Joel Dinerstein
“Uncle Tom Is Dead!”: Wright, Himes, and Ellison
Lay a Mask to Rest
I
nhisrecentvalorizationof Uncle Tom’s Cabin as“theur-textinthefictional
depictionof Americansacrossthecolorline”(xxvii),HenryLouisGates,Jr.
explainedthatthenovel’sdemiseinthecollegeclassroomwasdueto“theutter
disdainof theTomcharacterbytheblackcommunity”inthepostwarera(xxvi).
ForGatesasforLindaWilliams,thetextthat“mark[ed]thedefinitiveendof the
popularappeal”(Williams62)wasJamesBaldwin’sessay,“Everybody’sProtestNovel”
(1949),hisinfamousattackonStowe’stitlecharacter,aman“robbedof hishumanity
anddivestedof hissex”(18).YetfourotherAfricanAmericanmalewritersproduced
equallyrevealingattacksuponthefigureof UncleTomatthetime,beginningadecade
earlierwithRichardWright’sUncle Tom’s Children (1938).ChesterHimesliterallyburied
UncleTomintheshortstory,“HeavenHasChanged”(1943);RalphEllisonkilled
himoff figurativelyintheopeningchapterof Invisible Man (1952).DukeEllington’s
objectiveinstaginghisLosAngelesrevueJump for Joy (1941)was“[to]takeUncleTom
outof thetheatre,[and]eliminatethestereotypedimagethathadbeenexploitedby
HollywoodandBroadway”(175).Despitethevastliteratureontheseartists,scholarshiponWright’scollectionrarelyfocusesonthetitle’sfigureof disdain,theHimes
storyhasneverreceivedcriticalattention,andEllison’sopeningchapterhasnotbeen
analyzedinthiscontext.NeitherGatesnorWilliamsmentionsanyof thesetextsastheir
scholarshiprecuperatesissuesof genderandfamilylackinginthesemasculinistworks.1
Inreturningtotheliterarytextsof Wright,Ellison,andHimes,Iwillchange
theregisterof theobjectof vilification:itwaslessStowe’sUncleTomthatincited
theseauthorstoliteraryattackthanwhatIwillcalltheUncle Tom-mask.Duringthe
mid-1960s“[when]theterm‘UncleTom’becamesynonymouswithself-loathing”
(xii)asGatesrecalleditsfunctionasametonym,“theblackmanalltooeagerto
pleasethewhitesaroundhim...[was]theembodimentof ‘racebetrayal’andan
objectof scorn,ascapegoatforallof ourpoliticalself-doubts....Wetalkedabout
himasthe modeltobeavoided”(xi;originalemphasis).Hereandthroughouttheessay,
GatesconflatesStowe’sUncleTom—theliterarycharacter—withthesetof gestures
involvedinthesurvivaltechniqueof masking,especially(butnotonly)intheU.S.
South.ItwasnotStowe’sUncleTomwhowas “the modeltobeavoided”;theAfrican
Americanvernacularhadlongsinceappropriatedthisfigureanddumpeditsliterary
association.Whatwasunderattackwasthelived embodiment of deference markedbythe
maskinthepublicsphere—asaconventionof Americantheaterandmusic,asaset
of physicaldisciplines,asamarkerreadbywhitesof AfricanAmericanacceptance
of nationalracialideology.Stowe’sUncleTomperhapsretainedpurchaseforolder
whiteAmericansasaliteraryfantasyof AfricanAmericanpassivity—thecharacter
had,afterall,beentransposedintominstrel,theatrical,andcinematicfantasy—but
intheAfricanAmericanvernacular,“UncleTom”registeredasurvivalpracticeof
everydaylifethatrequiredfigurativeliterarymurderinordertoliberatebothAfrican
Americanmaleartisticagencyandtherighttoindividualizedsocialprotest.Infact,
Wright,Himes,andEllisonassesstheirUncleTom-maskedcharacterswithsurprising
nuance;theyslaythemaskyetmanagetohonorthesurvivalstrategiesof Southern
AfricanAmericanmen.
African American Review 43.1 (Spring 2009): 83-99
© 2009 Joel Dinerstein
83
Thepostwarperiodmarkstheendof whatW.T.Lhamonhascalled“theblackface lorecycle,”asetof transgressiveverbalandphysicalgestures—fromwhistling
todancemoves—projectedontoAfricanAmericanmenandwomenintheminstrel
theater,andoftenacceptedbywhiteAmericansasauthenticrepresentationsof black
menandwomen.ForLhamon,theNAACP’slawsuitsagainstthelastminstrelshows
intheearly1950smarkthe“retiring[of]theblackfacemask”(148).Lhamon’sinterests
areintheexpressivecultureof theminstreltradition—intheroguegesturesthat
embodydiscontentwiththedisciplinesof modernityandthecivilizingprocess—but
nonethelessIallymyself withthistimeline,sinceitalsoreflectstheretiringof the
UncleTom-maskwithin AfricanAmericanlife.Inotherwords,theendof “blackface”—
thewhitemasqueradeof transgressiverebellion—correlateshistoricallywithboth
theartisticslayingof theUncleTom-maskandtheonsetof thecivilrightsmovement.
Iwishtobeginwithananecdotethatopensawindowontothematrixof masking,
minstrelsy,andsocialchange.In1957,whileontourinSouthDakota,LouisArmstrong
calledPresidentEisenhower“twofaced”andclaimedhehad“noguts”withregardto
thefateof theLittleRockNine.SomewhiteAmericanswereoutragedatArmstrong’s
perceivedinsubordination;manyAfricanAmericansweresurprisedbyhispolitical
consciousness.Itwasasif themaskhadspokenoutsideof itssocialconventionsand
discursivecodes.“It’sgettingsobadacoloredmanalmosthasn’tgotanycountry,”he
toldareporter.“ThewaytheyaretreatingmypeopleintheSouth,thegovernmentcan
gotohell”(qtd.inMargolick).By1957,eventheeditorsof Jet magazinehadcalled
Armstrongan“UncleTom,”claimingheboresomeresponsibilityforreassuringthe
worldthat“theNegro’slotinAmericaisahappyone”(qtd.inMargolick).Armstrong
wasmaskedsoconvincinglywithinhisstagecraftthatwhentheAssociatedPress
editorreadhisreporter’sinterview,heinsistedArmstrongsignthearticle.“Solid,”
Armstrongwroteacrossthebottom.“Don’ttakenothingoutof thatstory.”Five
yearsafterthepublicationof Invisible Man,theprotagonist’sherorevealedapolitical
consciousnessbeneaththemaskasshockingashisgrandfather’sdeathbedconfession.2
Nearlytwentyyearsearlier,Wrightdrewfirstbloodattackingthemask.Opposite
thefirstpageof thefirstpublishededitionof Uncle Tom’s Children (1938)sittwo
epigraphs.Thetoponeisnowpublishedasadedication,butheretheplacementof
thisanonymous,italicizeddeclarationsuggeststhatWrightintendeditassomething
of acollectiveemanationof AfricanAmericans,asahiddentranscriptrevealed.
The post Civil War household word among Negroes—“He’s an Uncle Tom!”—which denoted reluctant
toleration for the cringing type who knew his place before white folk, has been supplanted by a new word from
another generation which says:—“Uncle Tom is dead!”(Wright,flypage)
ThistextualactforcesthereadertoviewtheSouthasalandof historicalcontinuity
sincetheCivilWaranddeclaresassocial factthatAfricanAmericansnolonger
respecttheblackmanwhoknowshisplace.Moreover,thetoneandproseof this
emotionaldeclarationruncontrarytothespare,Hemingwayesquenaturalismof
Uncle Tom’s Children.Thismoodmightbecalledan“anti-apologia,”AsWrightstrikes
adissonantchordthatproclaimsanewfolkzeitgeistamongSouthernblacks,andit
isincontra-distinctiontotheimplicitracialharmonyof theepigraphbeneathit,an
eight-linequotationfroma1936popularsong,“IsItTrueWhatTheySayAbout
Dixie?”(Reilly35).3 Theversedescribesthesensualdelightsof theSouthinthe
standardcoinof theplantationtraditionasittheninformedpopularsong.Ineffect,
thefirstepigraphdeclaresliterarywaronthesecondovertheimaginedbodypolitic
of theGreatMigration.If “UncleTomisdead,”anewmodeof individualaction
wasbeingcalledintoexistencetofighttheongoing“warforracialequality”(Going 82).
Children mightbeseenasanextendedexegesisonbothtextandmask,fromtitle
toanti-apologiatotheclosingstory,“FireandCloud,”inwhichamiddle-agedminister
experiencesanepiphanyconcerninghislifelongcooperationwithwhiterulingelites.
