CONTAGIOUS HEALING:
ON THE DIFFUSION OF THE ASCLEPIUS CULT IN PRE-HELLENISTIC GREECE
Per Vissers
Student number: 3865797
Onderzoeksseminar III – Heilige Plaatsen
Bachelor Thesis
Department of History and Art History
Utrecht University
1
Table of contents
1. Introduction .......................................................................................... p.3
2. Methodology ........................................................................................ p.4
3. Explaining diffusion of cult ................................................................. p.7
4.1 Mapping out the spread ......................................................................p.10
4.2 Mapping out the spread on a regional scale: Thessaly .......................p.11
4.3 Mapping out the spread on a regional scale: Arcadia ........................p.13
5. Concluding remarks ............................................................................ p.15
6. Appendices ..........................................................................................p.17
7. Bibliography ....................................................................................... p.21
2
1. Introduction
Starting in the sixth century BCE, but likely built on beliefs from an earlier age, the cult of the
physician god Asclepius grew to become one of the important cults in the Greek religious realm.1 Over
the course of the fifth and the fourth centuries BCE the cult surged, and various sanctuaries were built
in cities and villages throughout the Greek world. Most of these were quite modest, some grew to
become huge attractions for pilgrims who were seeking a cure for their illness (though Asclepius was
also often asked to cure minor ailments like baldness and insomnia).
The large scale spread of the cult throughout Greece is presumed to have started in the sixth
century BCE, but Asclepius worship seems to have its roots centuries earlier. Asclepius is mentioned
in literature that predates the sixth century, most famously Homer’s Iliad, in which he appears as a
mortal physician, and Hesiod.2 Asclepius appeared on coins, before the common era, in the city-states
of Pergamon, Dyrrhachium, Larissa, Trikka, Astypalaea, Epidaurus, Caine, Rhegium, Metapontium,
Agrigentum, Syracuse, Selinus, Amorgos, Menaenum, and on the islands of Cos and Lesbos.3 It’s a
certainty that more cult sites existed. According to one estimate around 200 asklepieia had been
founded by the end of the fourth century BCE. Accurate or not, this figure indicates how important the
cult must have been in the daily lives of many Greeks. Furthermore, we can assume the deity depicted
on coins would have played a significant role in the local religious life.4
This significant role prevailed for centuries. The deified half-mortal Asclepius was adopted into
the Roman pantheon. In the Roman world the Asclepius cult continued to be the dominating health
cult until Christianity and its physician saints Cosmas and Damian, who allegedly took over the
Asclepian sanctuary on the slopes of the Acropolis, supplanted the Greek god. 5 Asclepius’ cult
dissolved over the course of the first half of the first millennium CE (receiving its coup de grâce in the
fourth century, a period characterized by the zealous Christian emperors Constantine I and Theodosius
I) but some of its religious traditions lived on in Christian health cults.6 For example, the Asclepian
ritual of incubatio (temple sleep), spending the night in a temple hoping to be visited by the deity in a
dream in which he would perform surgery or prescribe a treatment, survived in Byzantine religious
customs. The practice of incubatio still prevails on Tinos, one of the Northern Cyclades.
The most famous of all the sanctuaries to Asclepius is located in Epidaurus. The large complex
certainly played a vital role as a centre for pilgrimage throughout antiquity. Widely accepted is the
idea that the cult of Asclepius spread mainly from Epidaurus, in most cases through direct contact.
1
Whenever I speak of “the Asclepius cult” or “the cult,” I’m referring to the general worship of the god
Asclepius. When I’m referring specifically to a local or regional cult, it will be clearly stated.
2
Homer, Iliad, 4.127-197.; J.E. Bailey, ‘Asklepios: Ancient Hero of Medical Caring’, Annals of Internal
Medicine 124, 2 (1996) 258.
3
G.D. Hart, ‘Ancient Coins and Medicine’, Canadian Medical Association Journal 94, 2 (1966) 80.
4
Ibidem, 77.
5
A. Sheikh, ‘Healing Images: A Historical Outline of their Use in Western Medical and Psychotherapeutic
Traditions’, Abaton, Des Moines University Literary Review 5 (2011) 9.; M.P.J. Dillon, ‘The Didactic Nature of
the Epidaurian Iamata’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 101 (1994) 259.
6
Hart, ‘Ancient Coins and Medicine’, 236.
