Georgia Historical Society
Religious Leaders in the Aftermath of Atlanta's 1906 Race Riot
Author(s): Harvey K. Newman and Glenda Crunk
Source: The Georgia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 92, No. 4 (Winter 2008), pp. 460-485
Published by: Georgia Historical Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40585087
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ofAtlanta's
ReligiousLeadersin theAftermath
1906Race Riot
ByHarveyK. Newmanand Glenda Crunk
advanceof the centennialof the 1906 Atlantarace riot,
on the
focusedattention
bothscholarly
and popularwriters
Thesenewpublications
causesand resultsofthetragedy.
provide
thecity's
Africanwithin
intotheconditions
a greatdeal ofinsight
thedeeplyheld
American
community
precedingthedisturbance,
socio-economic
the
and
fears
of
white
Atlanta
residents,
prejudice
thatoctheincidents
in thecityleadingtotheconflict,
conditions
curredduringthefour-day
riot,and theimpactoftheeventon the
Whilementionismadein theseworksoftherole
cityand nation.1
therehas notbeen a studyfocusedspecifically
ofthecity'sclergy,
ofthe
leadersin theaftermath
on theactionsofAtlanta's
religious
- steppedforward
- bothblackand white
riot.These individuals
theviolenceto provideguidance
in thedaysand weeksfollowing
The clergyalso soughta
withintheirsegregatedcommunities.
furbetweentheracesthatwouldprevent
measureofcooperation
thertrouble.Withinthecontextofthetimeand place,theclergy
'Some of thebestbooks on the topicincludeAllisonDorsey,To BuildOurLivesTogether:
in BlackAtlanta,1875-1906(Athens,Ga., 2004); Mark Bauerlein,NeFormation
Community
A RaceRiotin Atlanta,1906 (San Francisco,Calif.,2001); GregoryL. Mixon, The
grophobia:
in a NewSouthCity(Gainesville,Fla., 2005); Rebecca
AtlantaRiot:Race,Class,and Violence
Burns,Rage in theGateCity:TheStory
ofthe1906 AtlantaRaceRiot(Cincinnati,2006); and
David FortGodshalk,VeiledVisions:The1906 AtlantaRaceRiotand theReshapingofAmerican
RaceRelations(Chapel Hill, N.C., 2005).
MR. NEWMANis a professorin the AndrewYoung School of PolicyStudiesat Georgia
and MS. CRUNKis a graduatestudent.
StateUniversity
The Georgia Historical Quarterly
Vol. XCII, No. 4, Winter 2008
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
461
to addressthe causes.In an era and a regionwhere
attempted
as spiritual,
theleadersofvarmanyregardedtheroleoftheclergy
iouscongregations
joined toinfluencepublicpoliciesat thelocal
and statelevels.The patternsworkedout bythe city'sreligious
leaderscontinuedto shapetheirrolein Atlantaformuchofthe
twentieth
century.
in
Duringthe summerof 1906,residentsfoundthemselves
themidstofa fiercepoliticalcampaignto determine
whowould
be thenextgovernorof Georgia.Bothcandidatesin theDemocraticprimary
madethedisenfranchisement
ofAfrican-American
votersthemajorissuein thecampaign.Againstthisbackdrop,rival newspapers
competedwithsensationalheadlinesin an effort
to boostcirculation,
mostly
byrunningluridstoriesaboutblack
menallegedly
this"Negrophowhitewomen.InAugust,
assaulting
bia"reacheda feverpitchwiththelynching
ofan African-American maleinAtlanta,
fortherapeofa fourteen-year-old
ostensibly
whitegirl.On Saturday
evening,
September22,thepapersstirred
fourattempted
assaults"madebybrutal
whitefearsbyreporting
on
defenseless
The
white
women."
turnedphysiNegroes
hysteria
cal laterthatnight,as mobsofarmedwhitesattackedanyblacks
who happenedto be in the downtown
area. Exactlyhowmany
werekilledandwoundedduringtheinitialnightofviolenceisuncertain.The citycoronerissuedonlyten death certificates
for
blackvictims,
butestimates
fromothersourcesrangefromtwenty
to forty-seven
African-American
critideaths,one hundredfifty
and
countless
others
fled
the
who
callyinjured,
city.2
On Sundaymorning,
a relativecalmspreadoverAtlanta.As
whitechurchesheld theirworshipservices,
onlya fewministers
mentionedthe mayhemof thepreviouseveningwhilethe "vast
majorityof the preachersremainedsilent."Meanwhile,their
blackcounterparts
helped care forthewoundedand provided
comfort
forthemembersoftheircongregations.
One whiterelileader
who
was
never
at
a
loss
for
words
was
theReverend
gious
SamP.Jones,a nationally
knownevangelist
whosenewspaper
columnsand sermonsmade himan influential
in
person Georgia.
were
Speakingata revival
meetingin Cartersville,
Jones'sremarks
^AtlantaConstitution,
218-19;
August 1, September 23, 1906; Bauerlin, Negrophobia,
Mixon,AtlantaRiot,1, 110.
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462
Georgia Historical Quarterly
on Mondaymorning:
"Ofcourse,you
reportedin thenewspapers
in
that
the
bloodshed
Atlanta
last
was
but
maysay
night inevitable,
wasbehindit.I wanttosee thosedisgraceful
whiskey,
yes,whiskey,
DecaturStreetdivesofdebauchery
and sinobliterated.
. . . Liquor
wasbehindall thoseatrociousdeeds committed
the
blacksin
by
and aroundAtlantaand ifyoufellowswillgo to workand eliminate politicalchicanery
and workin theinterestof prohibition
and accomplishthedestruction
oftheliquortraffic
I willpersonaccount
for
committed
thereafter."3
ally
everyrape
Jones expressedno doubt about the guilt of the AfricanAmericans
and forhimtheonlysolutionwasto restrict
involved,
liquorsales
the
black
saloons
on
Decatur
His
on race
Street.
views
byclosing
in
and religionreflected
whatmanywhites Atlantabelieved.They
Americans
as an inferior
racewhosemembers
regardedAfrican
neededtobe keptfromtheevilinfluences
ofdrinking.
TheseAtlantaresidents
feltthatblackswereto blameforcausingtheriot.
in seekTheirreligious
leadersjoined withelectedpublicofficials
to
restore
order
and
the
the
Decatur
ing
keep
peace byclosing
Streetdives.
Jonesdid notaddresstheviolenceofwhitesin theirattacks
againstAfricanAmericans.Accordingto historianDarren E.
ofmobviolence,includinglynching,
as
Grem,
Jonesdisapproved
itwas"outsidethesystem
of courtsordainedbyGod to exercise
inAtlantaas a resultofhis
Hisjustice."4
Joneshada massfollowing
and
buthe
revival
sermons
preaching
publishedinthenewspaper,
wasnota localpastor.He wasa traveling
whose
visits
to
evangelist
in
1896
and
1897
considered
maAtlantaforrevival
were
meetings
a theoJonesrepresented
jor eventsin thecity'sreligioushistory.
of
faith
that
was
comfortable
for
most
Atlanta's
logicalperspective
leaders.As an evangelist,
he sawreligionin termsof an individual's choice,a voluntary
decisionto rejectpersonalsinssuchas
and the obsertheater-going,
drinking,
gambling,prostitution,
vanceofSundayas theSabbath.The believerembraceda visionof
whichhisbiographer
KathleenMinnixsuggested
personalpiety,
had muchin commonwiththefundamentalism
thatemergedin
*AtlantaConstitution,
September24, 1906.
4DarrenE. Grem,"SamJones,Sam Hose, and the Theologyof Racial Violence," Georgia
HistoricalQuarterly
90 (Spring2006): 51 (hereinaftercited as GHQ).