Thefirstthreenovellasof Children climaxwithblack-on-whiteviolence:UncleTom’s
childrenareshootingbackwhilecallingwhitemen“apes,”“thieves,”and“tyrants”
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(143).Yetunliketheagitpropof Native Son,Wright’sdeftcharacterizationfusesrace
andclassconsciousnessasheslowly,gradually,supplantsChristianforbearancewith
Marxistideology.Forbothliteraryandpoliticalreasons,Wrightputthemosttyrannical
imageof allinthetitle.
Newsof thesymbolicfigure’sdemisehelpedframethetext’sreception.“‘Uncle
Tom’sdead,’saysanewandmoreupright-standinggenerationof coloredfolk,”one
whitereviewerbegan,andhepraisedWright’s“stingingstoriesof ...[a]fighting
generation”(qtd.inReilly1-2).Thetitlereferredtoan“expressionof theNegroes
indicatingthattheyarenolonger‘UncleToms,’thatis,cringingservants,”suggested
anothercritic(qtd.inReilly5).ThebookreviewerintheNewYorkHerald Tribune
supportedWright’sclaimtothephrase’sdiffusion:“thetitlereferstothetwophrases
socommonlyheardineducatedNegrocircles—‘He’sanUncleTom’and‘UncleTom
isdead.’Thesentimentalized‘goodnigger’of proprietarySouthernersandtutelary
Northernersisnottobefoundhere”(qtd.inReilly25).Inleftist,intellectual,and
AfricanAmericanliteraryandpoliticalcircles,thefigureof UncleTomwasalready
underattackin1938.YetdespiteitsearlyrecognitionasalandmarkinAfricanAmerican
literature—“thebeginningof ...modernblack‘protest’literature”(Yarboroughx)—
thefirstliteraryimaginingof “blackpower,”orforAlainLockein1939,thecoming
of ageof Negrowritingof “socialinterpretation”(qtd.inYarboroughix)—little
attentionhasbeenpaidtoWright’sfirstsymbolicobjectof derision.4 Inpart,Wright
focusedhishostilityonUncleTombecausethisgentle,saintlyslavewasapassiveforce
inhisownnovel,rarelyraisinghisvoiceorarmtoprotestthesocialandeconomic
forcesthatcontrolledhisfate.AsEricSundquistwrote,“Uncle Tom’s Cabin,tobesure,
isnot‘UncleTom’s’drama”(34).Wrightalsoneededtoclearawaywhiteauthorityin
bothliteratureandpoliticallife:totargetUncleTomwastodeclarerhetoricalwaron
whitewhodeignedtospeakforblacks(beginningwithStowe),todrawattentionto
thecontinuitiesof Southernlife,andtotargetobsoleteracialframesof reference(33).5
In“Everybody’sProtestNovel,”BaldwindelegitimizedStowe’s“romanticracialism”
throughliteraryanalysis.6 In“ManyThousandsGone”(1951),somethingof acompanionessay,Baldwinemployedanabstractformof sociologicalanalysistotakethe
measureof postwarracerelationsintheNorth.LikeWright,Baldwinheredeclared
that“AuntJemimaandUncleTomaredead.”Theassociationof UncleTomwith
AuntJemimamakesclearBaldwin’sobjectof derisioninthisessaywasnotStowe’s
character,butthesurvivalstrategyof masking;theessaydoesnotevenmentionStowe
orUncle Tom’s Cabin.Baldwininsteadimploreswhitestoconsiderthelivesof Aunt
JemimasandUncleToms,these“prodigiesof resilience,”andtorespectfully“ask
[from]whencetheysprang,howtheylived?”(27)7
AllfiveartiststargettheUncleTom-maskastheoverdeterminedsignof
“accommodationtotheracialorder,”touseasociologicalaxiomof thetime.In
“FireandCloud,”theUncleTom-maskedprotagonistfunctionsasametaphorfor
religiouspassivity;in“HeavenHasChanged,”Himeshonorsthemaskwithanactual
funeral,attendedwiththetropesof blackexpressivecultureandblack-infused
Christianity;Ellison’sacuteempathyforthedemandsof themaskedperformance
hauntshisprotagonistfromcovertocover.WhenDukeEllingtongatheredanintegratedcreativeteamof Hollywoodwriters,comedians,andperformerstowriteJump
for Joy,hecalledforvignettesconcernedwith“theNegro,therace,[and]whatconstituted
UncleTom”(qtd.inNicholson234);heoriginallyintendedforthis“socialsignificance”show toopenwith“UncleTomonhisdeathbedwithallhischildrendancing
aroundhimsinging,‘Helivedtoaripeoldage.Lethimgo,Godblesshim!’”(175).
Ellison’sadvice,“tosliptheyokeandchangethejoke,”summarizesthesuccession
of masksIwillnarratehere.Iwillfirstcontextualizethisartisticrebellionindomestic
wartimediscourse,thenprovideclosereadingsof thethreeliterarymurders,and
finally,analyzetheironicemergenceof anewmask—thecool mask.Throughoutthe
article,Iwillevaluatetheseauthors’attemptstoestablishadialecticrelationship
betweenAfricanAmericanindividualityandethnicidentity.
“UNClE ToM IS DEAD!”: WRIghT, hIMES, AND EllISoN lAy A MASk To REST
85
M
askingisasurvivaltechnique—aself-defensesystem—usedbyslavesallover
theworld.InSlavery and Social Death,OrlandoPattersonnotesthatallslaves
wearmasksbeforethosewho“parasitize”them.Fourgenerationsaftertheendof
theCivilWar,aproverbialAfricanAmericancoupletwent,“Gotonemindforwhite
folkstosee/’notherforwhatIknowisme.”In1948,BaldwincreditedRichardWright
withpointingoutthateveryAfricanAmerican“isalmostalwaysacting,”anddescribed
theprocessasitworkedinHarlem:“ANegrolearnstogaugepreciselywhatreaction
thealienpersonfacinghimdesires,andheproducesitwithdisarmingartlessness”
(Notes 68). IntheSouth,suchactionswereritualperformances,asetof protocols.8
Tocontextualizetheparametersof ritualdeference,IwilluseFiskUniversity
sociologistCharlesS.Johnson’s1943study,Patterns of Negro Segregation.Withanestimatedeightypercentof AfricanAmericansstilllivingintheSouth,Johnsonnamed
“accommodation”and“acceptance”asthetwopolesof masking.Toaccommodate
meantto“conformexternally whilerejectingtheracesystemmentallyandemotionally”;
one’sperformancereflecteda“rationalacceptanceof arole...essentialtosurvival
intheenvironment”(244;emphasisadded).9 Incontrast,“acceptance”suggested
theinternalizingof racialinferiority.Therewerecertainly“varyingdegrees”of
acceptancewithregardtofactorssuchas“classposition,educationalandgeneral
culturallevel,andthe...[individual]situation,”aswellasSouthernblackswho
respondedtowhiteSouthernerswith“avoidance,directhostilityandaggression”(244).
Manyinformantsrevealedthenuancesof masking.Totakeoneexample,asixtyfive-year-oldNashville“handy-man”namedElliottEasterhada“philosophy”of
interactionwithwhites.10 Easterworkedasanindependentcontractor,inlargepart
toavoidsituations“whereoneislikelytohavetroublewithwhites.”Towhites,he
seemedto accept thesocialorder:hekepthisdirectcontactwithwhites“toaminimum”;
hedidnotrisetogoading,i.e.,“If theysaysomething[racist],Ijustgoon,andsay
nothing,unlessIjusthaveto”;andhealwaysusedthebackdoortoenterawhite
homeand“remove[d]hishatwhentalkingwithawhiteperson.”Hewaswellaware
of hismotivations.“Anotherreasonforrespectingthem[is]...youknowthatthey
willgetyoukilledfordisrespectingthem”(C.S.Johnson257).
Adecadeearlier,in1934,JamesWeldonJohnsonimploredblackreaders:“[W]e
sufferthehumiliationsof Jim-Crowism;butwearenotvitallyinjuredsolongaswe
arenotJim-Crowedinsoul....Eachtimeoneof usvoluntarilyandunnecessarily
Jim-Crowshimself,heisundermininghisspiritualintegrity”(J.Johnson 102).To
become“Jim-Crowedinsoul”wastointernalizesegregationandacceptthedominant
society’sracialideology.If UncleTomwasavernaculartermfor“thegoodNegro,”
then(forwhites)tobea“goodNegro”meantdeferringtowhites,expressinggratitude
forwhitepaternalism,andbelievinginone’sbiologicalinferiority.Inshort,a“good
Negro”acceptedtheconditionsof JimCrow,andwas,sotospeak,“goodforwhite
people.”Wrightrevealedtheperniciousqualityof the“goodNegro”/“badnigger”
binaryoppositionin“FireandCloud,”whenReverendTaylorreflects,“Ef ahfight
ferthingsthewhitefolksayAhmabad nigger stirrinuptrouble”(160;emphasisadded).