3
Epidaurus had its own version of the birth myth of Asclepius, in which the god’s mother Coronis was
Epidaurian or at least gave birth to Asclepius on territory of Epidaurus, which means Epidaurus
claimed to have strong ties with Asclepius, making it the holiest of sanctuaries.7 There are, however,
multiple versions of the birth myth. Two other versions, from Thessaly and Messenia, claim to be tied
to Asclepius through maternal descent as well. Of special importance is the version that claims
Asclepius’ mother, Coronis, was not from Epidaurus but from Thessaly. This version is likely to
predate the Epidaurian myth.8 There is reason to doubt the idea that throughout Greece people saw
Epidaurus as the most divine of all Asclepius’ sanctuaries, especially before the Hellenistic Period. In
addition, available physical evidence, such as the iamata and results of excavations, suggests that some
other sanctuaries arose in the same period as Epidaurus, or even earlier. Thus, the idea that Epidaurus
was the main centre from which dissemination of the religion took place is far from certain. Still, this
is the view that seems to be conveyed in modern literature, in some cases explicitly, in other cases as
something that can be taken for granted. 9 The possibility of other diffusion patterns should be
examined. My research question is therefore: “In which way(s) did the cult of Asclepius spread
geographically throughout the Greek world, especially in the pre-Hellenistic Period?”
In this article I attempt to demonstrate a new angle from which to examine the spread of the cult
of Asclepius. I do not question the importance of the Epidaurian sanctuary. The sheer amount of
archaeological remains of buildings, epigraphical evidence and literary sources describing the
brilliance of Epidaurus make it impossible to do so. But the fact that it was an important cult site, and
one of which we know a lot, does not necessarily mean it was the only centre from which
dissemination took place. I surmise that the system through which the cult spread over the Greek lands
was much more complex.
2. Methodology
The diffusion of the Asclepius worship took place in a world in which a lively religious system
already existed. It was not the spread of a new religion, rather it was the spread of an addition, a new
module, to the existing religious system. The cult of Asclepius can therefore be treated as an idea (or
an innovation), this concept allows us to apply theories of diffusion of ideas. A theory describing the
ways in which religion can move through space and time, as presented by Chris Park in his article
“Religion and Geography,” provides the necessary theoretical background.
Park recognizes two basic types of religious diffusion that we can use to analyze the
dissemination of Asclepius: expansion diffusion and relocation diffusion. Expansion diffusion is a
pattern in which the number of people who adopt the religion grows. The category of expansion
7
E. Aston, ‘Asclepius and the Legacy of Thessaly’, The Classical Quarterly 2, 54.1 (2004) 19-20.
J.W. Riethmüller, Asklepios: Heiligtümer und Kulte 1 (Heidelberg 2005) 91.
9
W.M. Gesler, ‘Therapeutic landscapes: theory and a case study of Epidauros, Greece’, Environment and
Planning Society and Space 11 (1993) 84.; E.J. Edelstein and L. Edelstein, Asclepius: Collection and
Interpretation of the Testimonies (Baltimore 1998) 108.
8
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diffusion can be sub-divided into contagious diffusion and hierarchical diffusion. Contagious diffusion
is diffusion through a population by direct contact. In this pattern, the religious idea is usually
transferred in situ, at a holy place. Park notes that this is a common pattern of religious diffusion.
Generally, this kind of diffusion spreads geographically, with the speed of expansion influenced by the
frictional effect of distance. Less common is hierarchical diffusion, which might best be described as
top-down diffusion, in which a religion is imposed upon society by a leading figure, for instance a
king. The latter seems to be less relevant in case of Asclepius, however we must not ignore the
possibility of religion imposed from above, on the level of the polis (for instance Asclepius in Athens).
A second basic type of religious diffusion is relocation diffusion, which practically always has
something to do with migration. It has little to no short-term effect on the size of the religion.10
Compatible with Park’s theory of the dissemination of religion is that the spread of the Asclepius
cult occurred in the shape of a hub-and-spoke model (figure 1). Ann Markusen states the hub-andspoke model lies in the middle of two extremes: a situation in which no firm (in our case, sanctuary) is
dominant and a situation in which one firm has complete dominance. In terms of this model, the
Asclepius worship had several old cult centres with large spheres of influence (the largest circle),
which formed a network of “hubs.” From each of these hubs, (the idea of) Asclepius worship diffused
geographically over time, causing the establishment of new sanctuaries (the smallest circles) within
their respective spheres of influence. We can use this hub-and-spoke model as a model to describe the
diffusion of ideas.
