 2004, the number of
Hispanic children in out-of-home placement had reached
6,232, surpassing White and African American children. At
the end of the 2004 fiscal year, Texas had 19,507 confirmed
cases of Hispanic child abuse/neglect victims. Such trends
may continue to drive up the number of Hispanic children
in foster care (Texas Department of Family and Protective
Services, 2004).
Figure 1 shows the number of Hispanic children in foster care by states with the highest number of Hispanics
during fiscal years 1998, 1999, and 2002 (U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services, 2002; Scarcella, Bess,
Zielewski, Warner, & Geen, 2004). As the figure illustrates,
Capello | Recruiting Hispanic Foster Parents: Issues of Culture, Language, and Social Policy
the percentage of Hispanic children in these states has been
increasing for several years. In some states, the number of
Latino children in care is greater than the number of White
or Black children (California and Texas). For example, in
California in 2002, the percentage of Hispanic children in
foster care was 36.1% compared to 31.3% and 26.8% for
Black and White children respectively. In Illinois, however,
the number of Black children (72.3%) more than surpassed
the number of White and Hispanic children combined
(Scarcella et al., 2004). Figure 1 highlights the disproportional rate of children of color in the child welfare system.
Roberts (2002) documents well the relationship between
race and poverty and decisions that are made about the
quality and amount of services offered to children of color
in the foster care system. The lack of adequate and culturally competent services continue to drive the disproportionality of children of color in the child welfare system. As
Figure 2 illustrates, the number of Hispanic children coming into care increased, whereas the number of Hispanic
foster parents decreased, over a 3-year period.
FIGURE 1. The percentage of Hispanic children in foster care in
states with the highest concentration of Hispanics, 1998–2002.
FIGURE 2. Hispanic children in foster care and Hispanic foster care
providers in New Jersey 1999 and 2003.
Hispanic Foster Families
The Recruitment Model
The disparity between the increasing number of Hispanic
children coming into care and the scarcity of Hispanic foster homes galvanized a group of child welfare advocates in
New Jersey to create in 1999 the Child Advocacy Resource
Association (CARAS). CARAS and Kean University, in
partnership with New Jersey Foster and Adoptive Family
Services, set as the primary goal to significantly expand the
pool of Hispanic foster families in the state of New Jersey.
CARAS created the Hispanic Foster Care Recruitment
and Retention project to be in compliance with the Federal
Multiethnic Placement Act to “recruit prospective foster
and adoptive parents who reflect the racial and ethnic
diversity of the children in the state.” (Title IV-E Foster
Care Eligibility Reviews and Child and Family Services
State Plan Reviews; Final Rule, 2000, January 25, p. 4020).
The focus of the project was to do outreach in communities where there are large concentrations of Hispanics,
using a strengths-based model. The organizing principles
of the resulting recruitment model are that all individuals
and communities have assets and potential for growth and
development. Within Hispanic families and communities,
we find the values of respeto (respect for each individual),
dignidad (the dignity and self of worth of each person),
familismo (family orientation), and religiosity (an orientation to a higher power). More importantly, placing a
Latino child in a Spanish speaking home helps to maintain
the child’s cultural identity. The trauma of out-of-home
placement is reduced when children are placed in homes
where parents are familiar with the children’s culture and
language (Pérez Foster, 1998).
The model was based on the following principles:
• There is a commitment and interest in the Hispanic
community to reach out and provide loving and stable
homes to children.
• Hispanic families can best be served by providing
information and services in a language and culture
that is familiar to them.
• Targeted recruitment of Hispanic families in venues
that are familiar to them—such as churches, schools,
and community-based organizations—will yield fruitful results.
The Families: Cultural Values and Customs
Se la regalaron cuando nina. [She was given as a gift to
the family.] —Maria
Hijos de crianza is a well established cultural tradition. In
many poor Hispanic communities, families who were
unable to care for their children often “gifted” them to
other family members or neighbors. This well understood
custom is an informal agreement that the receiving family
will provide for the child’s physical, educational, and emotional needs. Traditionally, such children have been nested
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TABLE 1. CARAS Foster Care Recruitment and Retention Model
PRINCIPLE
DESCRIPTION
Staffing
Hire bilingual/bicultural staff.
Staff should possess good engagement and assessment skills.
Staff should have good knowledge of the Latino community.
Staff should have knowledge of Hispanic parenting styles, which can be strongly enmeshed styles, leading to
quick attachment of child in care.