ForAfricanAmericanstoproclaimthatUncleTomisdead,theneithernonviolent
socialchangeorviolentrebellionwasathand,sincethedemiseof thismaskandits
protocolswouldnullifytheideologicalpremisesof JimCrow.If socialequalitywere
gained,blackmencouldpresenttheirtrueselvesinpublic.If not,repudiatingallforms
of accommodationwithamixtureof intelligence,rage,anddisdainmightchange
thetermsof socialinteractioninthepublicsphere;ineffect,thedeclarationof
independencewouldbetheblackmaleface.Theliteraryexecutionof theUncleTommaskthusconcernednothinglessthantherighttoself-definition.(Theoriginalsubtitle
of Stowe’snovelwas,afterall,“TheManThatWasaThing”[GatesandRobbinsxxxi]).
Suchanaggressiveartisticimperativeshouldbeseenaspartandparcelof the
suddenprominenceof AfricanAmericansinnationalpubliclifebetweentheworldwars:
theblackculturalpresenceinmusic,sportsanddrama(e.g.,JoeLouis,JesseOwens,
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DukeEllington,CabCalloway,EthelWaters,MarianAnderson);theleadershipof
theblackpress,especiallytheunion-basedPittsburgh Courier andThe Chicago Defender;
A.PhilipRandolph’sleadershipaspresidentof theBrotherhoodof SleepingCar
Portersandaseditorof The Messenger;asurgeinNortherncriticismof Southernlife,
fromtheHarlemRenaissancetotheCommunistPartytoH.L.Mencken;thepresence
of forty-fiveAfricanAmericansinPresidentRoosevelt’s“blackcabinet”(including
MaryMcLeodBethune,WilliamH.Hastie,andRalphBunche);federalrelief programs
forthepoorthat—atleastinsomeprogramsintheNorth—didnotdiscriminate
acrossraciallines.11 Suchnationalpresenceinpolitics,government,andculture
helpedcreatetheconditionsforliteraryrepercussions.Forexample,asEllisonbegan
formulatingInvisible Man intheearly1940s,heconsideredtheironyof,ontheonehand,
“thebrief hope...encouragedbythepresenceof blackcongressmeninWashington,”
andontheother,that“A.PhilipRandolphhadtothreatenourbelovedF.D.R.
withamarchonWashingtonbeforeourwarindustrieswereopenedtoNegroes”
(Invisible Man xxi).
Theaggressiveleadershipof AfricanAmericansinthisperiodcanbereadthrough
asuddenbacklashamongwhiteSouthernliberaljournalistsduringWorldWarII.
VirginiusDabney,theeditorof theRichmond Times-Dispatch andaleadingvoiceof
Southernliberalism,suddenlywarnedintheJanuary1943issueof Atlantic Monthly:
AsmallgroupofNegroagitatorsandanothersmallgroupofwhiterabble-rousersarepushingthiscountrycloserandclosertoaninterracialexplosionwhichmaymake theraceriotsof
theFirstWorldWaranditsaftermathseemmildbycomparison.Unlesssanercounselsprevail, we may have the worst internal clashes since Recon-struction, with hundreds, if not
thousands,killedandamicableracerelationssetbackfordecades.(94)
ForDabney,theprimaryoffenderwasA.PhilipRandolph,whoseMarchon
WashingtonMovementthreatenedtoplace100,000blacksontheWhiteHouse
stepsinJuly1941demandingequalaccesstodefenseindustryjobs.Randolph’ssuccessfuldefianceof PresidentRoosevelt,whoaskedhimtocalloff the march—and
theconsequentsigningof ExecutiveOrder8802—outragedDabney,whoresented
theunionleader’sself-assertionandradicalism.HequotedRandolphinthearticle:
“Ratherthatwediestandinguponourfeetfightingforourrightsthantoexist
uponourkneesbeggingforlife.”Forallthissoundslikeanechoof PatrickHenry’s
“Give-me-liberty-or-give-me-death”speech,suchclaimsforsocialequalityhorrified
Dabney,whosuggestedthatdyingonhisfeetwasaboutwhatRandolphdeserved.12
ToMarkEthridge,anotherliberalwhiteSouthernjournalistandthechairmanof
theFairEmploymentPracticesCommission(FEPC),whichwascreatedinresponse
toRandolph’sdemands,whitenesswasinseparablefromaffirmed,positiveSouthern
identity.Atapublichearingin1942,heassuredanAlabamacrowd:“Thereisnopower
intheworld—noteveninallthemechanizedarmiesof theearth,AlliedandAxis—
whichcouldnowforceSouthernwhitepeopletotheabandonmentof theprinciple
of socialsegregation”(Ethridgeqtd.inEgerton216).13 Southernliberalssuchas
DabneyandEthridgepracticedaself-congratulatory,paternalisticliberalismthatwas
threatenedbytheperceivedmilitanceof AfricanAmericanleaders.Theyrealized
theirroleshadbeeneclipsedwiththepublicationof What The Negro Wants (1944),
ananthologywhereinadozenAfricanAmericanwriters(includingDuBois,Randolph,
Wright,andLangstonHughes)declaredasonethat“blackAmericanswantedthe
sameconstitutionalguarantees...whiteAmericanstookforgranted”andcalled
“foranendtosegregation”(Egerton273).Theseconsensussentimentsapparently
shockedthewhitesouthernliberals,whowereunabletoimaginetheSouthwithout
segregation;notasingleonejoinedthischorusof blackvoices.14 After1944,these
journalistsweremorelikelytoinvokesociologistWilliamGrahamSumner’s“folkways”paradigmof gradualistchange,that“statewayscannotchangefolkways.”15
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87
Giventhecontextof theU.S.South,theUncleTom-maskwasnotanabstract,
literary,metaphoricalortheoreticalconstruct,butthesinglemostimportantdefensiveweaponinanundeclaredracewarwhichcouldanddidexplodeinthefacesof
AfricanAmericanmenonaregularbasis.By1956,BritishjournalistJ.C.Furnasnoted
thatAfricanAmericanshadmadeof thetermUncleTom“ahissingandabyword”
(8),andthatmany“wouldratherbecalled‘nigger’than‘UncleTom’”(10).
Tobridgetheperiodunderdiscussion—fromthelate1930sthroughthemid1960s—Iturntoanobscurememoir,WilliamH.Pipes’sDeath of an Uncle Tom (1967).
Given the context of the U. S. South, the Uncle Tom-mask
was not an abstract, literary, metaphorical,
or theoretical construct, but the single most important
defensive weapon in an undeclared race war.
AnEnglishprofessorandscholarof AfricanAmericanpreaching,Pipeswaseducated
atTuskegee,AtlantaUniversity,andtheUniversityof Michigan;hespentmuchof
hisprofessionallifeatMichiganStateUniversity’sDepartmentof AmericanThought
andLanguage.Pipesdeclaredthathisobjectivewiththismemoirwastonarratethe
shiftinracialconsciousnessamongblackmeninhislifetime,usinghimself asatest
case,aman“bornonaMississippiplantationandeducatedatTuskegeeInstitute.”
Inthepreface,PipessetupparametersfortheUncleTom-maskbycomparingtwo
articlesfromthemid-1960s.WyattT.Walker’sarticlefromNegro Digest tookthe
longview:“Reconstruction,followedby‘separatebutequal’andthecouplingwith
ante-bellum‘traditions,’preventedtheNegromalefrombecomingaman.Theonly
courseleftwassurvival by accommodation—beinganUncleTom”(qtd.inPipes4;originalemphasis).HerbertHilltookaharder-linestanceinThe Crisis:“‘UncleTom’is
atermusedtoidentifyNegroeswhobehavewithoutself-respectanddignityand
withoutracialprideinrelationtowhitepersonsandtowhite-controlledinstitutions.