Figure 1. Hub-and-spoke model from Markusen’s “Sticky Places in Slippery Space.” 11
The hubs, often the large and old cult centres, are difficult to explain (it is difficult to trace their
origins). A significant fact is that most of the hubs seem to date from a similar period, though no
evidence exists that reveals whether they were dependent of each other or not. Having said that, the
10
C. Park, ‘Religion and geography’ in: J. Hinnells (ed.), Routledge Companion to the Study of Religion
(London 2004) 414-445, 423-427.
11
A. Markusen, ‘Sticky Places in Slippery Space: A Typology of Industrial Districts’, Economic Geography 72,
3 (1996) 297.
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diffusion of Asclepius worship in its earliest stage is shrouded in mystery and is therefore not the
focus of this study. However, the types of religious diffusion described by Park do allow us to say
some things about the presumed spokes.
Viewing the spread of Asclepius as a phenomenon taking place in networks of people (the
Aristotelian koinôniai) has advantages, as eloquently described by Vlassopoulos: “(...) the concept of
the network takes the form of koinônia (association) in the micro-level below the polis. This concept
can allow us to move beyond the static polarities that we employ when writing Greek history, and
move towards more nuanced accounts.”12 Pretty words, but how are we going to use this approach in
researching the spread of Asclepius, and how can we recognize patterns of diffusion?
Discussing the cult characteristics and researching the people involved is a necessity. Therefore,
the first part of this study attempts to reconstruct the spread of the cult. This is achieved by examining
literary evidence and inscriptions (most importantly, the iamata of Epidaurus) that provide insight into
the nature of pilgrimage in Asclepius worship.
The last part of the article emphasizes the structural development of the cult, and thus moves the
scope away from content analysis (text interpretation) and towards explaining the physical nature of
Asclepius’ cult. This is achieved by – whenever possible – favouring sites for which solid
archaeological evidence is available. For instance, patterns of diffusion can supply information about
the growth of the cult that epigraphs and literary sources won’t release.
I have made maps of Thessaly and Arcadia that display a hypothetical dissemination of the cult
on a regional level, as presented in chapter 4. They allow further speculation about the nature of the
dissemination and give insight into the relevance of the proposed hub-and-spoke model. I have picked
Thessaly because it is allegedly home to the oldest sanctuaries of Asclepius in Greece. An extra reason
to focus on Thessaly is the fact that the region simply has a large number of sanctuaries. The fact that
I’ve chosen Arcadia requires some more explanation. Arcadia has proven to be a difficult case, mainly
because it was a relatively backward region in the middle of the Peloponnese, surrounded by regions
with more power, that each had their own version of the Asclepius birth myth. The author of one of
the influential works about the spread of the Asclepius cult is Milena Melfi. In an article by Alevridis
and Melfi, which studies Arcadia specifically, they promote the view that the Arcadian sanctuaries
were likely established under direct influence of Epidaurus. I thought it would be interesting,
clarifying, to apply the theories I use in this study to test this hypothesis.
For the gathering of data, most importantly the dating of the individual sanctuaries, I heavily rely
on “Asklepios, Heiligtümer und Kulte” by Jürgen Riethmüller, the most complete and up-to-date
catalogue of Asclepius’ sanctuaries. Where possible I have taken conflicting interpretations by other
authors into account.
12
K. Vlassoupoulos, ‘Beyond and Below the Polis: Networks, Associations, and the Writing of Greek History’,
Mediterranean Historical Review 22, 1 (2007) 15.
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3. Explaining diffusion of cult
Whether we assume Epidaurus was the centre of the Pan-Hellenic Asclepius cult from which the deity
diffused, or attempt to look for different models to explain the diffusion, in any case we have to be
aware of the fact that before Asclepius became the principal Greek god of healing, various medical
institutions (including deities with healing powers) existed in the Greek poleis and the rest of the
Mediterranean region. For example, as Herodotus suggests in the following citation from The
Histories, a serious medical profession existed in the fifth century BCE:
(...) he departed and came to Egina. Being established there he surpassed in the first year
all the other physicians, although he was without appliances and had none of the
instruments which are used in the art. In the next year the Eginetan State engaged him for
a payment of one talent, in the third year he was engaged by the Athenians for a hundred
pounds weight of silver, and in the fourth by Polycrates for two talents.13
Then if we wish to increase our knowledge of the spread of Asclepius, the question we must ask
ourselves is how the emergence and growth of the Asclepius cult corresponds with the already existing
medical institutions. There is still a lack of consensus among scholars about the degree of
disruptiveness of the spread of the cult. In other words, to what extent did the import of Asclepius into
a region compete with existing medical practice? It is possible that Asclepius became an addition to
the existing medical system instead of competing with it, dealing with the problems that physicians
couldn’t fix.