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
463
AmericanProtestantism
twodecadesafterJones'sdeathin midsinand salvation
October1906.5Thisemphasison individual
was
a continuation
ofthekindofcampmeetingrevivalism
andbiblical
characteristic
of
the
and
Methodists
churches
primitivism
Baptists
thatdominatedthereligiouslifeofAtlantaand mostareasofthe
South.6The successofevangelism
amongbothblacksand whites
meantthatthereligious
leadersofthetworacesshareda theologbasedon individualism
at oddswitha movement
ical perspective
knownas social gospelthatsawsin and salvationin termsof a
morecollective
ofsocietyas a whole.In theafprocessreflective
in Atlanta
termath
of theriot,thefewblackand whiteministers
withthesocialgospelmovement
whowereidentified
joined with
theirmoreevangelistic
colleaguesin lookingforsolutionsto the
causesoftheuprising.7
in thedaysfollowing
The reconstruction
theriotwasbothan
effort
to imposelawand orderand to repairthedamageto Atlanta'sreputation
as a beaconoftheNewSouth.Whiteministers
unitedin theirbeliefin thesuperiority
ofall theological
positions
In theeffort
ofthewhiteraceand theneedforracialsegregation.
to resuscitate
Atlanta'simage,black ministers
emergedas the
backboneofAfrican-American
leadership,buttheyalso contributedto a growing
classdivisionin theblackcommunity.
Manyof
in
theAfrican-American
ministers
the
joined
campaignto close
theDecaturStreetdiveswhereworking-class
blackpatronswere
loafersand grossly
crimdescribedas "viciousrounders,
ignorant"
and
inalswhotooklessonsin "bestiality,
and
criminality, deviltry
have theirunbridledpassionsstirredby mean liquor."In their
weretheproductof thebad influenceof
minds,blackcriminals
- in conon DecaturStreet
idlenessand alcohol- bothplentiful
5KathleenMinnix,Laughterin theAmenCorner:TheLifeofEvangelistSamJones(Athens,
Ga.,1993),108,123-25.
K. Newman,
"VisionofOrder:WhiteProtestant
in Atlanta,
18656Harvey
Christianity
1906"(Ph.D.diss.,EmoryUniversity,
1977),2-11.
7SeeMarthaTovellNesbitt,
"The Social Gospelin Atlanta,1900-1920"(Ph.D. diss.,
inBlackand
1975),154-56;and RalphE. Luker,TheSocialGospel
GeorgiaStateUniversity,
White:
American
RacialReform,
1885-1912
(ChapelHill,N.C.,1991),1-7.Lukerdefinedthe
inthelatenineteenth
termsocialgospelas a reform
effort
andearlytwentieth
byChristians
toaddressthesocialproblems
oftheage thattheysawas functions
ofurbanand
century
He arguedthatthekindofinter-racial
industrial
betweenblacksand
growth.
cooperation
whites
thatemergedintheaftermath
ofthe1906Atlanta
raceriotwasan expression
ofthe
socialgospelmovement.
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464
Georgia Historical Quarterly
and editorswhowereconsidered
trastto thepreachers,
teachers,
In
the
theturmoil,
whiteand
leaders.8
community
daysfollowing
commublackministers
providedleadershipfortheirsegregated
to close
nities.Manytooka publicroleto influencelocalofficials
theDecaturStreetbarsand promoteprohibition.
Atthetimeoftheriot,therealissuewas,and had longbeen,
howto controltheAfrican
Americans
whohad pouredintothe
In
after
the
Civil
War.
African
Americans
1860,
city
comprised
only
butby1866thefigure
stoodat
20 percentofAtlanta's
population,
45 percent.9
Whitesviewedthisincreasewithalarmas theolder
meansofsocialcontrolbyslavery
or cityordinancesno longerapWhite
officials
searched
fornewmeasuresthatwould
plied.
public
enforcesegregation.
After
oftheraces
Reconstruction,
separation
wasenforcedbycustom,butduringthelastdecade of thenineteenthcentury,
newlegalpatterns
ofdiscrimination
wereputin
from
blacks.
In
to
whites
1892,Georgiapasseda
place segregate
lawrequiring
separateseatingon trains.Fouryearslater,theU.S.
inPkssyv.Ferguson
Court
madethedoctrineof"separate
Supreme
butequal"thelawoftheland.10
Whitechurchesplayedtheirpart
in thispattern.
thathad slavesas memAntebellum
congregations
bersbecamesegregatedafterthe CivilWar;blacksleftto form
theirownchurchesand denominational
affiliations.
Local ordinancesfollowed,prohibiting
AfricanAmericans
fromusingthecity'sparks,thezoo in GrantPark,and thepublic
Barsand restaurants
werealso strictly
segregated(though
library.
theruleswerenotenforcedon DecaturStreet). Thesebusinesses
had to displaya sign indicatingwhich customerswould be
served.11
designedto
JimCrowlawswerepartof a castesystem
in
in
This
included
blacks
an
inferior
system
keep
place society.
and was
and
substandard
schools,
segregated
votingrestrictions,
*Atlanta
September22, 1906.
Independent,
9UnitedStatesCensus Bureau, EighthCensus of the United States:Population Schedules,FultonCounty,Georgia,1860,microfilm,
Washington,D.C.; V. T. Barnwell,BarnwelVs
Guide(Atlanta,Ga., 1867), 4.
AtlantaCityDirectory
and Strangers'
N. Rabinowitz,RaceRelationsin theUrbanSouth,1865-1890(New York,1978),
10Howard
Atlanta(Chapel Hill,
323-26; Ronald H. Bayor,Race and theShapingof Twentieth-Century
in theAgeofJimCrow
N.C., 1996), 9-12; Leon F. Litwack,Troublein Mind: BlackSoutherners
(New York,1998), 105-106,243-44.
"David L. Lewis, W.E. B. DuBois:Biography
ofa Race,1868-1919(New York,1993), 344;
66 (Fall 1967): 554JohnHammond Moore, "JimCrowin Georgia,"SouthAtlanticQuarterly
65.
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
465
and poall-white
businesses,
churches,
keptin place bypowerful
Priortotheriot,placeslikeAuburnAvenueand
liticalinstitutions.
and commercial
areasoccupiedby
DecaturStreethad residential
membersofbothraceswholivedand workedin closeproximity.
EvenPeachtreeStreetwasthelocationofa barbershopownedby
AlonzoHernone of thecity'sAfrican-American
entrepreneurs,
don.The mostflagrant,
wheredrinkthough,wasDecaturStreet,
and some
and
other
vices
flourished
ing,prostitution,
gambling,
oftheestablishments
wereownedbywhiteswhoservedblackcustomers.12
The proximity
ofwhitesand blacksin a sectionofa city
such as Atlantahas been describedas a kind of "borderland"
whereall kindsofsocialdivisions
race,gender,and class
involving
context
of
theregionas a whole,
Seen
within
the
wereblurred.13
the relationships
betweenblacksand whitesin Atlantaformed
of
a
balancingact"thatdependedon continual
part
"precarious
redefinition
withintheJimCrowera.14
HistorianLeon F. Litwack
on theone hand,they
describedthechallengesfacedbyministers:
buton theother,theyalso
neededto pleasetheircongregations,
had tooperatewithin
thelimitsofrelations
betweentheracesthat
For
and
black
thechallengesof
shifted.15
white
constantly
clergy,
but aftertheriot,Atlanta's
leadershipweresomewhatdifferent,
of
an
leaders
played important
partin theredefinition
religious
racerelations.