...[Mrs.Stowe]createdafantasyimageof theNegro,basedonthebelief thatcoloredpeoplewerebynaturemeekandsubmissive,dependentandchildlike;apeople
whohumblyaccepttheircruelfate,evenwithgratitude”(qtd.inPipes3).Pipes
herereproducesthepolesof accommodationandacceptance,thenendshispreface
byrecapitulatingthemessageof What the Negro Wants.Heclaimedtobemotivated
by“aburningdemandforintegration...[and]simplyadesirethattheNegrobe
grantedhisconstitutionalrightsasaman”(3).Insummarizinghisownexperience,
PipesreflectedthatanUncleTom“playstheroleof somethinglessthanaman”
whenactingalongthelines“expectedof himbythewhiteman,”yetheofferedthat
“survivalbyaccommodation”wasahistoricalnecessity(6).Thepsychologicalbattle
Pipesdelineatedwasfirstarticulatedagenerationearlierinthetextsunderdiscussion.
Richard Wright Declares War on The Mask
I
nthreeoutof thefournovellasthatcompriseChildren,Wrightstrategicallyplaces
blackmalecharactersinsituationsinwhichtheyareforcedtokillwhitemenin
self-defense,asif toforcethemoutof theirculturalconditioning.From“BigBoy”
to“Mann”to“Silas”to“ReverendTaylor,”theprotagonists’namessuggestthe
inscriptionborneof comingof ageunderthemask,aswellasaprogressionfrom
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innocentpersecutiontoactiveaccommodation.Wright’ssolutionsbeginwithescape
north,ratchetuptoworthymartyrdom,andconcludewitharepudiationof the
UncleTom-mask.Thefournovellas“togetherpresenttheevolutionof ...ablack
revolutionaryconsciousness”(Yarboroughxxiv).
Only“FireandCloud,”thefinalnovella,doesnotclimaxinviolence;instead,
Wrightguidestheinteriortransformationof ReverendDanielTaylorfromacceptance
toviolentrage.Rev.Taylorloveshiscongregationandbelievesintheintegrityof his
ownleadership—“Ahddiefermahpeopleef Ahonlyknowedhow,”hereflects(208)—
butheisnaivelyunawarethathismoralauthorityhasalwaysdependeduponhiscollusion withthewhiterulingelite,especiallythemayor.Inthedepthsof theGreat
Depression,Taylorrunsoutof optionsforsecuringfoodforhiscongregation.He
learnsthatwhitesaredrivingaroundandchasingblacksoff thestreet,warningthem
nottoparticipateinaCommunist-ledmarchthenextday.Threesetsof visitorsawait
himathome,distributedaccordingtotheirpowerandinfluence:thedeaconsarein
thebasement,theCommunistsareintheBibleroom,andthewhiterulingclassis
intheparlor.Taylormanagestheminreverseorderof theirpower,asheadvises
thedeaconstopray,putsoff theCommunistsuntilmorning,andmeeklyinsiststo
themayor,thechief of police,andMr.Lowe(apowerfulbusinessman)thathis
onlyallegianceistothehealthandwell-beingof hispeople.Laterthatevening,he
hedgeseventohisowncongregation,refusingtoadvisethemwhethertomarch.
Wrightpresentsthisdeferenceshuffleastheverynatureof Southernblack
diplomacy.Taylorrevealshisunderstandingof theunderlyingpoliticalrealitieswhen
histeenagesoninsistsonmarching:“Yuhgottabecareful!Ef themwhitefolksjus
thoughtwewuzdoinsomethinglikethattheydcrackdownonus!Wedhavariot!...
Yuhyoungfoolsfixintgitusallmurdered!”(163)If heisunabletostanchresistance,
Taylorbelieves,retaliatoryviolencewillsurelyfollow.TheUncleTom-maskedleader
wasamasterof defenses—of preventingwhitereprisal,of savinglives,of sustaining
collectivemorale—butlackedopportunitiestocreateoffensivestrategies.
WrightdepictsTaylor’sconfusionwithsurprisingsympathy.Whenthemayor
presentsTaylortoMr.Loweashisprize“goodnigger,”heasksTaylorrhetorically,
“IthinkI’veplayedprettyfairwithyou,haven’tI?”Taylorswallowsdeeplyand
answers,“Ahllhavetsayyuhhave,yoHonah”(181).Themayorthenlinkshis
politicalleadershiptoTaylor’s—they’re“acoupleof oldwar-horses,”hechidesthe
minister—andreferstotheministerashisoppositenumber,“aresponsibleman
[who]keepsorderamongtheblacks”(184).Themayorevenreprimandsthechief
of policeandMr.Lowewhentheycursetheminister,evenif he,too,callsTaylor
“boy”and“nigger.”
TaylorbecomesradicalizedafterbeingkidnappedandwhippedbyMr.Lowe’s
“IndustrialSquad,”wholeavehimfordeadtenmilesfromhome.Onhiswalkhome,
hebecomespossessedof anearlybiblicalhatredforwhiteSoutherners:“Likeapillar
of firehe[Taylor]walkedthroughthewhiteneighborhood”;hemuttersaloud,“[s]ome
daystheysgonnaburn!”HethenalludestoapopularspiritualaboutSamson,“If I
HadMyWayI’dTeartheBuildingDown,”thenahitsongforBlindWillieJohnson:
“Gawd,ef yuhgimmethestrengthAhlltearthisolbuildindown....Tearitdown
likeolSamsontorethetempledown”(204).Taylorfindshisblackvoicehereby
infusingspiritualswithblackrage,expressinghatredthroughblackChristianpoetry,
andtappingtheviolencewithintheBible.ForWright,toinfuseTaylorwithapolitical
voiceisamorepragmaticmethodforsocialchangethanpassiveprayer.
If ReverendTayloristheincarnationof UncleTominthiscollection,hisson
Jimmyis,literallyandfiguratively,oneof UncleTom’schildren.Earlyinthestory,
inresponsetohisfather’sordersnottomarch,Jimmyoffersthissullenappraisalof
racerelationsinMississippi:“Wejusasw[el]lgitkilledfightinastgitkilleddoin
nothin”(163).Thenafterhisfather’sbeating,Jimmyleapsuptopursuerevenge.His
fatherstopshimandhecriesout,“Thasthereasontheykillus!Wetakeeverything
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89
theyputonus!...Everthing!’”Theensuingexchangecapturestheirgenerationalrift:
“Iswegonnabedogsall thetime?”Jimmyaskshisfather.Taylorturnsawayand
simplywarns:“Buttheyllkillyuh,son!”“Somebodyhas tdie!,”Jimmyshoutsand
hismilitantsentimentleavesTaylorspeechless(207-08;originalemphasis).
Laterthatnight,TaylorrecantstheUncleTom-masktohisson.“Ahdonelived
all mahlifeonmahknees,a-begginna-pleadinwidthewhitefolks....Alltheydid
wuz kickme!...Nef Ahsomuchastalklikamantheytrytkillme”(209).
Embarrassed byhisfather’sshame,Jimmyinsistssocialchangewillnotcome“less
wefight.”Taylor continueshisconfession:“AhbeenwrongerboutalottathingsAh
tolyuh,son.AhtolyuhthemthingscauseAhthoughttheywuzright”(210)Taylor
maintainshisfaith, declaringthatonlyGodcanimbuethewillof apeopleand
causesocialchange.“Ahaingonnalivethisway,Pa!”Jimmyinsists(209).
Thefollowingmorning,Taylorrecantsthemaskpubliclytohiscongregation,
andintheprocess,theybecomeapoliticalbloc.Themarchisforbothpoorblacks
andwhites,butWrighthasTaylorslaythemaskbeforeanall-blackcrowdinanact
of poignantself-renunciation:“Allthetimetheywuzhepinme,allthetimetheybeen
givinmefavors,theywuzdoinitsosthey couldtellme ttellyuh howtack!Sistahsn
Brothers,asGawdsmahjudge,AhthoughAhwuzdoinrightwhenAhdidtha.Ah
thoughtAhwuzdoinrightwhenAhtolyuhtdothethingstheysaid”(217-18;
originalemphasis).ForWright,theUncleTom-maskrepresentstheinscriptionof
whitesupremacyonthebody;withoutslayingthemask,AfricanAmericanmen
cannotcomeintoeitherself-orpoliticalconsciousness.
Taylornowmarchesexultantlyamidsttheinterracialmassesashehaslearned
thatGodhelpsthosewhohelpthemselves.Hisreligionisrecastassocialprotestand
themarchersjoininsongaroundhim:“Abaptismof cleanjoysweptoverTaylor.”
Inthefinalparagraph,religiousrhetoricmarksTaylor’sconversionexperience:“Hiseyes
grewwetwithtears...theskytrembled...andtheearthshook”(220).Significantly,
Taylorgetsthelastwordintheoriginalcollection,thecautious,tentative,slow-boiling
mutteringof anex-UncleTom:“Freedom belongs t the strong!” (220;originalemphasis).
