CHAPTER -I
INTEREST GROUPS AND DEMOCRACY
The thrust of this research work is to examine and evaluate the
role of various interest groups in the process of political change in
Bangladesh. Bangladesh emerged as an independent country in 1971
after liberation war or 'mukti juddho' against the exploitative and the
oppressive control of Pakistani rulers. Democratic ideals and secular
values became the basis of the newly independent country. But,
unfortunately, soon the country was in the clutches of forces which not
only distorted and disfigured the founding and the guiding principles of
the country but also tried to alter the basic direction of the State. It
was after a long spell of dictatorial rule that governance by elected
representatives of the people was restored in Bangladesh.
The period chosen for this study is broadly from 1982 to 1996.
During this period two powedul movements have occurred. First, the
anti-Ershad movement for the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh
which though unsuccessful in 1987 could however dislodge Ershad
from power in 1990. Second, the agitation during the period from 1994
to 1996 demanding elections to be held under a neutral caretaker
government. This protest movement was directed against the elected
government of Begum Khalida Zia.
2
Various
sections
of
the
society
had
participated
in
the
movement for the restoration of democracy and the agitation for the
establishment of a neutral caretaker government to conduct elections.
lhese movements are considered to be vital in restoring constitutional
rule and initiating a process towards institutionalization of democracy
in Bangladesh. Long spells of martial rule, first under General Zia-ur
Rahman
and
then
under General
Ershad,
had
smothered
the
democratic urges of the people, stifled their rights and destroyed
democratic institutions. The hegemony of the ruling class facilitated
the rise of the coercive apparatus of the State. Such state of affairs
created all round dissatisfaction and people gasped to breathe freely
under a government chosen by them through free and fair elections
and be responsible to them. All sections of the society converged to
attain this goal - the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh. This
work is an attempt to study how the different interest groups in the
society and especially the professional groups have come forward and
contributed towards the process of democratization of the Bangladesh
polity.
Theoretical Underpinnings
Before proceeding further, it is necessary to define the terms
'Interest Groups' and 'Democracy' which is basic to this research
work.
3
Interest Group : The term 'Interest group' means collection of
people with identical interests and collectively making claims on the
state for allocation of resources.
Definite statement of group theory can be found in A.F.
Bentley's 'The Process of Government', B. Latham's 'The Group Basis
of Politics' and D. Truman's 'The Governmental Process'. According to
Bentley, a group means "a certain portion of men of a society, taken,
however, not as a physical mass cut off from other masses of men,
but as a mass (of) activity, which does not preclude the men who
participate in it from participating likewise in many other group
activities". 1 According to Latham, the society "is a single universe of
groups which combine, break, federate, and form coalitions and
constellations of power in a flux of restless alterations and is kept
2
going by the push and resistance between groups." David Truman
has commented that a group is a collection· of individuals which "on
the basis of one or more shared attitudes, makes certain claims upon
other groups in the society for the establishment, maintenance, or
enhancement of forms of behaviour that are implied in the shared
attitudes ..... The shared attitudes constitute the interests." 3 Bentley
emphasized that society comprises of actions (dynamic process) and
that action is always and invariably a group process - by men in
'Arthur F. Bentley, The Process of Government (Chicago, 1952), p. 251.
2
B. Latham, The Group Basis of Politics : A Study in Basing - Point Legislation
(New York, 1952), p. 49.
3
David Truman, The Governmental Process (New York, 1964), pp. 33-34.
4
groups. Various groups in the society are in perpetual interaction with
each other. After from the concept of group interest which leads to the
organisation of groups and directs their activities, group interests also
motivate groups to develop close or even formal ties with political
parties. Hence, they may be described as input side of government.
The pluralist theory of democracy has also emphasized the role
of multiparty system. It has g1ven importance to various organizations
and pressure groups in the political system. It holds that it is through
various organizations, pressure groups, trade unions, political parties
and other socio-economic associations that the individuals participate
in the political process. A political party is a coalition of group interests
pursuing general political policies. Pressure groups, on the other
hand, "are the living 'public' behind the parties". These groups do not
!"urse the constituencies for competing at the polls. Their sole concern
is to influence government in order to obtain laws compatible with their
own special interests. Actually, the members of a pressure group hold
shared attitudes. There are two categories of pressure groups.