In any case, Asclepius in many sites replaced older health deities, but there is no reason to
believe that this took the form of a health revolution. The dissemination of the Asclepius cult was
presumably not a disruptive mechanism, and it was a slow process. For instance, in Epidaurus the cult
of Asclepius had grown over the years to become very large, but when his disciples visited the
sanctuary, they apparently honoured Apollo Maleatas before turning to Asclepius. Apollo Maleatas
was the old health deity of Epidaurus, who maintained an important (ceremonial) role in local cult
practice.14 The oldest version of the birth myth of Asclepius was likely written down in the seventh
century BCE, before the large scale diffusion of the cult, and records Asclepius as being the son of
Apollo, thus connecting the two deities.15 It is quite conceivable that the existence of an Apollo cult at
a site facilitated the coming of Asclepius, as illustrated by the number of sanctuaries of Asclepius
established in close vicinity of sanctuaries of Apollo (some even replaced the old cult of Apollo),
listed in appendix 1. But we need to know more.
13
Herodotus, Histories, 3.129-134.
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 154-157.
15
Bailey, ‘Asklepios: Ancient Hero of Medical Caring’, 258.
14
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If we visualize the dissemination of asklepieia in a map, this shows how the deity spread
geographically over time. But it does not provide enough information to understand how and why the
cult diffused. The dots need to be connected, which means the cult characteristics need to be
examined. More specifically, we need to know more about the people who were involved. For
example, what can we say about the social positions of the pilgrims who visited the larger asklepieia?
Did cult centres like Epidaurus only attract wealthy pilgrims, who could afford the journey?
Information about pilgrimage patterns can give us a clearer picture of Asclepius worship as a religious
system, and gives meaning to Park’s diffusion of religion theory.
First of all, we need to keep in mind that priests of the larger cults might have been influential in
the spread of the cult. One source of information is provided by the theoroi from Epidaurus,
ambassadors spreading news about the recurring festivals, in this case the festival at Epidaurus in
honour of Asclepius. They travelled through the country to spread information about the cult and the
upcoming festival. What message the Epidaurian ambassadors carried exactly is unknown. What we
do know is that they visited towns and holy sites on the Peloponnese, but also travelled to Thessaly
and even into Macedonia and Thrace.16 So the word was out there. But who undertook the pilgrimage,
and why did these people decide to visit Asclepius?
The worship of Asclepius mostly took place in a very personal sphere, much unlike the cults that
dealt with large groups of people (e.g. Athena Polias, to whom people turned for the safety of an entire
city). We’re dealing with a cult operating almost exclusively in the domain of the individual. 17 It
comes as no surprise that pilgrimage played a central role.18 In order to receive help from Asclepius,
one needed to travel to the sanctuary. If a person was too ill to travel, someone else had to go in his or
her place.
In order to find out more about the people who visited the asklepieia, the iamata of Epidaurus
(records of Asclepius’ miraculous cures, inscribed on stelai) serve as a good source. We can use
information from the iamata to get an idea of the area of influence Epidaurus had in its glory days.
First of all, how far were the pilgrims prepared to travel?
One of the iamata tells the story of a woman from Pellana, a Laconian city located in between
Sparta and Arcadia, who came to the sanctuary for a birth.19 Another describes a man from Thessaly
visiting Epidaurus to get rid of the tattoos on his forehead. 20 This is in itself remarkable enough,
however to me it seems facial tattoos can only mean slavery or some kind of religious fanaticism. So
this iama could be describing a slave or a freedman, not exactly the upper-class of ancient Greek
society. Apart from the interesting fact that the tattooed man came all the way from Thessaly to
16
P.J. Perlman, City and Sanctuary in Ancient Greece: The Theorodokia in the Peloponnese (Göttingen 2000)
67-69.
17
Dillon, ‘The Didactic Nature of the Epidaurian Iamata’, 255.
18
S. Coleman and J. Elsner, Pilgrimage: Past and present: Sacred Travel and Sacred Space in the World
Religions (London 1995) 20.
19
IG IV2 1,121.2.
20
IG IV2 1,121.6.
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Epidaurus, this iama is relevant because it seems to concern the social position of the pilgrims at
Epidaurus as well, an interesting point. On this subject some uncertainty still remains. Finding out if
pilgrims were expected to pay more for Asclepius’ services in Epidaurus than in, for example,
Alipheira can perhaps tell us more about the dynamics of Pan-Hellenic Asclepius worship.