ThismarchechoesforwardthreeyearslatertoA.PhilipRandolph’sdefianceof
PresidentRoosevelt:“If thePresidentdoesnotissueawarproclamationtoabolish
JimCrow...coloredpeoplearegoingtomarch;andwedon’tgiveadamnwhat
happens”(qtd.inEgerton215-16).Appliedtoboththeliteraryandhistoricalcases
here,marchingisequatedphysicallywithholdingone’sheadup,notbowingand
scraping;withlookingforward,notdown;withpurposefulforwardmovement,not
evasiveshuffling.Wrightcallsforanewsetof physicalinscriptionsherethatrepudiate
boththegrotesquecomicgesturesof theblackfacelorecycleandtheperformed
deferenceof theUncleTom-mask.
DespitethisdirectattackontheUncleTom-maskinChildren,itisBiggerThomas
whohasreceivedmoreattentionasWright’sUncleTom-figurethanReverendTaylor.
Forexample,GatesreferstoBiggerThomasasanupdatedUncleTom,aninarticulate
andoppressedAfricanAmericanwithinatotalizingsystem(“theghetto”)manipulated
byanauthorforpoliticalmeans.“RemoveBigger’smaskof inarticulateangerandblind
violence,”Gatesobserves,“andthereresidesUncleTom”(xix,xx).In“Everybody’s
ProtestNovel,”BaldwinmarksBiggerasastereotypedwhitenightmareof black
revolt(31-32).ForBaldwinandGates,BiggerThomasistheflipsideof UncleTom:
the“badnigger”whoseresponseisdirectaggression,aresponsenomoreprogressive
thanthe“forebearance”of Stowe’sUncleTom.YetneitheranalyzesWright’searlier
nuancedportrayalof ReverendTaylor,norhowtheauthorbuiltuptothischaracter’s
resurrectionthroughthreenovellasthatendedintragicviolence.Removethemasksof
BigBoyandMann—characterswhohadneverpreviouslyconsideredsocialequality—
andtheyexertself-determination.SarahalwayswonderedatherhusbandSilas,“[a]lways
hehadsaidhewasasgoodasanywhiteman”(147).BeneaththeirmasksWright
inscribesself-consciousnessthroughtheradicalizingof individualperspective.As
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ZoraNealeHurstonmockedWright’spolemicalapproachinherreviewof Children,
“itisthesolutionof thePARTY,”shewrote,“Andmarch!”(9,10)
Yetinretrospect,Wright’ssolutionin Children seemslesstheideologyof “the
Party”thanof traditionalEuro-Americanviolentmasculinity.AsHurstonsnidely
summarizedthemasterplotof Children,“Ineachstorytheherosuffersbuthegets
hisman”(10).Thisismoretheformulaof theHollywoodwesternthanof social
realistorproletarianfiction,moreakintoRichardSlotkin’stheoryof “regeneration
throughviolence”thanMarxistideology.Finally,forallof Wright’srestrained,
dispassionatetestimonyin“TheEthicsof LivingJimCrow,”hegrantsthelastwords
toanelevatoroperatorwholinksmanhoodandviolence:“Lawd,man!Ef itwuzn’t
ferthempolices‘n’themol’lynch-mobs,therewouldn’tbenothin’butuproardown
here!”(15).InChildren,Wright’sclarioncallislesstoMarxismthantoliberatory
violence.Inthiscollection,he slays theUncleTom-maskasthefirstpoliticalactin
aracewarthatwilltakeshapeagenerationlaterasthecivilrightsmovement.
Intergenerational Change: “Po’ Uncle Tom Is Dead”
I
nChesterHimes’sshortstory,“HeavenHasChanged,”ablacksoldierfighting
overseasdiesinbattleandwindsupinauniquepurgatory:thehot,fertilecotton
fieldsof asegregatedheaven.Therehecomesuponafuneralprocessionattended
by“veryoldandgray-hairedNegromenandwomen.”Heasksthenameof the
deceasedandissurprisedatthereply:“Po’UncleTomisdead.”Thesoldierrelaysthis
informationtothousandsof fieldhands,whorejoiceuntiltheiroverseer,Mr.JimCrow,
demandstheyceasetheirjubilation.Severalmenaskfortimeoff toattendthefuneral.
Mr.JimCrowissurprisedbytherequest,thendeniesit.“WhatyouwannagotoTom’s
funeralfor?...Youneverdidlikehim.”Theyaskasecondtimeand,deniedagain,
UncleTom’ssonleadsthemdefiantlydowntochurch,asking“Ain’tweallUncleTom’s
chillun?”(“Heaven”73,74).
Himes’s“HeavenHasChanged”isaplayful,savvyallegoryaboutsocialchange
asreadthroughshiftsinblackexpressiveculture.WrittenfiveyearsafterWright’s
“FireandCloud,”thecatalystforchangehereisAfricanAmericans’contributionto
thearmedforces.IttakesadeadblackAmericansoldiertoinformthepassivefieldhandsthatUncleTomisdead.“Youkillhim?”theyask.“Naw,Idinkillhim,”the
soldierreplies,“Guesshistimejustcome”(73).Himesslaysthemaskthroughcollectiverecognitionratherthanindividualepiphany,asif toshowthatitsdeathisthe
resultof historicalactionratherthanrevolutionaryideology.
Thestorysuggestshowradicallydifferentthestoryof anyUncleTommightlook
inthehandsof ablackauthor.Himes’scharacter,the“son-of-UncleTom,”maybea
“big,strappingfellow”whostandshisground—likeStowe’smanof religiousintegrity—
butheisalsopetulant,selfish,coarse,andhyper-sexualized.Hisfathernowdead,he
becomestheleaderof ayoungergenerationseekingtheirrightsthroughparticipatory
democracy.Thepoliticalrivalof UncleTom’sSonisanolder,physicallymassive,firebreathingblackpreachernamed“LittleGod,”whosesizesymbolizeshisideological
power.LittleGoddesiresonlytomaintainthestatusquo,answersonlyto“BigGod”
(i.e.,the“whitefolks’God”),andignoresallsupplicationfromblacks.ItisLittleGod
whopresidesoverUncleTom’sfuneral;hepraiseshimas“agoodservant”whose
workpleasedBigGodandchastisesUncleTom’schildren“sincetheywerenotlike
theirfather”(74).
FedupwithLittleGod’smoralisticandnarrowvision,UncleTom’sSondrawsup
areferendumtocallfortheelectionof anewGod.JimCrowrejectsthepetitions—
“Whoeverheardof UncleTom’schildrenvoting?”—butUncleTom’sSonleadshis
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youthfulfactioninloudprotest.Theychant“OLDJIMCROW/HASGOTTOGO”
(75-76),andtheroarof theirchantrockstheheavens.BigGodthenmakesararevisit
tothecottonfieldsof Heaven;toLittleGod’schagrin,heapprovesanelectionfor
anewGod.Thepartyof the“New”nominatesUncleTom’sSonwhilethe“Old”
party(comprisedof UncleTom’s“otherrelatives...brothers,sisters,cousins,and
in-laws”[76])nominatesLittleGod.UncleTom’sSonandLittleGodbecomepolitical
enemieswithopposingpoliticalconstituencies.
Thestoryfocusesonanintra-black,inter-generationalstruggleforleadership.
Thepoliticalplatformof UncleTom’sSoncallsfortheendof “oldJimCrow,”the
righttothepursuitof happiness,andthedistributionof “fortyacresandatractor
andahomeforeverybody”(76).LittleGod’splatformistostaythecourse,andin
doingsoheasksBigGodtointerveneonhisbehalf.“Ain’tIbeenagoodgod?
Ain’tIkeptthepeoplefromrebellingalltheseyears?”LittleGodcautionshispeople
“againsttryingtoforcereforms”;heassuresthem“goodthingswouldcometothem”
byandby;hepromisesthatJimCrowwill“justgetupandgoof hisownaccord
someday”(76).Duringthecampaign,theOldrefusetoallowdancingandshouting,
buttheNewpartyclaims“therewasnomoresininswingingitandjitterbugging
thantherewasinsingingthespirituals.”Afteranexchangeof accusations,thegroups
agreetoacontestof culturalforms“toseewhichmadethepeoplehappiest”(77).
LittleGodmandatesthecontestaswinner-takes-all:thecrisisinAfricanAmerican
leadershipwillbesettledinaculturalbattle.
Thenarratordescribesthecontestwiththeverveandenthusiasmof asportswriter.