Staff should be aware of community systems available to support families.
Staff should have Child Protective System (CPS) experience.
Staff should be willing to work flexible hours, including nights and weekends.
Targeted recruitment
Identify areas with large concentrations of Latinos.
Develop materials in language community understands.
Work with community systems that Latinos have access to, such as churches, schools, and day care centers.
Identify systems that have a built in support network—i.e., women’s church groups; Parent-Teacher
Associations; ethnic, civic, and social organizations; coalition of pastors; Latino agency executives or
professional groups.
Publish stories in Spanish print media; create public service announcements for Spanish radio and TV programs.
Face-to-face contact works best.
Enlist support of licensed foster parents.
Orientation session
Provide thorough information on foster care programs and policies.
Use a Q & A period to illustrate how the foster care training and certification operates in a bureaucracy; the
process can be lengthy.
Use a session to stress the safety of children and to screen for families with CPS experience or who may not be
appropriate foster parents.
Foster parent training
Conduct all training in Spanish.
Use materials, videos, and other training materials that have been translated into Spanish.
Use an informal experiential teaching style rather than a lecture format.
Encourage group process and group problem-solving method.
Teach assertiveness regarding comfort level of the type of child they are able to parent.
Discuss concepts of permanence and family reunification and their importance to a foster child.
Assist members to develop their own support network; have them exchange telephone numbers.
Acknowledge their own positive parenting styles and their support of children in need of care.
Stress the importance of alternative disciplinary strategies used in the United States that may be different from
their country of origin.
Home study/certification
Agencies contracted to conduct home study should have bilingual/bicultural staff.
Awareness of concepts of respeto (respect for those in authority) and dignidad (dignity and worth of every
individual) are important to know when visiting Latino homes.
Acknowledge and recognize cultural definitions of family-i.e. hijos de crianza and extended family.
Support families as they negotiate requests to providers for references and documentation needed for
completion of home studies.
Keep families abreast of how home study process is proceeding.
Work closely with state licensing agency to ensure all documentation is current.
Retention
Work is not completed when a child is placed in the home.
Make use of local community-based organizations—they have an array of supportive services, which could be
“wrapped around” Latino families.
Assist families in negotiating the child welfare system when requesting supportive services.
Advocate for bilingual/bicultural staff to work with foster families.
Reiterate need of child’s safety and concept of family reunification.
Address issues of loss and separation for the foster family when a child is returned to the birth family.
in new families, often without severing the emotional ties
to their birth families. Although Klor de Alva (1988) cautions about making generalizations about family roles
among Latinos due to “class, generational, geographical,
racial, economic, and sociocultural factors,” (p. 118), it has
been the experience of this author in working with foster
families that there is a universal understanding of family
532
responsibilities toward the concept of hijos de crianza.
Maria’s quote speaks of her sister who was “gifted” to her
family since infancy. At the death of Maria’s parents, the
young woman is expected to share equally in the inheritance left to the children of her own parents’ marriage.
These strong emotional ties that develop between nonblood-related children and the families who raise them is
Capello | Recruiting Hispanic Foster Parents: Issues of Culture, Language, and Social Policy
one of the motivating forces for Latino families to take
children into their homes.
Compadrasgo is another cultural/religious tradition
found among Hispanics. Compadres (co-parents) is a
more formal agreement that exists between two sets of parents who agree to share childrearing which ensures that
children will have all their basic needs met. This arrangement takes place either at the wedding ceremony—where
the compadres de boda (co-parents of the wedding) commit to help the young couple being married to raise their
children. At the time of the child’s Christening (Bautismo),
when a child is formally welcomed into the church, one
also finds compadres. The compadres de bautismo take on
the additional responsibility of ensuring that the child will
be raised within the religion.
Hispanic customs of hijos de crianzas, extended families,
and compadres de boda y bautismo all serve to create a support network for families raising children and caring for
the elderly. The value that Hispanics place on children,
coupled with the cultural traditions of hijos de crianza and
compadrasgo, are cultural customs one should consider as
examples in helping Hispanics understand the legal option
of becoming foster parents.
Barriers to Recruitment: Language and Practice
Nosotros llamamos a muchos sitios, era mucho papelo.
[We called many places, it was so much paperwork.]
—Rossana
Language barriers are a major difficulty that many families face as they begin the process of becoming substitute parents. The findings, in a report by the W. K.