Afterthe mayhemof September1906, as black Atlantans
thedamagedone to
countedthedead and injuredand surveyed
theirbusinessesand homes,local whiteclergysupportedSam
downsaloonscateringto
Jonesand echoed hiscallsforshutting
In thelogicofwhitesupremacy,
Americans.
theborderAfrican
land areawherewhitesand blacksmixedbecamethetargetofa
campaignto closethe"DecaturStreetDives"thatwereregarded
as responsible
forthewaveofcrime.The newspapers
joined this
inluriddetailsthearea
crusadewiththeAtlanta
Journal
describing
K. Newman,"DecaturStreet:Atlanta's
African
AmericanParadiseLost,"At12Harvey
AJournalofGeorgiaand theSouth44 (Summer2000): 5-20.
lantaHistory:
SusanHickey,
and UrbanDevelopment:
Politics,
Working-Class
13Georgina
"Visibility,
Atlanta"(Ph.D. diss.,University
ofMichigan,1995),
Womenin EarlyTwentieth-Century
261.
andBryant
Crow:
SouthGilmore,
Simon,eds.,Jumpin'Jim
Daily,GlendaElizabeth
14Jane
ernPolitics
fromCivilWartoCivilRights(Princeton,N.J.,2000) , 4.
Troublein Mind,389.
15Litwack,
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466
Georgia Historical Quarterly
as a "stinking
restaurants
place withbarrooms,
servingbeerand
to
and
dives
where
liquor Negroes,
people sleep for10 centsa
night."The editorcalledupon theleadersto "CLOSE UP THE
HELL BROTHELS ON DECATURSTREET"in orderto helpreduce theassaultsbyblackson whitewomen.The editorialadded:
and decencydemandtheceslaw,morality,
sentiment,
"Religion,
sation(of theassaults)at once."Thispolicyproposalgainedthe
endorsement
of"thebestnegroesinAtlanta."
One ofthesewasH.
H. Proctor,
of
First
Church,whowas depastor
Congregational
scribedby theJournaFs
editoras "an enlightenednegrominister."16
Proctorwas not alone among the city'sAfrican-American
clergyin callingfortheclosingof theDecaturStreetbars.At a
beforetheriot,sixpastorscalledon
meetingofBaptistministers
thecityto shutdownthesaloonsin thearea. In whatwouldbecomea familiar
drewa distinction
between
theme,theministers
theleadersof thecity'sblackcommunity,
the"preachers,
teachers,and editors"and theuneducated"whoweretheunchurched
and unreachedmembersoftherace."The sixministers
werethe
ofWheatStreetBaptist,
Reverends
PeterJamesBryant
E. R. Carter
ofFriendship
E. P.JohnsonofReed StreetBaptist,
H. R.
Baptist,
HarrisonofFrazierStreetBaptist,
W.W.FloydofZionHillBaptist,
andA. P.DunbarofMt.OliveBaptistChurch.17
ministers
OtherAfrican-American
remainedbusyin theaftermathofthechaoswiththepastoraldutiesoftheiroffice.Forexample,the AtlantaIndependent
reportedthatDr.JohnA. Rush
assistedby the ReverendWilliamFountainofficiated
at the funeralofFrankSmith,a Western
Unionmessenger
stonedtodeath
on Saturdaynight.The fubythemob of "poorwhitecrackers"
neralserviceon Monday,September24,washeld at theCentral
ChurchwhereRushwaspastor.18
The AfricanAvenueMethodist
American
laidtheblameforthedeathon thecity's
lownewspaper
incomewhiteresidents.
Atlanta's
On thedayofthefuneral,
whiteministers
beganto
maketheirvoicesheard.A meetingofMethodist
preacherscon™
AtlantaJournal,September23, 1906.
"AtlantaIndependent,
September22, 1906.
™Ibid.,
September29, 1906.
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
467
demnedthe riotingand passeda unanimousresolutionsaying:
"The crimeand violencethatwereresponsibleforthe rioting
whichoccurredhereSaturday
nightweredenounced;sympathy
tonegroeswasexfortheinnocentwomenwhohavefallenvictims
acthe
excesses
of
the
mob
were
pressed;
deplored;and thetardy
in attempting
to restrainrioterswas
tionof the civilauthorities
regretted."19
also meton Mondayand expressed
WhiteBaptistministers
theirconcernovertheriotingin thecity.The Baptists
appointed
ofsixthatincludedtheReverends
W.W.Landrumof
a committee
FirstBaptist;
JohnF. Purserof
JohnE. Whiteof Second Baptist;
Millard
of
Ponce
de
Leon
AvenueBapW.
WestEnd Baptist;
Julius
tist;VirgilNorcrossofWestern
HeightsBaptist;and W.W.Cowan
the
of ImmanuelBaptistChurch.Their taskwas to investigate
causesoftheviolenceand "tosuggestifpossibletheadoptionof
measurestoprevent
theirreoccurrence."20
FortheBaptistpastors,
theanswerto thecausesoftheriotswasthesameas fortheevanThe following
week the Baptist
gelistSam Jones- prohibition.
in
"THE
the
Christian
all
Index,
newspaper,
reported
capitalletters,
ALL
CLOSING OF
LIQUOR-SELLINGESTABLISHMENTS,IN
OUR STATEWILLDO MORE THANANYOTHER ONE THING
So longas thewhite
TO DIMINISH CRIMEIN THE STATE
to
be
sold
to
for
allow
liquor
Negroes, thesakeoftherevpeople
in partat least,forthe
enue it brings,theywillbe responsible,
The callforprohicrimesthatliquor-besotted
commit."
Negroes
bitiontoremoveliquorfromthehandsof"Negroes"
wasrepeated
in subsequent
weeksin Georgia'sBaptistnewspaper.21
Baptistleadersalsotookthemessagetolocaldecisionmakers.
Speakingat a citycouncilmeetingon Tuesdayevening,September 25,JohnWhiteurgedthattheDecaturStreetbarsbe closed
ofAtlanta,
becausetheywere"[b]lotsuponthecivilization
Breedersofviceandcrime."In a newspaper
White
the
editorial,
justified
in
that
African
Americans
the
South
were
proposalbysuggesting
as irresponsible
withalcoholas AmericanIndiansoutwest.White
concludedwiththefamiliar
caveatthatdiscriminapaternalistic
™
AtlantaJournal,
September24, 1906.
«Ibid.
21Christian
Index,September27, October 4, 11, 1906.
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468
Georgia Historical Quarterly
and for
tionagainstblackswasactuallyfortheirownprotection
thepublicgood.22
White'sracialviewswereconsideredamongthemoremoderUnlikeWhite,conserwhiteclergy.
ate ofthoseheldbyAtlanta's
vativessuch as Dr. A. R. Holderbyof the Moore Memorial
The dayafter
Churchappearedtosupportlynching.
Presbyterian
theriot,Holderbyassesseditscauseswhenhe wrote:
at
tobe deplored,butI am notat all surprised
The riotwasgreatly
itwascoming.Sucha thingshowstheweakit.In fact,I wassatisfied
nessofthelawand wherethelawdoes notprotectthepeoplewill
takeitin theirownhandsand see thatcrimeis punishedproperly.
One thingis sureand certain,and thatis thatthepeople of the
and sisters,
southwillprotecttheirwivesand daughters
regardless
itocoftheconsequencesand at all hazards.I am ofcoursesorry
all
been
but
we
have
as
is
citizen,
curred, every
looking
law-abiding
foritunlessconditions
changed.Rapingmustcease.A stopmustbe
putto it.We willnotstandforit anylonger,be resultswhatthey
inadequate.Our courtsare too slow.
may.. . . The lawis entirely
sucha stateofaffairs.
Somemeansmustbe devisedforremedying
and neverwillas longas raping
I do notpreachagainstlynching,
continuesand thelawis in itspresentstate.It wouldbe foolishto
preachagainstit.I preachagainstcrimeand notagainstlynching
willcontinuea longas rapingdoes.23
as a resultofraping.Lynching
Holderbylaterexpressedregretforthe extremeviewspuboftheriot.The nextweek,he
aftermath
lishedin theimmediate
aboutlynching.
inordertoclarify
hisremarks
madea "correction"
in hissermon
mention
the
strife
he
did
not
stated
that
Holderby
"the
aftertheepisodebeganbecause
on themorning
peoplewere
itwoulddo no good
verynervousand excited,and thatI thought
to preachagainstmoblawor lynchlawunderthepresentcondithatas long as assaultsweremade upon our detionof affairs,
womenthemob lawwouldprevail,and thatwe would
fenseless
atthecauseofthetroublebeforewecouldputa stop
havetostrike
wished
tothecity,
tothemob."Once quiethadreturned
Holderby
to "preachagainstmoblawor lynchlawas I believeall moblawis
to thelawofGod."24
contrary
22
AtlantaConstitution,
September26, 28, 1906.