RepresentingtheNewgroup,“theswingbands...blewthemselvesdizzyand...
thejitterbugswentintodeliriumandjumpedlikegrasshopperswithseven-league
boots(man,youshouldaseenthemcats).”TheOldgrouppresenteditsgospelchoirs,
whosangwith“somuchjoyandabundance...[that]thebigGod,busyatHiswork,
stoppedforamomenttolisten”(77).TheNewandOldpartiesimpressedeach
otherwiththepassionateexpressionof theirculturalforms,andHimesrendersthe
dynamicsof inter-generationaldiscordthroughthehistoricizingof suchforms.
“Thespiritualswin,”thenarratorreports,buttheNewpartyproteststhattheOld
partystuffedtheballotboxes(77).
ThetwogroupsthentradeblowssoviolentBigGodcomesdowntoarbitrate.
Hemandatesapoliticalcompromise:BigGodretainsLittleGodsincehewas“old
...[and]wiseinthewaysof men,”butforceshimtoacceptUncleTom’sSonashis
assistant,sincehewas“youngandspiritedandcourageous,andcouragewasalso
needed”(77).ForBigGodtoimposehiswillbydivinefiatrepresentsthetotalitarian
oppressionof whitepoliticalpower;theheavenlymandateinvalidatestheelection
andpointsupthelackof AfricanAmericanpoliticalpower.IncontrasttoWright,
Himesfoundhumorinthevagariesof socialchangeandattemptedtofashionthese
intoliteraryform.ForHimes,thetransferof psychologicalandpoliticalpowercannot
occurwithoutaninternalbattleoverhistoryandidentity.
UncleTom’stimedidn’t“justcome.”Theslayingof themaskwasrealizedthrough
thepublicdisplayof blackculturalproduction,throughself-andgroupexpression,
throughhistoricaleventsasvariedastheGreatMigration,theHarlemRenaissance,
andtheDouble-Vcampaign.UncleTomiskilledoff ashopesforsocialequality
rise.WrightusedspiritualsinChildren’sstoriesonlytotransmutetheirmeanings.In
contrast,Himesmarksblackexpressiveculturalmaterials—music,dance,humor,and
religion—asthebearersof blackmemoryandhistory,expressivestyleandemotional
release,culturalnationalismandethnicconsciousness.AsPaulGilroyhasnoted,
blackmusichasalwayscarriedcodedpoliticalcontentthatcouldotherwisenotbe
spoken.16 Themusicalformmaychange,butthedynamicingredientsof thecultural
communicationremainthesame:spiritualsinsomesensewere swing,andvice-versa.
Attheendof “HeavenHasChanged,”LittleGodbegsBigGodtoleavehimin
poweronthestrengthof histrackrecordasa“goodgod.”BigGod’sresponse
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revealsHimes’spsychologicalinsightintothedynamicsof socialchange:“Yougods
havegottohavetheconfidenceof thepeopleorthey’llgetanewgod”(78).In
effect,BigGodasksLittleGodtoreflectthathisUncleTom-maskedleadershiphas
becomeobsolete;hewarnsLittleGodthat“onlygodswhocouldkeepupwiththe
demandsof theirworshipperscouldremaingods”(79).Himes’suseof thelower-case
“god”correspondsmoreorlesstomyuseof theterm“mask”;eachrepresentsthe
projectionof possibilityinagivenhistoricalmoment.Duringperiodsof socialchange,
themaskmustchange,sinceallsemioticsystemsmustadapttoanygroup’sneeds
toretainculturalpowerandsocialfunction.
Uncle Tom’s Grandson: Invisible Man
A
ttheendof thefirstchapterof Invisible Man,Ellisongrantslastritestothe
UncleTom-maskitself.Thetitlealludestothedisappearanceof pre-war
framesof referenceforblackmenandsuggeststhatthepostwareraisatransitional
periodinwhichtheyaspirebothtovisibilityandindividuality.Withtheendof the
SecondWorldWarcamethedemiseof theminstreltraditioninfilmandtheater,
theendof theplantationtraditioninliterature,thereplacementof theatricalsmiles
byjazzmusicianswithblankstares,andtheangular,aggressive,“anti-assimilationist”
musicof bebop.17 If AfricanAmericanswereinvisiblesinceunrecognized—interms
of socialequality,culturalcontribution,andpoliticalpower—thenthenovelwasan
inquiryintotheendof doubleconsciousness.
Invisible Man tracesanunsentimentaleducationinthemaskedtradition.The
narratorpresumeshewillbeacceptedasanAmerican,literallyatfacevalue;heis
insteadschooledbyhiseldersateveryturninthesurvivaltechniqueof masking
(e.g.,Bledsoe,LuciusBrockway,thephysician-veteranattheGoldenDay).Along
theway,Ellison’snarratorbecomesequalpartsex-slaveandNewNegro,alternately
apicaro andaquestfigure.Asaconduitof blackcollectivememory,hebothvalidates
expressiveculture(blues,jazz,BrerRabbittales)andscavengessymbolicmaterials
(Tarp’slegchain,theSambodoll).Hisclassicmigrationof ascentproducesakindof
shadowpilgrim’sprogresstofullculturalcitizenship,equalpartsAfricanAmerican
collectivememory,ethnicexpressiveculture,andmodernistindividualart.Ellison’s
slayingof themaskbalancesthepersonalandthecollective,negotiatingamiddle
pathbetweenWright’scallforindividualheroicsandHimes’saloof analysisof slow,
collectivechange.Fourteenyearsafter“FireandCloud”andnineyearsafter“Heaven
HasChanged,”theinvisiblemaninheritsthemaskedtradition.Hisprologueinvokes
LouisArmstrongashissleeperhero,amanwho“madepoetryoutof beinginvisible”
(11).Thenarrator’sjourneybeginswiththelastwordsof anUncleTom;theaction
climaxeswhenhisclosestcomrade,TodClifton,throwsdownadancingSambodoll
andsteps“outsidehistory”topunchapoliceman,thusensuringhisdeath.Thenovel
comestoanendjustafterthenarratoridentifiesthecoolmaskasitwalksthrougha
subwaystationinHarlem.
Forthesakeof myargument,Iwillreadsectionsof thefirstchaptercloselyin
ordertoilluminatetheprotagonist’srelationshiptohisgrandfather.First,welearn
thenarrator’sgrandparentshadbeenslaves,thattheyhadrejoicedatemancipation,
andthattheyhad“stayedintheirplace...[and]workedhard.”Second,welearnhis
grandfatherwasknowntoevenhisclosestfamilymembersasthe“meekestof men”;
i.e.,hewassimultaneouslythefamilypatriarchandanexemplaryUncleTom.Yeton
hisdeathbed,thegrandfathercallstohisson—theinvisibleman’sfather—andproudly
claimshislifehasbeenonelong,seamless,masked,sacrificialact:
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93
Son,afterI’mgoneIwantyoutokeepupthegoodfight.Inevertoldyou,butourlifeisa
warandIhavebeenatraitorallmyborndays,aspyintheenemy’scountryeversinceIgive
upmygunbackintheReconstruction.Livewithyourheadinthelion’smouth.Iwantyou
toovercome’emwithyeses,undermine’emwithgrins,agree’emtodeathanddestruction,
let’emswolleryoutilltheyvomitorbustwideopen.(Invisible 15-16)
Thegrandfatherleavesalegacyasclearasitisdisturbing:thathelivedhislifemasked;
thatblacklifeisanongoingracewar;thatthestereotypeof humbleservantsinhappy
servicetowhitesisalie;thatblacksfightwithallthedefensesandcodesof anylibertylovingethnicgroupbehindenemylines;andthatheisproudtohavesurvivedandfed
hisfamilyunderoppressiveconditions.Byimplication,hismostsalientvictoryhas
beenthemaintenanceof psychologicalintegrity.Hisconfessionsoshocksthenarrator’s
familythattheinvisiblemanis“warnedemphaticallytoforgetwhathehadsaid.”
Inaslyasidetothereader,heconfidesthatthisis“thefirsttimeithasbeenmentioned
outsidethefamilycircle.”Thegrandfather’sdeclarationresonatesevenbeyondthe
deathof thebody:“itwasasthoughhehadnotdiedatall,hiswordscausedsomuch
anxiety”(16).Moreover,theinvisiblemanistoldthathe“takesafter”hisgrandfather
suchthattheselastwordsfunctionasasymbolicbatonof the maskedtradition.