Interest groups, as one of the categories, are those groups in which
the attitudinal homogeneity emanates from community of interests
among their members. For instance, an interest group may comprise
of all big farmers. The second category, the attitudinal groups, are
those groups the members of which share certain values in common
(i.e. the pacifist group in which all members are totally opposed to
5
war). Interest groups such as Trade Unions have their other activities
besides the activity of influencing the government decisions, and
sometimes, the former is more important than the latter. But for the
attitude groups, influencing the government decisions, is their main
concern.
According to Almond and Powell interest groups are "a group of
individuals who are linked by a particular bond or concern of
advantage and who have awareness of those bonds" and that the
interest groups are formed "to increase the strength and effectiveness
4
of individual demands". Interest Group has also been described as
any association that tries to secure from the state policies favourable
to its member or followers.
One particular development of modern political system finds
place in the inter-penetration of political parties and interest groups.
What counts in politics is power. For the sake of having power both
the parties and organised groups have to depend upon the help and
cooperation of each other. Hence either some groups combine
together to form or support a particular party or a political counterpart
of their organisation or coalition, or a political party controls some
group or groups and thereby imparts a politico-ideological content to
their activity.
4
Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Jr., Comparative Politics Today: A
World View (Boston, 1980), p. 35.
6
Political parties and interest groups resemble each other in a
way that both seek to realise their objectives by influencing the
decision
making
agencies in their favour.
However,
a striking
difference between the two finds place in that while a party is a fullfledged political organisation and plays politics by profession, a group
becomes a political association for the sake of expediency. A group is
formed iust for the sake of some interest to exercise influence upto the
decision making body to the extent its range of interest is involved.
Root of the formation of an interest group is a specific interest.
individuals having a common interest come together to fight for the
protection and promotion of their interests. Interest groups play the
role of hide and seek in politics. The role they play falls between
politicization like that of political parties and non-politicization like that
of economic or cultural organisations. Eckstein has rightly pointed out
that
interest
groups
"represents
something
more
than
utter
depoliticisation : it constitutes an intermediate level of activity between
the political and the apolitical". 5
Gabriel A. Almond has made four-fold categorization of the
interest groups as 'institutional', 'non-associational', 'anomie' and
'associational' groups.
5
Harry Eckstein, Pressure Group Politics (Stanford, 1960), pp. 15-39.
7
Political parties, business corporations, legislatures, armies,
bureaucracies and churches often support institutional groups or have
members with special responsibility for lobbying according to Almond.
f.ccording to him, "these groups are formal and have other political or
social functions in addition to interest articulation. In authoritarian
regimes, which prohibit or at least control other types of groups,
institutional groups play a very large part".
6
Non-associational groups are based on common interests of
ethnicity, region, religion, occupation and perhaps kinship. They are
rarely well organised. Non-associational group may be "a very large
group that has not become formally organized, although its members
perceive, perhaps dimly, their economic interests" or the group is "the
small
kinship,
lineage,
economic,
members know each other personally".
or
ethnic
sub-group,
whose
7
Anomie groups are the "more or less spontaneous groups that
form suddenly when many individuals respond similarly to frustration,
disappointment, or other strong emotions". 8 They are flash affairs
rising
and
subsiding suJdenly without previous organization or
planning, individuals long frustrated "may suddenly take to the streets
to vent their anger as a rumour of new injustice sweeps the community
6
7
8
Almond,· n. 4, p. 74.
ibid., p. 74.
ibid., p. 72.
8
or news of a government action touches deep emotions. Their action
may lead to violence, but not necessarily".
9
Associational groups include trade unions, chambers of commerce
and manufacturers' associations, ethnic associations, religious association
and civic groups. They "characteristically represent the expressed interests
of a particular group, employ a full-time professional staff, and have orderly
procedures for the formation of interests and demands".
10
Organised interest groups seek channels for articulation of their
demands and means for convincing the decision-makers that their
demands deserve attention and response. One very obvious means of
articulating demands is through demonstrations and the use of
yiolence, but this is ordinarily employed by anomie interest groups.
Another means of access to political elites is personal connection. But
this
is
generally
employed
by
non-associational
groups.
Elite
representation on behalf of an interest group is much more important
channel of access which can be used with great effect by some
interests. But the most important of all are the various formal and
institutional channels, which are found in a modern political system.
Among the formal and institutional channels the following are very
important : (i) mass media, i.e. radio and newspapers, (ii) political
parties, (iii) legislatures, (iv) bureaucracies, and (v) cabinets.