The nature of the sacrifices made to Asclepius in Epidaurus is mentioned a few times in the
Epidaurian iamata. One of the iamata describes a boy receiving Asclepius’ services after paying a few
dice (ἀστραγάλους, referring to dice or knucklebones, a common votive offering). 21 Of course the
priests at Epidaurus recommended the pilgrims to give more. One of the inscriptions tells how a
woman who slept at the asklepieion was ordered, in a dream, to dedicate a silver pig at the sanctuary.22
Apparently a substantial gift.
We have to see the iamata for what they are, though. The stories do not seem to describe
historical events, but should be read as an instruction manual, or sacred prose that would make the
readers (likely during the temple sleep ritual) feel good about themselves whilst telling them how to
behave. The stories explicitly reminded the reader that stealing from other pilgrims or ridiculing the
god would backlash, Asclepius is described as being generally friendly and fair, but strict and vengeful
when necessary. So the iamata are to be taken as mythological stories, written down by the priests for
didactic and propaganda purposes. Thus, the iamata reveal how the priests wanted to present their cult,
and shows us to whom the Epidaurian sanctuary tried to appeal. The stories show people from
throughout Greece (e.g. Laconia, Thessaly) visiting the sanctuary at Epidaurus, demonstrating the
reputation of the cult in the ancient Greek world. Furthermore they suggest that the miracles were
likely not exclusively for the wealthy.23 However, we can quite safely assume that not everyone in
Greece could afford the journey, with the opportunity of pilgrimage depending on both social position
and geographical distance from Epidaurus. Even though the sanctuary at Epidaurus was immensely
popular, most of the ill went to local asklepieia in search of a remedy, as noted by Dillon in his study
“The Didactic Nature of the Epidaurian Iamata.”24 This helps to explain the existence of the many
small sanctuaries spread throughout Greece.
An important additional argument is offered by Wickkiser. In her 2008 study of the spread of the
Asclepius cult, she points out that the cult grew because it attracted patients who had been refused
treatment by doctors. Kapparis, in his review of Wickkiser’s book, is not convinced by the argument
because it does not explain why the ill turned specifically to Asclepius instead of other deities or even
local heroes.25 However, because the cult of Asclepius had strong ties with the medical profession,
with the deity seemingly functioning as a sort of patron saint, I find Wickkiser’s argument convincing.
21
IG IV2 1,121.8.; M. Diab, Lexicon Orthopaedic Etymology (Amsterdam 1999) 29.
IG IV2 1,121.4.
23
Dillon, ‘The Didactic Nature of the Epidaurian Iamata’, 243-244.
24
Ibidem, 240-241.
25
K. Kapparis, ‘Book Review: Asklepios, medicine, and the politics of healing in fifth-century Greece: between
craft and cult’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 64, 4 (2009) 553.
22
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Lastly, another point made by Wickkiser about the spread of the cult is worth stating. The idea
that certain catastrophic events must have played a major role for the spread of the deity was generally
agreed upon in the scientific debate, but has in recent years been questioned. Wickkiser refutes the
argument that plague caused the spread of Asclepius (to Athens) by pointing out that there is little
epigraphical evidence of the plague itself (which means Thucydides might have exaggerated the
significance of the plague) and certainly no archaeological material that hints at Asclepius curing
plague victims.26 This was a quality his father, Apollo, was thought to have possessed. Apollo was the
god thought responsible for the Athenian plague of 430 BCE (a disease afflicting so many has a cause
beyond the individual and must relate to the anger of a deity), which means Apollo was the god that
needed to be addressed. 27 Moreover, it is very likely that the Athenian asklepieion was built after 420
BCE, leaving a gap of ten years between the arrival of the plague and the arrival of the god
unexplained.28 The arguments presented by Wickkiser are controversial at least, and thus demand us to
be cautious. Even though catastrophic events might have functioned as a catalyst for the spread of the
cult, especially in Athens, it is safe to say that the cult of Asclepius generally wasn’t a crisis cult.
4.1 Mapping out the spread
The data which can be found in appendix 1, I have brought together as a primary list of datings to
make reference to. The sanctuaries presented in the appendix are situated throughout the Greek world.
The list consists for a large part of relatively important sites (according to Riethmüller), most of which
are quite accurately dateable. Also included are sanctuaries that lie in between some of the larger
sanctuaries on the list. These are listed in order to allow for a more complete chronology of the
geographical spread of Asclepius. A few points about the data in appendices 1, 2 and 3 are worth
stating.