2Hbid.,
September24, 1906.
™Atlanta
Journal,October 1, 1906.
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
469
Severalotherwhiteministers
expressedtheirconcernover
theadverseeffects
oftheriotingon citybusinesses.
These ministersurgedChristians
whostoodfororderanddecencytopraythat
The mayorresponded
somegood couldcomeoutoftheturmoil.
in
all
saloons
the
closed
until
city
theycouldreapply
byordering
fora businesslicense.Each bar wouldbe reviewedbya special
committeethatwould examinethe "characterof the business
transacted
No one missed
byeverylicensedbarroomin Atlanta."
ordersinceitdid notapplytohotelcafes
thepointofthemayor's
thatservedonlywhitecustomers.
The editorof the Constitution
made theintentof thepolicyperfectly
clear:"Underno conditionsshouldlicensesbe grantedto saloonscateringwhollyor in
to
parttoNegroes,"addingthatitwasthedutyofwhiteAtlantans
from
"inferior
races."25
keepliquoraway
The citycouncilhastily
approvedthereopeningofbarsand
thatcateredtowhitecustomers,
butthirty-six
saloons
restaurants
blacksin thearea ofDecaturStreethad theirlicensesdeserving
In theentirecity,
niedand closedpermanently.
onlyeighteenresforAfrican
Americans
taurants
and taverns
reopened.Duringthe
Afrideliberations
thatled to theclosingoftheseestablishments,
can-American
churchleaderswerebyno meanssilent.Attending
inthe publichearingswereseveralprominent
blackministers
R.
E.
Lucius
H.
of
the
Butler
Street
Carter,
Holsey
cluding
Bishop
ColoredMethodist
JohnRush,andJimReeves,
EpiscopalChurch,
chaplainof the citystockade.Speakingforthe group,Rushrein
mindedtheaudiencethatblackdiveswerenottheonlyculprits
the
riot.
establishments
were
as
and
these
White
causing
just evil
criminals
and serveda degenerate
divesalsonurtured
whiteclientele thatwasjust as proneto criminalbehavioras poor African
Americans.26
The presenceoftheblackministers
at thehearings
wasan exerciseoftheirleadership
withintheircommunity.
While
to asmostoftheviolencehad been causedbywhitesin an effort
serttheirsuperiority
overblacks,theseAfrican-American
church
leaderswillingly
memacceptedthatsomeblamelayon lower-class
bersoftheirraceas wellas lower-class
whites.Suchreasoningdid
notchangethecitycouncil'sdecision,however,
and white-owned
25
AtlantaConstitution,
September28, 1906.
October 3-6,1906; AtlantaJournal,September25, 1906.
26Ibid.,
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470
Georgia Historical Quarterly
businessescontinuedto reopenwhilemanyblack-owned
businessesremainedclosed.In thecitywheremostAfrican
Americans
werepoor,theministers
emergedfromtheriotas themostprominentspokesmen
fortheirrace.
Mosteconomicactivity
in thedaysfollowremainedparalyzed
the
violence.
Stannard
a
national
Baker,
ing
Ray
journalist,describedAtlantaaftertheturmoil:
"Factories
wereclosed,railroad
carswereleftunloadedin theyards,thestreetcar
wascripsystem
and
there
no
cab-service
.
.
.
hundreds
of
dewas
servants
pled,
sertedtheirplaces,thebankclearingsslumpedbyhundredsof
thousandsof dollars,thestatefair,thenjust opening,wasa failure."27
to cityleaderswas the unfavorable
naEquallydevastating
A largeconvention
tionalpublicity
fromtheturmoil.
of
resulting
theNationalAssociationof RetailDruggists
was to beginin Atlantaon October1, withmorethantwothousanddelegatesexeverheld in the
pectedforthefirst
meetingoftheorganization
of
region.The pushtorestorelawand orderled to theformation
a Committee
ofTen,madeup ofwhitebusinessleaderswhoeffectookcontrolofthecity.One ofitsfirst
actswastoorganizea
tively
leaders.Includedamongthem
meetingwithAfrican-American
wereProctor,
E. P.Johnson,E. R. Carter,
JohnRush,and Lucius
as
as
editor
oftheAtlanta
well
J.Davis,
Holsey,
Benjamin
Indepenthe
African-American
Bakercalled
dent, city'sleading
newspaper.
thisthe"first
occasionin theSouthuponwhichan atimportant
made
to
the
foranyseriousconwas
tempt
get tworacestogether
siderationof theirdifferences."28
Whilethismayhave been an
oftheimportance
ofthemeeting,
Bakerwasprobaexaggeration
ofthenovelty
oftheeventwithinthe
blycorrectin hisassessment
city.
The menwhorepresented
theAfrican-American
community
Thereweretwenty-four
Nawereall prominent
blackministers.
in thecityin 1906reporting
a memtionalBaptistcongregations
of
twelve
thousand.
While
there
were
bership approximately
in
African
Methodist
Churches
Atlanta,
twenty-eight
Episcopal
theColorLine:American
in theProgressive
StannardBaker,Following
NegroCitizenship
27Ray
Era (New York,1908), 17.
™Ibid, 20.
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
471
theircongregations
hundred.29
Statusdifreportedonlyfifty-five
ferences among African-American
congregationshad also
emergedbythetimeoftheraceriot.Accordingto a 1903survey
conductedbyAtlantaUniversity
studentsof Professor
W. E. B.
more
than
half
of
the
churches
in
Atlanta
were
DuBois,
Baptist
and veryignorantor ilsmall,withverysmallmemberships,
"very
In
the
of
literate
contrast,
churches,"
pastors older"first
pastors."30
such as FriendshipBaptist,WheatBaptist,and BethelAfrican
MethodistEpiscopal,were knownfortheireducationalattainmentand therelatively
highereconomicstatusoftheirmemberE.
R.
Carter
was
ship.
typicalofthesechurchleadersand notable
forhis 1894 book, TheBlackSide,thathighlighted
the achievebusinessleaders,educators,
mentsofAtlanta'sAfrican-American
The wealthiest
and ministers.31
blackchurchin thecity,
however,
Educatedat FiskUniversity
was Proctor'sFirstCongregational.
and Yale Divinity
African-American
School,Proctorwas thefirst
pastor of the congregationfounded in 1867 by the white
of the AmericanMissionary
Association.This
representatives
had
come
south
after
the
end
of
the
Civil
Warto teach
group
former
becameAtlantaUniversity).
slaves(theschooleventually
In 1903,Proctor'scongregation
numberedalmostfivehundred,
had no debt,and ownedmorevaluablerealestatethananyother
African-American
church in the city. First Congregational
Church'smembersweredescribedas businessand professional
menand theirwives,whosepastorled worshipservicesnotedfor
theirlackofemotionalism
and appeal to theintellect.32
The leaders of the most prominentAfrican-American
churchesplayedthreecritical
rolesthathelpedtodefinetheirpoin the decades thatfollowedthe riot.
sitionin the community
First,theyweretheleadingspokesmenfortheirraceand proved
differences
withtheirfellow
willingto putaside denominational
Andrew
summarized
theideals
JamesReisinger
pastors.Historian
offourof thecity'sleadingAfrican-American
as
pastors follows:
29U.S.Departmentof Commerceand Labor, Bureau of the Census, SpecialReports,
ReligiousBodies:1906 (Washington,D.C., 1910), Table 7, 412 (hereinaftercited as SpecialReBodies:1906).
Religious
ports,
S0W.E. B. DuBois, ed., TheNegroChurch. . . 1903 (1902-1906;rpt, NewYork,1968), 73.