9
10
ibid., p. 72.
ibid., p. 75.
9
The interest groups use difterent types of techniques in their
efforts
to
secure
their
objectives.
The
effectiveness
of these
techniques depends upon the size of the group, its cohesiveness, its
organisational structure and the style of its leadership. Much also
depends upon the nature of the political system itself.
In an open society, interest groups are permitted to organise
~.
themselves freely, they do not only engage in activities which affect
each other, but they do not only engage in activities which affect each
other, but they also tend to influence the machinery and the process
of government. The government in its turn affects their interests
through laws, rules and regulations, licences, taxation and other
countless legislative and administrative acts. Seen from the point of
view of the government, 'interest' groups turn into 'pressure' group
ftnd their activities to pressure upon government. Where they work in
open, interest groups fulfil a necessary and useful function. They help
in forming a link between the people and the government, of which
administrators and legislators can make use in securing information
on facts and attitudes. Totalitarian societies require that all organised
activity promote official lines of policy. A free society, in contrast,
welcomes groups because they represent a diverse and conflicting
interests found among its citizens.
One
of
the
consequences
important for interest articulation -
of
modernization
particularly
is a widespread belief that
10
conditions of life can be altered through human action. "Sociaeco,nomic modernization increases the incapability of the political
system to tap the resources of the society, both by increasing such
resources ad by creating a greater potential for effective political
administration. More important, these changes greatly increase both
the need for coordinated social action to solve new problems and the
likelihood of increased political participatl0n and political demands
from members of the society"_,,
If socio-economic change undermines the more traditional
bases
of
association,
people
need
to
develop
new
forms
of
association in order to present their demands effectively. Yet this is by
no means automatic. Societies vary widely in the extent to which
people engage in associational activity.
12
Anpther pertinent question is how groups mobilize members to
participate in politics. Rosennstoe and Hasen (1993) claim that
voluntary associations promote political activism because members
are susceptible to mobilization by their own, as well as other group
leaders. Knonke (1988) finds that individuals contribute to the group in
ways that are consistent with their incentives for joining. Individuals
interested in solidary benefits are more likely to participate internally,
while individuals interested in lobbying benefits are more likely to
participate externally. Verba and Nile (1972) find that intentional
1
:
12
ibid., p. 85.
Gabriel A., and Sidney Verba, Thne Civic Culture (Princeto, 1963).
11
mobilization is restricted to individuals who are active, rather than
passive members of voluntary associations. Jann Leighley (1996) has
shown that group mobilization results from direct requests of group
leaders for members to act on the group's behalf, as well as from the
internal group activities that provide members the opportunity to
develop skills transferable to the political sphere.
13
In Bangladesh which is going through the critical
pha~J
of
institutionalization of democracy, the interest groups have yet to
influence government policies to a large extent. However, the people
of Bangladesh have an inherent urge for democracy. It was for the
sake of democracy that the people fought the military - bureaucratic
machine of Pakistan. On the one had where the people at large as
members of various interest groups - whether students, business
community, professionals, women or workers- have largely supported
movements for institutionalization of democracy in Bangladesh, there
are, however, certain groups like the religious fundamentalists and the
vested interests within the military- bureaucratic machine which have
constantly hampered the process of democracy from developing
strong roots. Mahendra Ved commenting on the military- bureaucratic
machine has written, "The diktats no longer came from Islamabad' or
Rawalpindi, but from the inheritors of the same legacy at home.
Ironically, as in Pakistan before and after the events of 1971,
13
Jan Leighley, "Group Membership and the Mobilization of Political Participation",
The Journal of Politics, Vol. 58, No. 2, May 1996, pp. 447-63.
12
whenever this combine has seiz€:d control of political power, it is
wholly th.anks to the failure of the political leadership".
14
There has been growth of democratic norms throughout the
world. Democratic institutions "with all their procedural messiness and
sluggishness, nevertheless protect the integrity of the person and the
freedoms of conscience ans:f expression", so much so that even the
authoritarian r... g;mes find it necessary to ''warp themselves in the
rhetoric and constitutional trappings of democracy, or at least state as
their goal the eventual establishment of democracy".
15
Democratic
progress is apparent not only in South Asian countries but also in
Latin America, West Europe, East Asia and Central Asia. The
restoration and revitalization of democracy is not free from challenges
and crisis.