First of all, as noted earlier when discussing the hub-and-spoke model, the start of a cult in a
certain place is very hard to determine. We can date most of the asklepieia with a degree of certainty,
but these dates by no means necessarily indicate the beginning of local (health) cult practice. The
datings offered are often based on the oldest archaeological evidence (ideally found in situ) that can
convincingly be connected to a local Asclepius cult. In this case, consistency is key. The fact that the
actual origins of the cults are hard to trace does not pose an insurmountable problem for this research,
but it must be kept in mind.
A second point concerns the sanctuary at Trikka, which is deemed to be older than the sanctuary
at Epidaurus even though archaeological evidence is thin. Trikka is seen as an important cult site, and
26
B.L. Wickkiser, ‘The Appeal of Asklepios and the Politics of Healing in the Greco-Roman World’ (PhD
Dissertation, Austin 2003) 75.
27
V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine (London 2004) 39.
28
R. Mitchell-Boyask, Plague and the Athenian Imagination: Drama, History and the Cult of Asclepius
(Cambridge 2008) 3.
10
it is one of the cult centres from which diffusion might have taken place. It is therefore listed in
appendices 1 and 2, taking its uncertainties for granted.
A third point that demands explanation is the column “Earliest numismatic evidence (Catalogue
of Greek Coins in the British Museum” in appendix 1. The significance of Asclepius coins is relative.
In some regions, in some periods, all towns of any importance had mints and were able to issue money
(for example on the Peloponnese in the fifth century BCE).29 This category is only listed to give extra
insight into the importance of the Asclepius sanctuaries in their respective regions. I have included this
category although in the Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum only a few coins depicting
Asclepius were found. Lastly, a dash indicates no relevant data could be found.
4.2 Mapping out the spread on a regional scale: Thessaly
Thessaly is thought to be the birth place of the Asclepius cult, the region supposedly housed the oldest
cult sites in the entire Greek world. Especially Trikka plays an important role in the history of
Asclepius worship. It is named by many, including Strabo, as the oldest sanctuary of Asclepius.30 An
interesting example of this is the story by Greek poet Herodas, written around 270 BCE, which likely
takes place at the asklepieion in Kos, in which the main protagonist names Asclepius “(...) you who
rule over Trikka and who have settled in lovely Kos and Epidauros.”31 Even if it’s a fictional work, it
shows the relevance of Trikka, even in the early the Hellenistic period, when Epidaurus was large and
influential. An important point to make is that a factor obstructing exchange between Thessaly and the
rest of Greece might have been the aggression of the Thessalian leaders, who at irregular intervals
throughout the late Archaic Period and Classical Period threatened neighbouring states, or even
fought, especially with Boeotia, Phocis and Athens.32
East from Trikka, the town of Larissa seems to have been of importance as well. It was the
capital of the Dotian plain; according to the Homeric Hymn to Asclepius this is the area where the
deity was born.33 In addition to literary sources, archaeological evidence suggests the cult in Larissa
must have existed in the early fifth century BCE, possibly earlier. The fact that the earliest numismatic
material connected to the cult of Asclepius was likely minted in Larissa only strengthens the idea that
it must have been one of the important centres of cult practice in Thessaly, certainly in the (late)
Classical Period.34
The dating of the sanctuaries of Thessaly poses a methodological problem. Many of the sanctuaries
have not been excavated properly, for some even the exact location remains unknown, this obstructs
29
P. Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins: Peloponnesus (excluding Corinth) (London 1887) XIV.
Strabo, Geography, 9.5.17.; Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 91.
31
Herodas, Mimes 4.
32
J. Bintliff, ‘Regional Survey, Demography, and the Rise of Complex Societies in the Ancient Aegean: CorePeriphery, Neo-Malthusian, and Other Interpretive Models’, Journal of Field Archaeology 24, 121-23 (1997) 21.
33
Unknown, Homeric Hymn to Asclepius.
34
Hart, ‘Ancient Coins and Medicine’, 80.
30
11
accurate dating.35 For most of the locations dating is therefore based on inscriptions. Keeping these
caveats in mind, we can draw a hypothetical diffusion of the cult (figure 2), which shows that the
spread of the cult might not have been a gradual process. The inscriptions and evidence from remains
of buildings provide enough information to group the sanctuaries in different chronological phases:
• Phase I: Origins of Asclepius in Thessaly. • Phase III: Around 300-250 BCE.
• Phase II: Around 400-350 BCE.
• Phase IV: Around 200-100 BCE.
An important notice is that the third phase is a period in which only a minimal degree of diffusion can
be observed. According to the data I found, only two of Asclepius’ holy places are likely to have been
established between 300 and 200 BCE. For one of these, Pherae, the information currently available
makes it hard to date, which means the estimated date of establishment is conjectural, it is merely
based on a terminus ante quem. There are a few special cases, marked on the map and in the appendix
with a question mark, of which the dating is even more controversial.