Forthenarrator’sgrandfather,remainingmaskedtohisfamilyprotectedthem
fromthedangerof imaginingsocialequality.Inthe1960s,comedianDickGregory
describedthisperformanceinheroicterms:
Sure, tomming was good once upon a time. That’s how we got here. The old folks knew that was the only
way they could raise you. What we call Uncle Tomism today was nothing but finesse and tact then. The old folks
had to scratch their heads and grin their way into a white man’s heart. (Gregory204;originalemphasis)
Thegrandfather’sspeechhauntsthenarratorthroughoutthenovel,asdoestheidea
thatmaskingmightpartakeof theheroicmode,if oneis“aspyintheenemy’scountry.”
IninvokingtheCivilWar,slavery,andReconstruction,Ellison,likeWright,constructs
acentury-longhistoricalblocinwhichindividualfreedomcanonlybedeclaredat
themomentwhenablackmanlaysthemasktorest.18
Thenarrator’sgrandfatherthentaintstheinvisibleman’svaledictorycelebration
byappearinginadream.Clutchinghisnewleatherbriefcaseandascholarshiptothe
“statecollegeforNegroes,”awashinthebestwishesof hisfamilyandneighbors,
theinvisiblemanfinallyfelt“safefromgrandfather’s...deathbedcurse”(Invisible 32).
Havingearnedhisticketoutof small-townconstraint,theinvisiblemanmissesthe
ironyof the“battleroyal,”whenheallowedhisbodytobecomeasiteof entertainmentfor“theamusementof ...whiteobservers”(“Art”216).
Inthedream,thenarratorandgrandfathervisitacircustogether,onlythelatter
“refuse[s]tolaugh”attheclowns.Heinsteadkeepspointingtotheprizebriefcase,
insideof whichthescholarshipletterhasbeentransformedintoastackof nested
officialenvelopes.“Them’syears,”thegrandfatherinterprets,thenhashimreadthe
letterthatadvisesallhisfutureemployersto“KeepThisNigger-BoyRunning.”The
invisiblemanadmitshewould“rememberand[havethe]dreamagainformanyyears
after...[although]hehadnoinsightintoitsmeaning”(33).Hewilllearnitsmeaning
bynovel’send:first,thatAfricanAmericanmen—evenmaskedandlaughing—arenot
clowns;second,thatmaskingisaformof secretknowledge;third,thatthepromises
of whiteelitesarepaperpromises,continuouslymintedandmeaninglesswithregard
tosocialequality.Allarevariationsonthethemeof “freepapers,”asEllisononce
toldaninterviewer(“Art”219).
Butthenarratoronlybeginstointerrogatethedreamafterspendinganightas
Rinehart,thetricksterfigureof chaosandpossibility.AfteranightasRinehart,
surfingthemultiplicityof AfricanAmericanresistance,theinvisiblemanrejectsthe
philosophiesof theFounderandtheBrotherhoodasmethodsof culturalerasure;
heinsteadembracescross-classracialsolidarityandvernacularexpressiveculture.
“Inowrecognizedmyinvisibility...[and]I’dacceptit...,”theinvisiblemanaffirms,
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“exploreit,rineandheart.”Hisinvisibilityfunctionsastheultimatemaskof withdrawal,astrategicposeheimmediatelyconnectstohisgrandfather:
Oh,I’dyesthem,wouldn’tIyesthem!I’dyesthemtilltheypukedandrolledinit.Allthey
wanted of me was one belch of affirmation and I’d bellow it out loud. Yes! Yes! YES!
Thatwasallanyonewantedofus...yassuh,yassuh,yassuh!...Oh,I’dservethemwell
andI’dmakeinvisibilityfeltifnotseen. (508-09)
BymashingupJoyceanself-affirmationwiththemaskedlegacy,theinvisiblemanaccepts
boththerageproducedbywhitesupremacyandhisironicroleinracerelations:
“If Icouldn’thelpthemtoseetherealityof ourlivesIwouldhelpthemtoignoreit
untilitexplodedintheirfaces”(511).Herealizesthatresistancerequiresdisciplineand
apublicfaceof accommodation(“Iwould...becomeawell-disciplinedoptimistand
helpthemgomerrilytohell”[511]),andevenequatesthesubtleresistanceof masking
withtheBrotherhood’sscientificobjectivity(“wasn’tthatoldslaveascientist...when
hestoodwithhatinhand,bowingandscrapinginsenileandobsceneservility?”[509])
Yethesoonperceivesthelimitationsof masking,itsresignationtomarginalstatus.
Lyinginjuredonthestreetduringtheriotlisteningtoseveralmen“swaplies,”the
invisiblemanrealizesthetrapof in-grouplaughter:“Raswasnotfunny...but
dangerousaswell....Whydidtheymakeitseemfunny,only funny?”Thenarrator
“lay[there]inacramp,wanting tolaugh,”buttheriotseemed“funnyanddangerous
andsad,”andtheirlaughtertragicinitspassivity.“Mygrandfatherhadbeenwrong
aboutyessingthemtodeath...orelsethingshadchangedtoomuchsincehisday,”
hereflects(564).Maskinghadreacheditsendgame,andsotheprotagonistfalls
throughthestreetand“plunge[s]down,down...nolongerrunning,hidingor
concerned”(565).Tolighthiswayinthedark,thenarratorburnsthecontentsof his
briefcase—hishigh-schooldiploma,theSambodoll,theletterwithhisBrotherhood
name—andimmediatelydreamsof beingcastratedby“agroupconsistingof Jackand
oldEmersonandBledsoeandNortonandRas...allof whomhadrunme”(569).
TheUncleTom-maskwasliterallyaself-defensemechanism.IntheSouth,
“everyoneknew”theritualsof accommodationandacceptance;intheNorth,a
“jumpintotheunknown”requiredanewstrategyof individualismthatrequirednew
tacticsof self-presentation.Theinvisiblemantakesagreatleapnotforward,butdown
into“theblack(w)hole”—theundergroundspacewhereblackmaleliterarycharacters
“[come]toanewandauthenticconsciousness”(Baker,Blues 157).Underground,the
narratorcanprepareforself-liberation—“I’llfreemyself,”hesays—whilelayingclaim
totheexistentialidealthat“itwasbettertoliveoutone’sabsurditythantodieforthat
of others”(Invisible 559).Hestaysinhisundergroundcave becausehesimplyhasno
viableplanforpublicself-presentationinadominant(white)societythatrefuseshim
“face,”associologistErvingGoffmantheorizedtheterm.19 “No...thenextstepI
couldn’tmake,soI’veremainedinthehole”(Invisible 575).Whatdignifiedattitude
wouldrisefromtheashesof theUncleTom-mask?Asthesignreadsatthestorefront
churchof ReverendB.P.Rinehart,“spiritual technologist”:“BEHOLDTHESEEN
UNSEEN/BEHOLDTHEINVISIBLE” (Invisible 495-96).Beholdthecoolmask,
the“seenunseen.”
The Cool Mask
“B
eingcool,”asAmiriBarakadefineditinBlues People,“[was]anattitude
that reallyexisted”amongblackmeninpostwarHarlem.Theflataffect
of theimpassive“coolpose”projectedoutwards“[the]calm,orstoical,repression
of suffering,”astylizedmaskingof emotion“asoldastheNegro’sentranceintothe
slavesociety”(Baraka213).WiththeUncleTom-maskrepudiatedandsocialequality
adreamdeferred,themaskof coolprojectedacollectivehistorywhilesignaling
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self-assertion,rebellion,withdrawal,secretknowledge,andaboredexhaustionwith
racism.InInvisible Man,thestatemurderof TodCliftonbyapolicemanclosesoutthe
possibilityof gainingsocialequalitythroughtraditionalmeans(e.g.,politics,collective
organization,integration).AsRinehart,theinvisiblemandiscoveredamodeof public
self-presentationthatwassimultaneouslyoneof withdrawalandpublicprotest,a
methodasdeeplyrootedinblackdiscursivepractice—visual,verbal,gestural,stylistic—
assignifyin(g)andstylin’.AboutRinehart,thenarratorreflects:“Hisworldwaspossibilityandheknewit.Hewasyearsaheadof meandIwasafool”(498).Masked
behinddarkglasses,strategicsilence,andthejazzslangvariantof theblackEnglish
vernacular,thenarratorwasnowfreetoimaginehisownindividualrelationshipto
AfricanAmericanidentity,Americanidentity,andhisownartisticidentity,asallwere
madepossiblebytheGreatMigration.20 “IntheSoutheveryoneknewyou,but
comingNorthwasajumpintotheunknown....Youcouldactuallymakeyourself
anew”(499).Forthismodernistexperiment,theinvisiblemanneededanewbody,
anewface,andanewideology.Inthesubwaystation,theinvisiblemanconsiders
thepoliticsof styleonthebodiesof “ustransitoryones.”Henoticesthestrategicuse
of silenceamonghispeers:afewmenwait“sostillandsilentthattheyclash[ed]with
thecrowdintheirveryimmobility...[theirsilencewasas]harshasacryof terrorin
theirquietness”(440).Hethenfocusesonthe“severeformality”of threeseparate
stylishyoungmenwhosecombinationof sartorialflamboyanceandinsularitywas
souniquethat“theyseemedtomovelikedancersinsomekindof funeralceremony,
swaying,goingforward,their black faces secret ...theheavyheel-platedshoesmaking
arhythmicaltappingastheymoved....[T]heyweremenoutsideof historicaltime
...[m]en of transition whose faces were immobile”(Invisible 439-44;emphasisadded).