It is therefore necessary to strengthen democratic institutions
son that they are able to face the threats to constitutionalism and
democracy and adapt themselves according to circumstances to the
requisites of crisis management and to bring about stability so vital for
any system. "The first duty of any democratic government ... is to put
the army under the control of elected government. For taking some
hard decisions to this effect, the democratic parties and leaders
14
Mahendra Ved, "Bangladesh : Bad Portents For Democracy", Strategic
Analysis, April 95, p. 110.
15
L. Diamond and others, Democracy in Asia (New Delhi, 1989), p. x.
13
should also exude confidence in themselves, taking advantage of
national and international environment".
16
The history of Bangladesh brings to light two very striking
features - first the aspirations of the people for democracy and the
saga of sacrifices for its accomplishment and second, the aspirations
of those at the helm of affairs to concentrate more and more power in
their hands at the cost of democracy and rha saga of coups, countercoups ad erosion of democratic institutions.
Democracy
antithetical
: The
political
word
systems,
Characteristics of western
"democracy",
seems
democracy,
to
as
express
"people's
it
is
used
varied
by
ideas.
democracy"
in
communist countries and "basic democracy" in Ayub's Pakistan differs
yvidely. It is, therefore, necessary to understand the basic postulates
of democracy.
Democracy is that institutional arrangement which ensures free
participation of the people in the process of controlling ultimate
political power. Mac lver in his book, 'The Web of Government', has
written "Democracy is not a way of governing, whether by majority or
otherwise, but primarily a way of determining, who shall govern and,
broadly, to what ends".
17
Freedom of choice, thus, is the basic core of
democracy. The people must be given the freedom to choose who
16
Lok Raj Baral, South Asia - Democracy and the Road Ahead (Kathmandu,
1992), p. 7.
17
Mac lver, The Web of Government, p. 198.
14
shall govern. This question can be decided only by referring it to
public opinion and accepting on each occasion the verdict of the
elections.
Hence, democracy is traditionally associated with co-existence
of ideas, with the right to differ, and with the resolution of ideological
differences not by bullet but by ballot. Through election one idea
pecomes triumphant, and this is the ruling idea of the
communit~.
Thus the political authority, through the operation of democracy,
becomes responsive to the dominant idea of the community. It
ensures in democracy the community control over the government.
Parties are the vehicles of ideas. Plurality of ideas is intrinsic to
democracy
and
involves
plurality
of
parties.
Parties
are
the
instruments through which ideas arising in the society flow into the
system and makes possible the worki'ng of the political machinery.
Democracy is also closely associated with peaceful competition
of ideas. This requires the dominance of reason in human relations.
Thus rule of force is hostile to the spirit of democracy
~or
it is
destructive of reason.
Democracy as an ideal condemns a system of privilege based
on birth and wealth. Democracy postulates a social climate of equal
opportunities where free, equal, active and intelligent citizens choose
their own way of life.
15
Democratic ideal also refers to inter-group
relations.
The
richness of human personality depends upon the richness of the
associative life of the
society woven by various groups which
spontaneously grow to fulfil the diverse needs of life. Autonomy of
voluntary groups or what is known as institutional pluralism is the core
of democratic ideal.
On international plane, democratic ideal stands for the right to
self determination and organisation of inter-state relations on the
basis of justice and reason.
Democracy, like 'freedom'- or 'equality', is in fact, a term with a
common core of meaning lying beneath all the varied uses and
interpretations. "At the root of all definitions of democracy, however,
refined and complex, lies the idea of popular sovereignty- the people
as the ultimate political authority. Democracy is not always taken to
signify only a form of government, or of choosing a government : it
may be a term applied to a whole society".
18
Thus, we define democracy as a type of political regime in
which
(a)
individual
meaningful
and
and
organised
extensive
groups
for
competition
all
effective
exists
among
positions
of
government, at regular intervals and excluding the use of force; (b) a
18
Anthony Arblaster, Democracy (England, 1987), p. 8.
16
highly inclusive level of political participation exists in the selection of
leaders and policies, such that no major social group is excluded; and
(c) a sufficient level of civil and political liberties exists to ensure the
integrity of political competition and participation. In practice, these
conditions can only be met through the regular conduct of free, fair,
universal elections. A democratic transition is the process through
which a democratic regime of this sort replaces a non-democratic
regime.
Establishment or restoration of democratic form of government
has to be accompanied by Democratic consolidation. Democratic
.
consolidation refers to "the process by which a newly established
democratic regime becomes sufficiently durable; that democratic
breakdown- a return to non-democratic rule- is no longer likely".