Figure 2. Map of Asclepius sanctuaries in Thessaly, and the chronology (phases) in which they were likely
established.36
35
J.W. Riethmüller, Asklepios: Heiligtümer und Kulte 2 (Heidelberg 2005), 295.
Rivers and effluents plotted using datasets Ποταμοί and Υδρογραφικό δίκτυο from
http://geodata.gov.gr/geodata/ (accessed on June 8, 2015); Coordinates of the ancient sites from
http://pleiades.stoa.org/ (accessed on June 4, 2015).
36
12
The map of sanctuaries in Thessaly (figure 2) has a few interesting elements. First of all, the cult of
Asclepius seems to have spread in a southern direction hundreds of years before spreading to the
northern area of Thessaly. It is important to remember that most of the cults north of Larissa are
generally dated using only a terminus ante quem approach, as shown in the appendix. They might be
older, but there is no sufficient evidence, and thus no reason, to believe they are. Whereas the southern
diffusion seems to be in line with the pattern of contagious diffusion, the time gap between the centres
and the northern region remains unexplained.
The map raises more questions than it solves, which discredits the idea of contagious diffusion.
For instance, the hub-and-spoke model cannot explain the site at Pharsalus. It seems to have no
connection to the other Thessalian sanctuaries. However, the sanctuary at Pharsalus is a peculiar one.
It was a shrine in a cave, where many deities were worshipped.37 Nonetheless it looks like either a
failed hub with no spokes (if such a thing exists) or an early branch of the cults at Trikka or Larissa.
Neither does the rest of the distribution of sanctuaries in Thessaly show a plausible pattern of
contagious diffusion, except on the Dotian plain, where the phase II sanctuaries (e.g. Kierion, Atrax,
Armenion) are all at a similar distance from Larissa, the alleged hub. What we further know is that the
cult of Asclepius very likely came to Kierion from Trikka. On the map, this is indicated with an arrow.
In case of Kierion the evidence seems to be particularly strong, which makes it likely that we can view
Trikka as a hub and Kierion as one of its spokes.
4.3 Mapping out the spread on a regional scale: Arcadia
Like the sanctuaries in Thessaly, the Arcadian sanctuaries can be grouped in chronological phases:
• Phase I: Origins of Asclepius in Arcadia.
• Phase III: Around 370-300 BCE.
• Phase II: Around 470-420 BCE.
• Phase IV: Around 300-150 BCE.
Tracing the spread of the cult on the Peloponnese is not an easy task. The peninsula housed some of
the most important cult centres of the Asclepius worship. It is often mentioned that Epidaurus had a
large influence on the Peloponnesian sanctuaries of Asclepius. Of course Epidaurus was located
relatively close to the Arcadian borders, but so were Sparta, Messene and Argos. The Peloponnese was
an arena of clashing interests, alliances, intertwining religions and war. This forces us to be very
cautious. The region of Arcadia counted 18 sanctuaries and other places of worship to Asclepius, most
of them located in fairly close proximity of each other. Asclepius worship seems to have come to
Arcadia relatively early, which makes it particularly interesting.
37
Riethmüller, Asklepios 2, 293.
13
The Arcadian sanctuaries had their own version of the birth myth. Even though Arcadian birth myth
was likely based on the Messenian version, the Arcadians promoted the idea that Asclepius had strong
ties with their region. This myth might not have been as influential as the myth from Thessaly, but still
implies the Arcadian asklepieia in a certain sense competed with Epidaurus. In other words, the
Epidaurians were not the only ones claiming primordial status, as we have already seen.
A curious idea is presented in a study by Alevridis and Melfi. The article states that the
importance of water in the Arcadian Asclepieia (which can be deduced from the fact that the Arcadian
asklepieia were often located in close vicinity of rivers) likely indicates influence from Epidaurian
worship of Asclepius.38 In order to test this assumption, I have plotted the rivers (and effluents) of
Greece in the maps of Thessaly and Arcadia (figures 2 and 3). If we assume that most of the asklepieia
in Thessaly are not established through direct influence from Epidaurus, which is not unthinkable, the
fact that the Thessalian sanctuaries are often built close to water seems contradictory.
Figure 3. Most of Asclepius’ sanctuaries in ancient Arcadia. Epidaurus plotted on map for comparison of
geographical distance.39
Looking at the map of Arcadia and the hypothetical spread of Asclepius through Arcadia, it seems to
be largely explicable using Park’s theory.