Kellogg Foundation (2000) state that “language is a
principal medium for expressing and understanding
culture, and the key to negotiating exchanges in any system” (p. 12). Although many states have committed
resources to translate materials such as recruitment flyers to application forms, there is still great inconsistency
in developing uniform services in a language that families understand. From the entry point of recruitment to
reunification or permanency, the lack of Spanish language materials and bilingual/bicultural staff continues
to plague the child welfare system.
There is also a lack of sufficient on-site interpreters at
different points in the recruitment, certification, and
retention process. ASFA requirements for a permanent
plan for children in care for over 15 months is jeopardized
because states lack the capacity to provide services to birth
and foster families in a language that they understand.
Layla Suleiman (2003) writes about language access from a
civil rights perspective. She states that “without adequate
access to a full range of bilingual or Spanish services, satisfactory compliance with the service plan is compromised
and, therefore, reunification is threatened” (p. 195). This
point is reiterated in the Kellogg report (2000): “The pervasive lack of cultural competence among providers,
together with the dearth of Latino/Hispanics in a position
to advocate on behalf of these concerns within the system,
were seen as the most serious barriers to serving
Latino/Hispanic families and children well” (p. 12).
The complex recruitment and lengthy certification process often discourages families. In a 2002 report by the
Office of Inspector General, families reported “frustration
with the length of time between application and licensure”
(p. 11). The CARAS families interact with at least four to
five agencies or units in agencies before they are certified.
If at any point in the process there are no bilingual workers, the time that elapses between the point of entry
(recruitment) and exit (licensing) can be over 9 months.
The value of an accurate assessment of a foster home is
unquestioned. However, because of the lengthy certification process, contracted agencies have to work extra hard
at “keeping hope alive” for families interested in being foster parents so that they do not become discouraged during
the long waiting period. This process often engenders feelings of distrust among foster families toward state agencies, rather than ones of collaboration with state and
contracted agencies.
Misunderstandings of the concept of foster care in the
Hispanic community needs to be clarified. The cultural
tradition of hijos de crianza contrast with the state’s parens
patriae or legal custodian of the child. State foster care programs must develop standards of care that reflect the cultural child care practices of Latino families providing
equitable services to all children in the child welfare system. The motivation and desire of relatives or friends to
care for a child should be matched by the states’ commitment to provide services on an equitable basis for all children. This provision of services should include
information about the supports given to relatives and nonrelatives who care for children in the states’ custody in a
language that families understand.
Hispanic Foster Parents: Retention,
Attachment and Loss
Aunque yo sabia que era lo mejor, para me era lo mas
malo. [Although I knew it was for the best, for me it
was the worse part.] —Angela
Angela is referring to the removal of children from her
home to be reunited with their birth parents or with adoptive parents. Issues of loss and separation are as real for foster parents as for biological parents. Regardless of the
amount of training, the experience of relinquishing a child
back to the state is a difficult process for foster parents. In
our experience, Latino foster parents are members of
extended birth families and church communities. Any
child in their homes is considered a family member. When
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FAMILIES IN SOCIETY | Volume 87, No. 4
ties are severed with that family member, families have
the host country. To assume that all Hispanics united by a
reported feelings of depression and physical illness.
common language have the same social and economic
Allowing parents time to prepare for the separation,
needs mistakenly leaves the practitioner open to poor social
time to grieve the child who has been removed, and helpservice delivery to this community.
ing foster parents understand the case plan assures them
It has been our experience from working with immithat the child leaving their home will be safe. In an intergrants that many family problems arise from their failure
view with a foster
to understand the laws
father, he repeatedly
of this country. We often
asked, “Que sera el deshear, “la gente necesitan
tino de la niña?” (What
información” (people
will be her destiny?). He
need
information).
The importance of bilingual workers who
and his wife were aware
Acceptable parenting
that the child would
and disciplinary behavunderstand the language and culture of families
not remain in their
ior in the host country
home. But each time
may be very different
the child went to visit
from their native counis crucial to success with Latino families.
her relatives, she would
try. Cultural conflicts
return unkempt. They
(such as respeto vs. indewere concerned that the
pendence) between parchild’s family would
ents and children raised
not have all of the
in the United States
resources needed to maintain the lifestyle they could offer
often bring immigrant families to the attention of the famthe child. The child, though, had an extended family willily court system. Without practitioners who understand
ing to care for her. Unfortunately, the worker assigned to
the culture and traditions of these families, we end up with
the foster family did not speak Spanish and was unable to
a crowded court system and extended stays in foster care.
clearly articulate why it would be in the best interest of the
This invariably is costly to the family system, the court syschild to grow up with her extended birth family.
tem, and the state.