19
In the case of transition from authoritarianism to populism, there
is a constant fear of backlash by the old privileged classes who fear
being overwhelmed by a peoples' movement. Democratization in a
large measure, embodies "a decisive form of political containment
representing the conservative adjustment of the ruling classes to
popular
challenges.
It
constitutes
a
passive
revolution,
a
reconfiguration of rather than a rupture with the ancient regime". 20
9
Mark J. Gasiorowski and Timothy J. Power, The Structural Determinants of
Democratic Consolidation, Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 31, No. 6, Dec. 98,
p. 743.
20
Robert Fatton, Jr., The impairments of Democratization, Comparative Politics,
Vol. 31, No.2, Jan. 1999, p. 209.
'
17
When the Constitution of Bangladesh was promulgated on 16th
December, 1972, the people were assured that the fundamental
human rights would be protected from any arbitrary action from any
quarters. The Constitution ensured rule of law. The country was
wedded to the principles of liberal democracy and multi-party system.
The ideals of separation of power were enshrined in the Constitution.
Mixi.1g of religion and politics was prohibited in order to build a secular
polity. The Constitute aimed at development of an egalitarian society.
"But the Constitution under the first three successive regime of Mujib,
Zia and Ershad was drastically amended which had changed not only
the form and content, but also added many authoritarian and
undemocratic elements in the fundamental law of the land".
21
The
government installed after the abdication of power by General Ershad
in 1990 has rescinded the Presidential system and reverted back to
parliamentary form of government.
Democracy does not, however, merely rest on the political
functioning and framework but also on the country's rapid growth of
economic development, the growth of the country's GNP (including
per capita) and general situation of the population in general. The last
factor is of considerable importance for growth and strengthening of
democracy. This is so because the low standards of living of the
21
S.R. Chakravarty (ed.), Bangladesh Under Mujnib, Zninan and Ershad (New
Delhi, 1995), p. 174.
18
masses, their low level of income and ever growing menace of
unemployment and with their circular and cumulative causation pose a
formidable challenge to planning in the country and to the existence of
democracy.
Then nexus of money power and politics breeds corruption.
People often enter politics since it is the avenue for economic power.
Huge amount of money is spunt in the elections by the candidates or
provided by contributors because they expect something in return.
Corruption in administration is a deep malice in Bangladesh as
in the other third world countries. It is a great impediment to the
growth of democratic governance. I Bangladesh "civilian and military
bureaucrats often engage in forms of auto-corruption by utilizing their
positions for their own personal and corporate gains. They also turn
their
structural
legislators".
advantage
to
give
benefits
to
politicians
and
22
Democratic temper means that criticism should be within limits.
It calls for concession and compromise. It demands rising above petty
selfish interests for the greater interest of democratic order and
political stability. Above all it signifies respect for public opinion.
Democracy and Interest Groups
: In Bangladesh,
elite
?ompetition in political arena is fierce and the attitude of the
22
Atatur Rahman, "Challenges of Governance in Bangladesh", BliSS Journal
(Dhaka), Vol. 14, No. 4, 1993, p. 472.
19
competitors
is not very congenial
for sustaining
a democratic
environment. The code of conduct necessary for functioning of
parliament in a viable manner has often been flouted by both the
Treasury Bench and the Opposition in Bangladesh. The major political
parities
lack
in-party
democracy
and
leadership
hierarchy.
In
Bangladesh, in the case of the two most prominent parties - the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Awami League (AL), it is
Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina who are the supreme leaders. The
clash of personalities of these two women has often hampered
dialogue and compromise necessary for parliamentary democracy.
The intolerance and repression of the party in power on the one hand
and the oppositions' constant preoccupation to bring down the
government instead of resorting to methods of bargaining for conflict
management in legislation have impeded the process of development
of healthy undemocratic behavior.
In the history of socio-political movement of Bangladesh the
students occupy an exaulted place. There exists in the student
community a fighting spirit. During the Pakistan:- rule, the students
have played vital role in different stages like the language movement
of 1952, the movement against the dictatorial rule of Ayub Khan and
Yahya Khan and the war of independence. Even during the post
independence period, the students have played an active, vigilant and
leading -role in all the agitations against authoritarian rule. The
20
students have shown the way and other groups supporting democratic
set-up have followed. Though the student community is largely divided
on party lines but nonetheless in all major movements for political
change their contribution has been significant. The student community
has received affection and respect from the general people. The unity
of the students and the people has contributed to the historical
development of peoples' movement in Bangladesh.