31Edward
R. Carter,TheBlackSide:A PartialHistory
oftheBusiness,Religious,and EducationalSideoftheNegroin Atlanta,Ga. (1894; rpt.,Freeport,N.Y., 1971), ix, 243-50,266-67.
73.
32DuBois,ed., TheNegroChurch,
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472
Georgia Historical Quarterly
wasthepastorofFirstCongregational
Churchin 1906.He emerged
HenryHughProctor
in theaftermath
oftheraceriotas a leaderandspokesman
in the
forAfrican
Americans
Archives
LiCollection,
Division,AuburnAvenueResearch
city.Courtesy
ofWilliamB. Matthews
onAfrican
American
Cultureand History,
Atlanta-Fulton
PublicLibrary
brary
System.
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
473
E. R. Carterwasgenerally
anxiousto promoteinterracial
cooperMcNeal
Turner
wasa bishopin theAfrican
Methodation;Henry
istEpiscopalChurchanda promoter
ofblacksreturning
toAfrica;
LuciusHolseyadvocatedideas of racialseparation;and Proctor
wasa friendofBookerT. Washington.33
Second,eventhoughthefourleadersrepresented
differing
denominations
andideologicalpointsofview,
whenfacedwiththe
ofthecrisis,
inorderto
magnitude
theyputasidetheirdifferences
for
the
African-American
and proprovideleadership
community
motedpolicychangesthatwouldcontribute
to reducingviolence
in thefuture.The majorchangeadvocatedbytheblackpastors
was the promotionof temperanceand closingdownthe lowerclasssaloonsin theDecaturStreetareain an effort
toprevent
furthertrouble.
in theirroleas community
leadersthepastorsof the
Finally,
in an interracial
eliteblackchurchesparticipated
dialoguewith
whitecivicleaders.HistorianDavidFortGodshalksuggestedthat
thisinterracial
cooperationtoclosethesaloonsisolatedtheblack
inthecitythusweakening
ministers
fromotherAfrican
Americans
the racialsolidarity
thatmighthave achievedmore important
Godshalkregardedthe continuing
goalsforall blackresidents.
of
black
andwhitebusiness
elites,
participation
includingpastors,
leadersduringthenegotiated
settlements
ofthecivilrights
era as
partofthepatternestablished
byProctorand otherleadingpastorsfollowing
In contrast,
theriot.34
historian
AllisonDorseysaw
theleadershipofthepastorsas partoftheprocessofcommunity
formation
amongthe city'sAfricanAmericansthatwouldcontinuein the face of segregation
and whiterepression.She describedtheroleoftheblackpastorsas contributing
toracialuplift
in thelongrunthantheefforts
and solidarity
as moresignificant
to reachacrosslinesofpowerand race.35
The turmoil
didprovidean opportunity
fordialoguebetween
blacksandwhites.
As theCommittee
ofTenwhitecivicleadersas33
AndrewJames Reisinger,"Clerical Trailblazers:A Studyof the Cooperation of Atlanta's AfricanAmericanClergyin the Era of the 1906 AtlantaRace Riot" (Honors thesis,
1999), 30-34;and Paul Harvey,Freedom's
Georgia State University,
Coming:ReligionsCulture
and theShapingoftheSouthfromtheCivilWarthrough
theCivilRightsEra (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
2005), 60-67.
VeiledVisions,161, 269.
34Godshalk,
To Build OurLivesTogether,
170.
35Dorsey,
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474
Georgia Historical Quarterly
blacksin
sumedcontrolofthecity,
theyreachedouttoprominent
an effort
topromotelawand order.AmongthetenAfrican-Amerfivewereminicanleaderswhometwiththeirwhitecounterparts,
statusoftheclergyin
isters.Thisshowssomething
oftherelative
communities.
theirrespective
Whilewhiteministers
supportedthecivicleaderswhoformed
and
thatthebusinessmen
theCommittee
ofTen,itis important
for
the
white
comwho
the
professionals comprised spokesmen
sharedthe
did not includeanypastors.Whiteministers
munity
viewsofmostwhitecivicleadersbutwerenotnumberedamong
themostpowerful
ofthecity'swhiteelite.It is nota coincidence
thattheclergysharedtheviewsof prosperousbusinessleaders.
werebornin theregion,
The majority
ofAtlanta's
whitepreachers
such as Emory,Mercer,or Oglethorpe,
educatedat universities
and occupiedan economicstatusin totalestateand property
and business
holdingsthatwas belowotherlocal professionals
ownersbutwellaboveskilledlaborers.36
The Committee
ofTen and itsAfrican-American
counterpart
betweenthe
a
developed proposalto improvecommunication
in the creationof theAtlanta
races.The plan came to fruition
includedone thousandfivehunCivicLeague,whicheventually
CivicLeague,
and theColoredCo-operative
dredwhitemembers,
whichconsistedof an equal numberof blacks.This expanded
groupofwhiteleadersin the CivicLeague did boastof several
members
oftheclergy
suchas Episcopalminister
Cary
prominent
B. Wilmer.
The executive
committee
oftheblackCivicLeagueincludedProctor,
E. R. Carter,PeterJamesBryant,
HenryMcNeal
ofthe
LuciusHolsey,and RichardT. Weatherby,
Turner,
secretary
theriot,thesegroupskeptdisblackYMCA.In theweeksfollowing
topromote
cussionsgoingbetweenwhitesand blacksin an effort
further
outbreaks
ofviolence.37
orderand prevent
biracialmeetingoccurredon September
Anotherimportant
30,1906,attheWheatStreetBaptistChurchwithpastorPeterBryone of
antservingas host.Accordingto theAtlantaIndependent,
thespeakersattheeventwas"Dr.[David]Marks(Marx),pastorof
"Visionof Order,"81-87.
36Newman,
"ClericalTrailblazers,"66-70; Godshalk, VeiledVisions,136-37,140-44;and
37Reisinger,
theColorLine,18-22.
Baker,Following
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
475
theJewishSynagogue,
who advisedthe coloredpeople to take
freshcourageand outlivethefearful
disaster
whichvisitedourcity
residents
should
duringthepastweek."Marxadded thatAtlanta's
the
hell
to
come
and
strive
to
such
hells
as
were
forget
prevent
seenon thecity'sstreets
on September22.38The city'smajorAfrican-American
newspaperwas the onlysourceto reportthe involvementof Marx, who was the leader of Atlanta'soldest
ofJewsof
(a Reform
synagogue
congregation
comprised
primarily
Germanancestry
thatwas officially
namedthe HebrewBenevolentCongregation,
butknownas theTemple).
in
Atlanta
Jews
occupieda smallnichein thecity's
population.
seldom
came to Atlanta,and as a consequence,the
Immigrants
in theearlytwencityneverhadmorethan5 percentforeign-born
tiethcentury.
In theperiodfollowing
theCivilWar,thepresence
ofa smallnumberofmostly
German-born
Jewsin Atlantawasreas
an
indication
of
the
and the
garded
city'sgrowing
prosperity,
whitegentilemajority
had tendedto showlittlehostility
toward
themduringthenineteenth
century.39
Marxwasselectedto lead theTemplein 1896,whenhe became thefirst
American-born
rabbiofthecongregation.
For the
nextfifty-two
to theGentiles,"
yearshe servedas the"ambassador
the
German
of
the
into
theReform
moving largely
Jews
Temple
tradition
withitsemphasison assimilation
intolocal culture.40
To
of"foreignaccomplishthis,MarxstrippedtheTempleofvestiges
with
ism,"held Sundayservices,cultivatedclose relationships
Protestant
in
and
lectured
to
church
Atlanta,
clergy
frequently
and civicgroups.But by 1906,a majority
ofJewsin Atlantabelonged to one of the threeOrthodoxsynagoguescomposed
ofrecently
arrivedRussianimmigrants.
Marxhad fewties
largely
to thesecongregations,
to
preferring promoteacceptancebythe
gentilecommunity.41
38
AtlantaIndependent,
October 6, 1906.