Postcertification training is mandated by states to ensure
Training practitioners to provide culturally appropriate
that foster families remain current with any new regulaservices is a task that all professional schools must work
tions that the state may impose and to provide additional
more aggressively to accomplish. Diversity and social and
training on child care and child behavioral issues. Often
economic justice are themes that run through the curricusuch trainings are not available in Spanish. Using children
lum of most professional training programs. We must work
as translators is strongly discouraged. Adult translators are
collaboratively with policy makers and community-based
a better option—but not the ideal. The training is a proorganizations to move these concepts from theory to the
cess where parents are introduced to new material. They
practice. When training students (to be social workers,
need time to understand the material, to process it, and be
teachers, doctors, nurses) about the richness of diverse culable to extrapolate information relevant to their situation.
tures, we must also provide an atmosphere where they can
They also need time to ask questions and get clarification
experience the richness of these diverse cultures in our socion the material being presented. This is often difficult
ety. Professional schools must also work with community
when one is in the minority and may not want to hinder
systems to advocate for the development of service delivery
the flow of the conversation. Parents also raised concerns
systems and programs attuned to the needs of all racial and
about being unable to contribute to the conversation due
ethnic bilingual/bicultural communities.
to language barriers.
Fiscal responsibility must be paired with fiscal fairness.
It is well documented that the high cost of providing funding for out-of-home placement continues to increase
Discussion and Recommendations
(Bess, 2004). Billions of dollars spent on child welfare are
As the demographic picture of the United States changes,
drawn not only from child welfare funding, but also from
we need to continue to gather data on the growing Hispanic
Medicaid and TANF. Multiple and extended foster care
population in the country. Practitioners should be aware of
stays increase the risk of youth to poverty, homelessness,
the migration history of subgroups of Hispanics, their
and delinquent behavior (Firdion, 2005). The global compolitical experience in their native country, and the motimunity will continue to pay the price for society’s failure to
vating factors that drive that migration. Hispanics migrate
provide appropriate and culturally sensitive services to
to the United States and to other countries for a host of reachildren in foster care. Permanency (reunification or
sons—among them being economics, political repression
adoption) must be the goal for every child in care. An
in their native country, and flexible immigration policies in
increase in resources for services, training, and personnel is
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Capello | Recruiting Hispanic Foster Parents: Issues of Culture, Language, and Social Policy
essential to achieve the goal of permanency for every child
in care. Equity in how resources are distributed must consider the disproportionality of children of color in care.
Conclusion
Poverty, even among working families, continues to plague
the Latino community. Social work practice and social
welfare policies that enhance the lives of all children and
families should be the goal of all programs. Increasingly
the importance of bilingual workers who understand the
language and culture of families is crucial to success with
Latino families.
CARAS has been successful in raising community
awareness about the need for Hispanic foster families. The
public service announcements in the Spanish media, the
targeted recruitment in venues that families feel comfortable in, and the face-to-face contact have brought
hundreds of calls to our program. Sadly, although the
numbers of Hispanic foster parents that we have recruited
and trained continues to grow, the number of Hispanic
children in New Jersey who need foster care has also continued to grow. We are happy to say that several of the children in care with our families are finding a permanent
home as our families are adopting these children. These
numbers, however, are too small. The recommendations
presented here can guide policy decisions to develop best
practices for the support of Latino children in care, and for
the strengthening of Latino families.
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Doris Correa Capello, DSW, is assistant professor, Social Work
Department, Kean University of New Jersey. She is a founding member
of CARAS and is currently the Director of the Hispanic Foster Care
Recruitment Project. Correspondence regarding this article may be sent
to [email protected] or Kean University of New Jersey, 1000 Morris
Avenue, Union, NJ 07083.
Author’s note. I wish to acknowledge the people who helped create
CARAS. Founding members include Dr. Maria Josefa Canino, Nora
Rodriguez, Nelson Gonzalez, Dr. José Adames and Antonio Lopez. Also a
special thanks to Dr. Mary Swignonski, who provided helpful comments
for this article.
Manuscript received: October 7, 2005
Revised: July 19, 2006
Accepted: July 25, 2006
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