Despite cultural homogeneity, Bangladeshi political culture is
highly fragmented at the level of the elite and the masses. The reason
for this fragmentation has been both structural factors as well as
conflicting values. "Structural conflicts result from the patron-client
character of Bangladeshi peasant society and the poor physical
integration of the vast deltaic plain. Value conflicts emerge from the
diverse influences of a highly traditional social order, British liberalism
and colonial rule, the Muslim nationalism of the Pakistan period,
socialism, and Bangladeshi nationalism".
23
Conflicts of structure and
values have tended to create a society divided by minute differences i
social status. They have also affected the formation and sustenance
of groups, their character and internal organization and their impact on
the political system.
23
Stanley A. Kochnek, Patron-Client Politics and Business in Bangladesh (New
Delhi, 1993), p. 34.
21
The two most important factors which has shaped the national
identity in Bangladesh have been religion and ethnicity. An Islamic
identity played a critical role in the creation of Pakistan as Muslim
Bengalis felt threatened by the powerful Hindu community. Ethnicity
and language became the dominant sources of identity in the struggle
against Pakistan. The elite of Bangladesh has itself been divided in
their attempts to use religion and ethnicity to forge new identities.
Awami League stressed on secular Bengali nationalism whereas
Bangladesh
Nationalist
Party
(BNP)
emphasized
Islam
and
Bangladeshi nationalism.
In 1947 when eastern Bengal became a part of Pakistan, the
agrarian society consisted of four main classes, viz. a small category
of big zamindars of which few were Muslims; a sizable section of petty
zamindars, Jotedars and rich farmers who were shared by the two
religious groups; a large part of self sufficient owner - cultivators
highly dominated by Muslims; a sizable number of poor peasants
composed of share croppers and agricultural labourers almost evenly
distributed between Hindus and Muslims. Following partition there was
large scale migration of the Hindu landlords from Bangladesh.
The urban society was composed of a small group of industrial
workers and a si'zable section of English educated, professional and
salaried middle class elements, most of whom were Hindus but a quite
substantial number belonged
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22
been very slow process of urbanization in Bangladesh. By 1961 the
urban population comprised only 5 percent of the total population. It
increased to 10.6 percent by 1981. Organised groups existed in the
urban population which, in turn, dominated the politics of Bangladesh.
The civil bureacracy and the military have been the most powerful
elements in the urban elite. "These institutional interests confront an
organizationally weak but highly politicized set of social forces
represented by student organizations,
political parties, business
associations, middle-class professional groups, and a small but vocal
working class employed largely in the public sector".
24
In the early phase of colonialism Bengal experienced the
domination of external mercantile capital, represented by then East
India Company. The principal forces in the class struggle were the
mercantile class, their intermediaries, zamindars ad the peasants.
Thus, "the primary contradiction was between the primary producers
and the state power and its intermediaries, while the secondary set of
relation was comprised of the zamindars and the state power, where
antagonism was primarily on the issue of the total shrue extracted
from the primary producer". 25 Even in the non-agricultural sectors the
relations between the primary producers (viz. weavers and artisans)
and mercantile capital was antagonistic.
24
25
ibid., p. 231.
Ali Riaz, State, Class and Military Rule : Political Economy of Martial Law in
Bangladesh (Dhaka, 1994), p. 69.
23
During the colonial rule as well .as the period when Bangladesh
constituted the East Pakistan, the dominant mode of articulation of
power
was
dominance
instead
of
co-operation.
Even
after
independence when the role of the state was augmented in an
unprecedented
manner,
there was
expansion
of power of the
bureaucracy. The civil and the military bureaucrats enjoyed vast
privileges. "F&Iiure to extract consent from the subordinate classes
moved the ruling class towards domination and coercion. Such an
inclination towards coercion made possible the pre-eminence of the
military". 26 The military and civil bureaucrats emerged as the key
persons in decision making machinery. The role of the military and
bureaucracy is noteworthy in the political development of Bangladesh.
Traditionally, Bangladesh is a land of communal harmony. One
of the consequence of prolonged rule by 'anti-democratic forces was
the rise of communal and fundamentalist elements. These have
become a threat to Bangladesh' democratic practices and political
stability. Several intellectuals, journalists, cultural activists and writers
have been physically attacked by religious fanatic forces over the
years.