39Steven
Hertzberg,"The JewishCommunityof Atlantafromthe End of the CivilWar
untilthe Eve of the FrankCase," American
HistoricalQuarterly
62 (March 1973): 251.
Jewish
RothschildBlumberg,"JacobM. Rothschild:His LegacyTwentyYearsAfter"in
40Janice
Mark K. Bauman and BerkleyKalin, eds., The QuietVoices:Southern
Rabbisand BlackCivil
Rights,1880s to1990s (Tuscaloosa, Ala. 1997), 263.
41
Bodies:1906,Table 7, 412; StevenHertzberg,Strangers
withinthe
SpecialReports,
Religious
GateCity(Philadelphia, 1978), 185-89.
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476
Georgia Historical Quarterly
refManyoftheRussian
JewscametoAtlantaas impoverished
the
retail
business
at
the
lowest
and
most
and
entered
stigugees
matizedlevel.Theyownedbusinessesand livedalong Decatur
oftwo-story
withAfrican
oftensharingoccupancy
Street,
buildings
in Atlantadid not
Americans.
Mostofthegentilewhitemajority
morereasonto
integration,
providing
approveofthisresidential
between
lookdownon theDecaturStreetarea.The relationships
clienteleand neightheRussianJewsand theirAfrican-American
suffered
borswerecomplex.In spiteof thepersecution
byboth
groups,oftentheattitudeofRussianstowardblacksincludedan
YetmanyRussianJewsin Atlantaweredifferincreasing
hostility.
ofAfrican
Amerientfrommostgentilewhitesin theirtreatment
tobe a partoflifealong
cansas customers
and in theirwillingness
In theaftermath
oftheraceriot,manyoftheDeDecaturStreet.42
forclosing
caturStreetdivesrunbyRussian
Jewsbecametargeted
ofrestaurants
andbars
inan effort
topunishthewhiteproprietors
establishments
a blackclientele.OtherAfrican-American
serving
in theareaalso contributed
to thedisreputable
imageofDecatur
Street.43
In his appearancebeforethe biracialgatheringat Wheat
StreetBaptistChurch,Marxjoined hiswhiteProtestant
colleagues
in addressing
theblacksin theaudiencewithan appeal forcalm
oforder.Marx'sapparentacceptanceby
and there-establishment
in 1906 wouldnot preventviolence
ministers
the gentilewhite
whenantihowever,
againsta memberof his owncongregation,
flaredin Atlantasevenyearslaterduringthetrialand
Semitism
ofLeo Frank.
subsequentlynching
Anotheroutcomeofthemeetingat theWheatStreetBaptist
oftheChristian
CivicLeague,a group
Churchwastheformation
Christian
thatbelievedworshipand thepracticeoffundamental
In
race
relations.
about
would
practice,
positive
bring
principals
bediscussion
ofrelations
191.Foradditional
within
theGateCity,
42Hertzberg,
Strangers
andEthinAtlanta,
see MarkK. Bauman,"Factionalism
Americans
tween
JewsandAfrican
theProgressive
inAtlanta:
The German
nicPolitics
Era,"
JewsfromtheCivilWarthrough
G//Q82(Fall 1998):550-51.Thisthemeis alsoaddressedon a regionallevelbyDavidR.
theUrin Region,
Whites"
Race,andCities:
Blacks,andSouthern
Goldfield,
Interpreting
"Jews,
banSouth(BatonRouge,La., 1997),145-62.
considereda proposalto improvetheimageof Decatur
43Thecitycouncilseriously
defendedtheoriginalnameeven
itEastMain.Manyolderresidents
Streetbyrenaming
8.
"DecaturStreet,"
ofthearea.See Newman,
distaste
forthereputation
whileexpressing
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
477
theChristian
CivicLeague promotedweeklyprayermeetingsat
theblackYMCAand monthly
lectureson theneed forobedience
tothelawas a wayofbringing
communalharmony.
Eventheracist
editoroftheGeorgian,
whose
Graves,
JohnTempleton
newspaper's
sensationalism
had helpedprecipitate
theriot,praisedtheaccomoftheCivicLeague and theChristian
plishments
League,saying
theorganizations
were"working
fromthehighest
possiblemotives
and applying
thesoundestpracticalprinciples
to one ofthemost
and theheartoftheSouthandoftherepubhopefulexperiments,
liccordially
wishesthemsuccess."44
one
in Atlanta,CaryB. Wilmer,
whiteminister
rectorof
Only
thenewlyformedSt.Luke'sEpiscopalChurch,willingly
admitted
in printthatmembersofhisracehad toshoulderat leastsomeof
theblamefortherecentviolence.He toldtheAtlanta
Constitution:
"Beforewe can successfully
controlthenegro,we mustlearnto
controlourselves;
beforewe can Christianize
thenegro,we must
His assumption
thatwhitesneededto "conrepentofoursins."45
trolthenegro"reflected
a longstanding
objectiveofmostwhites
in Atlantasincethe end of the CivilWar.Evenreligiousinstitutionsparticipated
in therigidsegregation
ofthecity'ssocialstructure.He stoodalone in acknowledging
theactionsof thewhites
and urgedresidents
toworktoprevent
future
violenceand tolive
moreChristian
lives.EditorBenjaminDavisreprinted
Wilmer's
letterto theConstitution
in itsentirety
on thefrontpage oftheAtlantaIndependent.
UnlikehiswhiteBaptistand Methodist
counterdid
Wilmer
not
call
for
While
Wilmer
parts,
prohibition.
the
familiar
acknowledged
argumentsconnectingliquor and
crime,he added,"itis quitepossibleto be led astrayand makea
scapegoatofliquoras ifthatwerethesole or eventhechiefcause
ofthelateriot."Instead,Wilmersawthecausewithinthehuman
heartand "notinsidea jug."46
thatAfrican
Meanwhile,
agreeingwithhiswhitecounterparts
Americansshouldbe blamedforthe violence,black ministers
suchas Proctorappealedtowhiteelitesand theentirecityforfinancialsupportso thathischurchcouldprovideupliftforthose
271.
44Bauerlein,
Negrophobia,
45
AtlantaConstitution,
October 4, 1906.
46
AtlantaIndependent,
October 6, 1906.
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478
Georgia Historical Quarterly
wasthepastorofSt.Luke'sEpiscopalChurchat thetimeoftheraceriot.
CaryB. Wilmer
inAtlanta
toadmitthat
He wasamongthemostmoderate
ofwhiteclergy
andwaswilling
Atlanta.
whiteshad some blame forthe violence. Courtesy
ofSt.Luke'sEpiscopalChurch,
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
479
who had been taintedbythe bad influencesof alcohol and saloons.Proctoroutlinedhisstrategy:
"Fortenyears,I hadsaton my
porchnearthechurchand seen thepeople ofmyracego bythe
churchdowntothedive,intotheprison,up tothegallows.I asked
myself
whyitwasthatthepeoplepassedbymychurchandwentto
thedive.The answerwassimple.Mychurchwaslockedandbarred
and dark,whilethedivewaswideopen,illuminated,
and attractive.Then I said: 'God helpingme, I willopen mychurchand
makeitas attractive
as thedive.'"47
His plan requiredmoney,and Proctorraisedten thousand
dollarsfromhiscongregation,
twothousandfivehundreddollars
fromotherblackchurches,
and twenty-five
thousanddollarsfrom
in
Atlanta.
his
connection
whites
toBookerT. Washington,
Using
Proctoralsosolicitedfunding
in otherpartsofthecountry
forthe
construction
ofa newbuildingforFirstCongregational
Church.
The model was the "industrial
church,"a structurecentered
arounda gymnasium,
a library
and readSundayschoolfacilities,
as
a
well
as
and
lavatories.