Whilethe“funeralceremony”suggeststhedeathof thetheatricalminstrelmask
andof embodiedtomming,theregisterof theirsecretfaces—eachone’sprivate
competenceandself-knowledge—seemattunedtoRinehart’spolyvalentchaos.Inthis
coolmask—thistexturedblankness—themen“sway...[butareyet]goingforward,”
theyaremenintransitionandyet“immobile,”theyaremenmovingwithoutbeing
moved.Significantly,theinvisiblemanspotsthecoolmaskunderground,foreshadowing
hisfallthroughthestreet.
Silent,insular,sitting“asformallyastheywalked...communicatingironically
withtheireyes”(440),theinvisiblemanconnectsthesemenwiththemaskof
“Sambo,thedancingpaperdoll.”TodClifton,thehipsterblacknationalist,retreated
intoabsurdityandthepast;thecool-maskedmenrepresentthosewhosurvivehim,
thosewhodidnotplungeoutsidehistory.Givenhissubjectiveexperience,theinvisible
manhastorejectmaskingthateitheraccommodatesoraccepts,buthedoesnot
havetorejecttheconceptof maskingitself.Findinghimself inthepresenceof an
emergentsemioticmodality,hewonderswhowill“applaudtheirvalue...[if]they
themselves[fail]tounderstandit”(438).Hefollowsthethreemenasif searchingfor
himself:“whoknewbutthattheywerethesaviors,thetrueleaders...[t]hestewards
of somethinguncomfortable[?]”(439).21 Suchquestionsof stylewereinnovativea
half-centuryago.Whatisthesemanticcontentof agivenstyle,slang,ormask?How
canawriterassesstheculturalpoliticsof style?
ForWright,Himes,Ellison,Baldwin,andEllington,thosewholivedunderthe
UncleTom-maskwerethemselves“stewardsof somethinguncomfortable,”andthese
textsenactre-memory.Wright,Himes,andEllisonilluminated“whatconstituted
UncleTom”inliteraryandsometimesliteralwakesforaritualmaskwhosefunction
asasurvivaltechniquetheyrenderedobsolete.Initsplace,thecoolmaskmarksa
refusalof bothacceptanceandaccommodation;itisarebellioussemioticsof hiding
inplainsight,of bringingone’ssullenhostilityintopublicdiscourse,andof taking
the“grinningblackmask”outof nationalvisualandracialdiscourse.Astheinvisible
manpredictsfromhisundergroundexile,“[a]hibernationisacovertpreparationfor
amoreovertaction”(Invisible 13).Theovertpolitical actionbeganthreeyearslater
withtheMontgomeryBusBoycott.
96
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1. In casting a fresh eye on Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Gates claims its social and political success depended upon
its domestic politics: in making “the cabin” a metonym for home and marriage, Stowe shifted the discourse
on slavery away from “the male discourse of Jeffersonian individualism”—which had repeatedly failed
by 1852—to “resituate it . . . [in] the family circle” (xiv). Counting Baldwin’s essays, the five texts under
discussion all foreground male experience to the point of pushing female experience and domestic concerns
offstage. As Baker reflected a generation ago, such literary texts represented for these authors “a desperately
felt necessity for the black male narrative voice to come into ‘conscious history’ ” (“Richard Wright” 98).
Gates’s reclamation project builds upon a generation of scholarship on sentimental fiction, melodrama, and
minstrelsy that has, to some extent, supplanted three generations of specifically masculine scorn heaped
upon the desexualized figure of Uncle Tom.
2. Armstrong did not underestimate his cultural leverage even from behind the mask, and sent President
Eisenhower this telegram: “If you decide to walk into the schools with the little colored kids, take me along,
Daddy” (qtd. in Margolick).
3. In contemporary editions, the lyric appears opposite the first page of “Big Boy Comes Home,” the first
story in Children. The song title is cited in an untitled review of Children in the Michigan Chronicle (Reilly 35).
4. “Note on the Text,” in Children 297-99. Perhaps Wright’s original object of disdain was less obvious
after the second edition was published in 1940. Bookended by the essay, “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow,”
and a fifth story, “Bright and Morning Star,” Wright’s political objectives and Marxist beliefs were more
obvious in this edition. For example, in “Bright and Morning Star,” Johnny-Boy, a local leader of the
Communist Party, helps his mother (Aunt Sue) convert from Christianity to the secular faith of Communism:
“[For Aunt Sue,] The wrongs of sufferings of black men had taken the place of Him nailed to the Cross;
the meager beginnings of the party had become another Resurrection” (Wright 225).
5. Ellison also admitted that rage against white liberal paternalism was a motivating factor for at least
one of the black nationalist speeches of Ras the Destroyer. After a passing interaction in 1950 with “some
white liberals who thought the best way to be friendly was to tell us what it was like to be Negro[,] . . . I
went upstairs that night feeling that we needed to have this thing out once and for all and get it done with”
(Ellison, “Art” 222).
6. The insidious irony of Stowe’s literary fantasy was that her Uncle Tom embodied the white hope that
a “good Negro,” if freed from bondage, would be as faithful, obedient, humble, and spiritual as Southern
apologists for slavery often claimed.
7. For “romantic racialism,” see Fredrickson 97-129; Baldwin, “Many Thousands Gone.”
8. See Patterson 334-42. When Baldwin encounters Southerners for the first time at a defense plant in
New Jersey during World War II, he is shocked at “how southerners treated Negroes and how they
expected them to behave . . . it had never entered my mind that anyone would look at me and expect me
to behave that way” (Notes 77).
9. C. S. Johnson’s analysis has a class bias: in thrall to the Chicago School of Sociology, he equates
intelligence with literacy and rural life with an inferior capacity for rational thinking; therefore, he creates
a false opposition between the uneducated “folk Negro” and the educated “urban Negro” (xviii-xxii).
10. C. S. Johnson subdivided the concept of “acceptance” into five subcategories: (a) “acceptance based
upon identification” with whites; (b) “acceptance based upon belief in Negro inferiority”; (c) “acceptance
based on desire for personal security”; (d) “acceptance with reservations and latent racial resentment”; and
(e) “rationalization of acceptance” (for middle- and upper-class African Americans). See C. S. Johnson 245-66.
11. On the “black cabinet,” see Goodwin 162-72.
12. Cohn, another well known Southern liberal journalist, also warned of race war in subsequent
Harper’s articles. See “How the South Feels” and “The Negro Moves North.”
13. Ethridge’s rhetoric was virtually repeated by Strom Thurmond five years later in his 1948 presidential
campaign as a Dixiecrat. “There’s not enough troops in the Army . . . to force the Southern people to
break down segregation and admit the nigra race into our theaters, into our swimming pools, into our
schools and into our homes” (Thurmond qtd. in Herbert).
14. On Dabney and Randolph, see Egerton 134-39, 213-17, and Woodward 115-20; on Randolph’s
leadership, see also Marable 74-87.
15. See Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day, 272-74. On the reliance upon Sumner’s sociology, see
Myrdal 1161 and Vander Zanden 30, 32-33.
16. See Gilroy 76-79.
17. See Lott.
18. Ellison’s plan for the novel was to cover a “general history of blacks in America . . . from slavery . . .
to the rise of Jim Crow laws . . . and later to the mass migration of blacks to Northern cities and the ensuing failure of the movement” (qtd. in Rampersad 230).
19. See Goffman 5-31.
20. For Ellison’s sense of ethnic identity as possibility and improvisation, see Parrish 103-40.
21. As for the cultural politics of style—of which masking is one aspect—the invisible man points the
way towards Ellison’s future intellectual life as an essayist and analyst of African American culture:
“They were outside the groove of history, and it was my job to get them in. . . . I looked into the design of
their faces, hardly a one that was unlike someone I’d known down South” (443).
“UNClE ToM IS DEAD!”: WRIghT, hIMES, AND EllISoN lAy A MASk To REST
Notes
97
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