Women
activists
of
different
progressive
socio-cultural
organisations and NGOs were humiliated by these forces. The Jamate-lslami and other splinter radical Islamic parties have constantly been
26
ibid., p. 254.
24
irritants
in
the
consolidation
of
secular
democratic
culture
of
Bangladesh.
As Bangladesh has remained under autocratic regimes for a long
period there has not been effective development of strong institutions
which are essential for sustenance of democracy. As a consequence
of the weakness of the institutions like the parliament, the court, the
press and well organized interest group.:.;fhere is lack of effective
mechanism for the transmission of public grievances and demands
between society and government which has resulted in frequent resort
to direct action and violence. Direct action and violence in turn,
contribute to systemic instability and economic disruption.
Many interest groups in Bangladesh have played a crucial role
in the dismissai of authoritarian and quasi-authoritarian regimes. The
students,
business
associations,
professional
workers,
bodies
¥constituting of the teachers, writers, journalists, lawyers, doctors and
engineers have played important role in bringing down undemocratic
regimes. The landless and near landless population in the countryside
have
been
gradually
been
organized
by
non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), funded largely by international donors. They
are primarily concerned with poverty alleviation. The wide et-working
of rural credit system and non-governmental agencies have worked as
channels
for
Bangladesh
communicating
the
repressive policies and
message
of
democracy.
In
arbitrariness of government
25
actions have led different groups to protest and participate i direct
action against the government. In Bangladesh the basic urge for
democracy has led different groups to come together to dislodge
unpopular regimes.
The political history of independent Bangladesh has been a
history of authoritarianism, forceful seizure of power, rigged elections
and crisis of legitimacy. It is also a history of sustained campaigns fu,
democracy that claimed
hundreds of lives.
Extreme
repressive
measures taken by the authoritarian rulers could seldom suppress, or
~ven
weaken, the movement for the restoration of constitutionalism.
Agitations, demonstrations, protest rallies, strikes and similar
anti-government movement has been a common phenomenon. Every
regime, whether civilian or military or quasi-military, experienced
movements against itself by the opposition forces. Contrary to all
precedents, however, a grand coalition of all forces opposed to the
regime was forged in 1990. It facilitated the emergence of an
institutionalised coordinating body to launch the movement from a
single platform. 27
The future of democracy in Bangladesh rests a lot o the vigilant
and politically active citizens of Bangladesh. An alert and vigilant
public opinion can alone serve as a necessary check on anti-
27
Muhammad A. Hakim, Bangladesh Politics
(Dhaka, 1993), p. 6.
The Shanbuddin Interregnum
26
democratic threats. No power - group should be allowed to exert
undue pressure on the functioning of the government. The democratic
order is more likely to be sustained and strengthened if the political
parties and ruling elites can keep up the emerging consensus and
compromise. Democracy requires the development of democratic
institutions, pressure groups and political parties which can filter
public demands and thus facilitate compromise. Truly, "Bangladesh
will remain a parliamentary democracy if Bangladeshis can keep it". 28
METHODOLOGY
The methodology to be followed for this study is a combination
of historical, descriptive and analytical approach. The primary sources
of the
study include government documents and
reports.
The
secondary sources comprise of books, articles, newspaper clippings
and pamphlets. News weeklies ad dailies have contributed greatly
towards analysis and reconstruction of recent events. A field trip to
Dhaka and interviews of prominent leaders and members of various
professional groups have been of immense help to assess the
response of these groups to the process of democratization in
Bangladesh.
A month long field-trip to Bangladesh was undertake from 15
March 2000 to 15 April 2000. Since the anti-Ershad movement and the
28
Craig Baxter, "Bangladesh : A Parliamentary Democracy, If They Can Keep it",
Current History, 19 (563), March 1992, p. 132.
27
movement for Caretaker government were city-based movement and
Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, being central to all such activities,
was chosen as the place for the field work. The nature of this research
work involved meeting a large number of people who were closely
associated with the recent democratic movement, people as members
of different professional groups, academicians and students. The
library of the University of Dhaka, Jahangir Nagar University (Savar),
Sangsad Bhawan, Bangia Academy and the BliSS (Dhaka) were
visited for the collection of material and government documents.
In the following chapters, using the above methodology the
study of the recent democratic movement in Bangladesh has been
undertaken.