Proctor
also
room,
kitchen,
showers,
ing
directedthebuildingofa homeforpoor blackworking
girlslocatednextdoorto thechurchand parsonage.Church-sponsored
werenotmerely
forrecreation,
butalsoincludedan emprograms
bureau
and
a
for
ployment
prisonministry men"attheverybottom"of society.Whitecongregations
such as Trinity
Methodist
Churchhad used thismodelas a wayofreachingouttopoorand
whitewomeninAtlantaas earlyas 1882,buttheiracworking-class
tivities
had been limitedto sewinginstruction
and evangelism.
Proctor's
visionofa morecomprehensive
roleforhischurchand
hisenergetic
in themonthsfollowing
theriotenabled
fundraising
thechurchto dedicateitsnewbuildingin 1909witha speechby
Washington.48
Therewerelimitstowhitegenerosity
whenitcametoamelioand addressing
theinadequateschoolsinAtlanta's
ratingpoverty
blackcommunity,
Firstand foremost,
however.
theentirepremise
thatblacksshouldbe blamedforwhitemobviolencewasdeeply
butblackleaderswerein no positionto criticize
whiteAtflawed,
Blackand White:
Sketches
(1925; rpt.,Free47Henry
Hugh Proctor,Between
Autobiographical
port,N.Y., 1971), 99.
4SIbid.,
107; Newman,"Visionof Order," 104-107.
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480
Georgia Historical Quarterly
lantansin public.Consequently,
to reach
anygenuineattempts
- unrestrained
therootoftherealproblem
and unpunishedvio- weresimply
lenceagainstAfrican
Americans
notpossiblein the
contextoftheJimCrowSouth.Moreover,
whiteand blackelites
at ignorantlower-class
blacks,yetno whites
pointedtheirfingers
that
would
supportedpublicpolicies
improveeducationalor emforAfrican
Americans.
Blackswhopaid
ployment
opportunities
localtaxeswerenotprovided
witha publichighschooluntil1924,
twopublichighschoolsforwhiteshad opened
althoughthefirst
in 1872.Likewise,
African
Americans
couldnotuse thepublicliand all blackcitizensenduredsegregation
in mostpublic
brary,
The
for
in
the
aftermath
of
theriotlayon
places.
appeal
charity
thewidelyheldpaternalistic
idealofnoblesseoblige.
The purposeoftheriot,likeotherformsofsouthern
whiteviolenceagainstAfrican
Americans
this
was
during period, to keep
blacksin "theirplace."Bythismeasure,itwassuccessful.
To take
one
in
just
example, 1890 AuburnAvenuehad been a racially
mixedarea thatincludedfiveblack-owned
businesses;by 1907,
thatnumberhad increasedto twenty-nine.
Afterthe riot,more
thantwo-thirds
ofall blackbusinesses
inAtlantarelocatedto preAfrican-American
areaslikeSweetAuburn.49
In fact,
dominantly
from1907untilthepassageofcivilrights
in
black
1964,
legislation
in
commercial
Atlanta
in
was
the
concentrated
areas
of
Auactivity
burnAvenueandDecaturStreeton theeastsideofdowntown
and
on thewestsidenearthecampusesoftheinstitutions
thatwould
makeup theAtlantaUniversity
Center.
eventually
The majorpolicyreform
in thepost-riot
effort
periodwasthe
statewide
law
the
prohibition passedby GeorgiaGeneralAssembly
in 1907.Mostmembers
oftheclergy
ofbothracesgaveittheirsupwhite
Len
G. Broughton,
ministers,
port.Among
pastorof the
the
revived
Anti-Saloon
BaptistTabernacle,
League in orderto
the
state
to voteforprohibition.
press
legislature
Amongblack
withinthe African-American
clergy,Proctororganizedefforts
to backthelegislation.50
Whenthelawtookeffect
on
community
NewYear'sDay1908,one hundredthirty-two
inAtlanta
businesses
Fennell,"A DemographicStudyof Black Businesses,1905-1908,withRespect
49Dwight
to the Race Riot of 1906" (M.A. thesis,AtlantaUniversity,
1977), 32-45.
50Mixon,TheAtlantaRiot,125.
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
481
saloonsand six beer
had to close,includingtwenty-five
whiskey
Americans.
The
African
legislationwas clearly
parlorsserving
conthathad allegedly
aimedattheDecaturStreetestablishments
Methodist
and
toblackmoraldegradation.
tributed
ManyBaptist
in NewYear'sEve
ministers
ofbothracesled theircongregations
law.
celebrations
towelcomethenewprohibition
As in manyotheraspectsof lifein Atlanta,race and class
law.ElitewhitesandAfriGeorgia'sprohibition
deeplyinfluenced
the
that
Americans
can
restricting saleofalcoholwoulddiagreed
- among the poor of
and criminalbehavior
minishdisorderly
thehypocrisy
failedto acknowledge
bothraces.Whitesespecially
whichusuallytook
in theirownbrandof alcoholconsumption,
afterprohibiprivateclubs.Notsurprisingly,
placein unregulated
tion,thesewhiteclubsremainedopen andweresoonjoined byillegalbarsoperatingas "lockerclubs"in theupstairsofofficeand
a fewsaForblacksand lower-class
commercial
whites,
buildings.
loonscontinuedto sellsoftdrinksand "nearbeer,"whichhad an
alcoholcontentoflessthan3 percentandwasregardedas non-inwas also made and sold to both
Moonshinewhiskey
toxicating.
thecity.Eventhoughmostsaloons
blacksand whitesthroughout
reduce
alcoholsalesfailed;thepracto
closed,ministers'
attempts
wastoreducetax
and theneteffect
wentunderground,
ticesimply
revenuesavailableto Atlantaand to turncitizensand business
ofthelaw.51
ownersintoevaders,ifnotbreakers,
as
black
and
white
clergysupportedprohibition,
Just many
businessand potheyalsosharedthedesiretoworkwithAtlanta's
liticalleadersto restorethe capital'simage. Civicleadershad
strivAtlantaas modernand progressive,
workedhardto portray
had
and
But
business
York
to
be
like
New
City
Chicago.
ing
For
its
in
aftermath
of
the
violence.
the
part,
slumpeddramatically
triedto reassureitsreadersthatthe riot
theAtlantaConstitution
- nottheindustrihad been theworkofa "mobofirresponsibles"
visitbusinessmen
citizensofAtlanta.Prospective
ous,upstanding
of
the
that
"the
lawlessness
the
heard
city
promises
ing
theenterprising
fewdid notin anywayrepresent
comparatively
K. Newman,Southern
Tourismand theGrowth
ofAtlanta(Tuscaloosa,
51Harvey
Hospitality:
Ala., 1999), 71-72.
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482
Georgia Historical Quarterly
Partofthisspiritrequiredthat
and progressive
'AtlantaSpirit.'"52
Atlantans
movequicklytoputtheincidentbehindthem.
On Sunday,December9, 1906,theChristian
League and the
ofLawand
BusinessMen'sGospelUniondeclaredtheobservance
OrderDay.On thatdayand thesecondSundayofeverymonthin
thefollowing
wereurgedto preachon civicduty
year,ministers
and lawfulness.
As one newspaper
describedit:"Thedaywillbe a
of theAtlantachurches.The 180
remarkable
one in thehistory
sermonsupon the same subject,deliveredwithspecialearnestin theireffect."53
be powerful
AtFriendship
ness,willofnecessity
African-American
the
oldest
Church,
Baptistchurch,
Baptist
city's
an estimated
crowdofmorethantwelvehundredfilledthesancandformer
William
tuarytohearBookerT.Washington
governor
CivicLeague,as well
a promoter
ofthewhiteChristian
Northern,
a prominent
memberof
as thepastorofthechurch,E. R. Carter,
theColoredCivicLeague.54
Eventslike thesefostereda sense of cooperationbetween
racesthatwouldcome to definetheAtlantaapproachto whiteblackrelations.
The interracial
dialogue,forthemostpart,would
butitdid helpgive
be conductedfromsegregated
organizations,
Atlantatheappearance,in thewordsof one of itslatermayors,
toobusytohate."Clearly,
theharsh
ofa "city
WilliamB. Hartsfield,
foraninsisted
of
that
white
upon segregation
reality
supremacy
othersixtyyearsgavelie to suchslogans.Yetthecity'sboosters,
efcoupledwithsomegenuine(ifsporadicand grudging)reform
a veneerof
fortsovertheyears,sawto itthatAtlantamaintained
racialcooperation.
ofa crime;Atlantans
weretoo
Fewrioters
wereeverconvicted
and
on.
The
raceriot
the
behind
them
move
to
eager put episode
it
fromhistorians
and eventually
of 1906receivedlittleattention
are
a
number
of
lesthere
fadedfrommemory
almostentirely.
Yet,
sonsimbeddedin theevent,includingtheroleplayedbyministers.
First,the1906riotinAtlantawasbutone ofa numberofsimAllwererepressive
riotsacrossthecountry.
ilarracially
motivated
52
AtlantaConstitution,
September30, 1906.
53
AtlantaEveningNews,December 9, 1906.
257.
54Bauerlein,
Negrophobia,
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
483
ofwhitesoverblacksby
violencedesignedtoassertthesupremacy
in
In Atlanta,and
African
Americans
segregated society.
keeping
elsewhere,
partofthatlegacyofviolencewasthephysicalseparaand commercial
tionofAfricanAmericansintoneighborhoods
areassuchas AuburnAvenueand DecaturStreet.The legacybefor
ofseparateneighborhoods
camemorethanphysical
patterns
that
has
notedin 2006:"Every
whitesandblacks.One observer
city
had racialviolencelikethisis stillaffected
byit.You see itin the
inthefearspeoplefeelon
intheattitudes,
ofsegregation,
patterns
and peolikethisriotslipsoutofmemory,
bothsides.Something
are.
But
there
are
been
the
have
assume
waythey
always
things
ple
betweenraces
The 1906raceriotdefinedrelationships
reasons."55
to
based on prejudiceand fear,twoemotionsthatare difficult
overcome.
ofthe
The roleofAtlanta'sreligiousleadersin theaftermath
As
the
Constitution
deof
the
riotis also an important
legacy.
part
atmanyofthecity's
whitechurcheson
scribedtheSundayservices
remainedsiaftertheviolencebegan,mostministers
themorning
white
lenton thesubject.In thedaysthatfollowed,
many
preachers used theirvoicesto promoteorderin supportof Atlanta's
economicleaders.In thisroleas communicators,
morepowerful
articulated
a widelyheld beliefthatreligion,
thewhiteministers
could
reduce
problemsof disorderand
especiallyChristianity,
of
to the citybased on a visionof the supremacy
bringstability
theirrace.
didnotagreeon howthatcouldbe achieved.
The whiteclergy
and illegalviolenceto
Someofthemoreextremeurgedlynching
keepblacksin theirplace.Mostused theirvoicesto restoreorder
through
publicpoliciesthatwouldclosesaloonssellingalcoholto
AfricanAmericansand promotedpassage of prohibitionlaws.
Whilea fewpastorsarguedthattheclergyshouldstayoutofpolitics,mostsupportedthecity'scivicelite,whowereusuallymembersof theircongregations.
Theycondemnedtheriotingforits
on business,
buttookno noticeofitscause- white
adverseeffects
racism.For the nextfifty
yearsafterthe riot,mostwhiteclergy
oftheracialstatusquo thatkeptAfrican
wouldremainsupporters
Americansin theirseparateand unequal place in Atlanta.As
55
AtlantaJournal-Constitution,
January14, 2006.
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484
Georgia Historical Quarterly
skilledoratorsthecity's
whitepreachers
helpedtomoldthesegreeducational
of
full
that
denied
rights citizenship,
gatedsociety
African-AmertoAtlanta's
and dignity
and economicopportunity,
icanresidents.
Whilenotalwaysat thecenterofthecivicelite,the
whiteclergy
werebyno meansapolitical.Theyusedtheirtalentto
and whattheyregardedas moralcrusades
supportsegregation
on
and restrictions
suchas prohibition,
legislation,
anti-gambling
othervices.
WithinwhatE. R. Carterdescribedas the"BlackSide ofAtministers
continuedtheirrolesas leadlanta,"African-American
The positionof
social
structure.56
ersinan increasingly
segregated
black
church
in
a
mightnot convey
twentieth-century
pastor
minister
a
the
with
wealth,but it provided
highstatusposition
Astheyhad in thedaysaftertheriot,many
withinthecommunity.
blackministers
servedseveralrolesin thecity.
First,
theywerepowwhowouldprovidethe
erfulleaderswithintheblackcommunity
racialupliftneededbythoseat thebottomofsocietywhowould
assistance
and physical
benefitfromthespiritual
providedwithin
H. H. Proctorwasan exampleofthiskindofleader
thechurches.
withaccesstobooks,
whosechurchprovidedtheblackcommunity
suchas
and a widearrayofothernecessities
training,
employment
First
fountain.
WithotherAfrican-American
a drinking
churches,
the
for
an
"instrument
also
reforming
Congregational provided
wereplaceswheremenand
race."Forformer
slaves,thechurches
womencouldlearnpropermoralvalues,becomingsober,industriouscitizens.57
Black clergyprovidedmore thanupliftwithintheirsegrefortheirrace
Theyalsoremainedas spokesmen
gatedcommunity.
formedbeforetheFirstWorldWar.
in thevariety
oforganizations
ofTen to theCoFromthegroupthatmetwiththeCommittee
CivicLeague,
CivicLeagueand theChristian
louredCo-operative
African-American
pastorswereprominentleadersof the black
in
withwhitesto restoreorderand procommunity negotiations
conbetweentheraces.Suchconversations
motecommunication
TheBlackSide,1-2.
56Carter,
74.
To Build OurLivesTogether,
57Dorsey,
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Aftermathof Atlanta's 1906Race Riot
485
tinuedthroughotherorganizations
suchas theCommission
on
Interracial
and
the
Christian
Council.58
Cooperation
Scholarssuchas DavidGodshalkand AllisonDorsey,
whosee
different
in
the
outcome
of
the
1906
race
riot,
meaning
agreethat
thedialoguebetweentheracestookplacewithina "mantleofpaternalism"
thatblackleaderswillingly
accepted.Bothconcurthat
therolesofthepastorswerepartofa separation
ofthecity'sblack
into
an
elite
that
was
to
community
group
willing negotiatewith
whitecivicleaderson lessthantermsofequality.
ForDorsey,
howbecamean imporever,theblackleaders,includingtheministers,
tantpartof the processof racialupliftthatwouldimprovethe
in thecity.
Americans
social,economic,and civiclivesofAfrican
In thefaceofwhiteracism,
theseleaderswerepartofthesolidarity
oftheblackcommunity.59
The leadershipexperienceofblackpastorscontributed
tothe
in
of
Atlanta
to
resolve
much
of
its
interracial
strife
uniqueability
violence.The processofinterracial
comsubsequent
yearswithout
municationthatfollowedtheriothad important
consequences.
The cooperationoftheblackandwhiteCommittees
ofTenled to
in theimmediateclosingofmanyofthe
policychangesresulting
establishments
Decatur
Streetand in thesuccessful
along
temperance campaignthefollowing
year.Thus,twocriticalrolesof the
blackclergyin theyearsaftertheraceriotwereactiveleadership
in politicsand thepromotion
ofinterracial
communication.
The
aftermath
oftheriothelpedblackandwhiteclergy
the
solidify differentrolestheywouldplayin Atlantathroughout
muchof the
twentieth
thisaspectofthelegacyofthat
century.
Understanding
eventmayhelp all thosewhoseek to providecivicleadershipin
thefuture.
"The Social Gospel in Atlanta,"80, 166.
58Nesbitt,
VeiledVisions,
170.
59Godshalk,
161-62;Dorsey,To Build OurLivesTogether,
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