The important Arcadian cult centre, according to
Riethmüller, is Gortyn, as marked on the map with a star. The cults in Vertsia and Thelpousa are
supposedly very old as well, but have to be more cautious with these, especially in case of Thelpousa,
since the evidence is less solid. A “ripple pattern” can thus be recognized, with the cult centres in the
38
Alevridis, S., and Melfi, M., ‘New Archaeological and Topographical Observations on the Sanctuary of
Asklepios in Alipheira’, in: Østby, E. (ed.), Ancient Arcadia (Athens 2005) 279.
39
Rivers and effluents plotted using datasets Ποταμοί and Υδρογραφικό δίκτυο from
http://geodata.gov.gr/geodata/ (accessed on June 8, 2015); Coordinates of the ancient sites from
http://pleiades.stoa.org/ (accessed on June 3, 2015).
14
middle of the area, the newest sanctuaries generally located the furthest away from the oldest
sanctuaries. The only site that does not adhere is the Mantineia. This is one of the old cults in the
Arcadian region, and was likely a significant cult as well. The early development of an Asclepius cult,
relatively far from the centre of the regional Arcadian cult, is hard to explain. It’s possible the cult was
Epidaurian and came to Mantineia from Athens, especially since the latter formed an alliance with
Mantineia in 420-410 BCE. The least we can say is that 420-418 can be considered a terminus ante
quem, in this period Athenian sculpture came to adorn one of the temples in Mantineia.40
Another uncertainty concerns Asclepius at Tegea. This cult, which is likely relatively young,
might have strong ties with Athens (according to Pausanias, in Tegea statues of Asclepius and Hygieia
flanked a statue depicting Athena). 41 If we assume that both these cults are established under
Athenian/Epidaurian influence, thus viewing them as specifically non-Arcadian, the hypothetical
model of diffusion would make more sense. It would show Arcadia as a compact region with at least
one old sanctuary (Gortyn) functioning as a cult centre that stimulated the establishment of new
sanctuaries in close vicinity. The idea that the Arcadian sanctuaries only had a limited area of
influence makes sense if we consider the limited political power of the region, and the Arcadian
population growth of the Classical Period and early Hellenistic Period could explain why most of the
diffusion seems to have taken place in this extent of time.42
5. Concluding remarks
The approach used in this article relies heavily on the quality of dating of the sites. The accuracy of
these datings is often not sufficient, in any case not for the regions I have researched. Further
excavations will of course improve the accuracy of the datings, but can also supply us with more
information that allows us to find out which cults show similarities and which cults definitely don’t,
on a regional level. This would give us more material to more convincingly trace the spread of a cult,
it exposes the hubs and shows us which sanctuaries can be seen as spokes.
Accurate dating is also necessary to provide us with adequate starting points for the identification
of a cult or a cult variety. Without it, starting points may be chosen that reflect known excavation sites
rather than historical sequence. The result may be that a cult is created instead of discovered:
For it is easy to show how spatial distributions, equivalent to the traditional cultural entities,
can be generated by the archaeologist out of a continuum of change. If uniformities and
similarities in artefact assemblages are viewed as the result of interactions between individuals,
and if such interactions decrease in intensity uniformly with distance, each point will be most
like its close neighbours. Consider the point P lying in a uniform plain, with its neighbours
fairly regularly spaced around it. Similarity in terms of trait C decreases with distance from
40
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 147.
Pausanias, 8.47.1.
42
Bintliff, ‘Regional Survey, Demography, and the Rise of Complex Societies in the Ancient Aegean’, 10.
41
15
point P. At the same time the variables A and B vary uniformly across the plain with distance
along the axes x and y. If the excavator first digs at P and recovers its assemblage, he will
subsequently learn that adjacent points have a broadly similar assemblage, which he will call
‘the P culture’. Gradually its boundaries will be set up by further research, with the criterion
that only those assemblages which attain a given threshold level of similarity with the finds
from P qualify for inclusion. So a ‘culture’ is born, centring on P, the type site, whose bounds
are entirely arbitrary, depending solely on the threshold level of similarity and the initial,
fortuitous choice of P as the point of reference.43
The datings are not the only obstacle, the spread of the cult of Asclepius is a complex historical
process. The archaeological material that has been dug up in Arcadia and Thessaly leaves us
wondering about the chronology of the diffusion, which means that for an attempt to describe the
spread, like this one, many assumptions have to be made. Opportunities lie in factors outside the
religious realm, that may have to be taken into account as well. It is likely that demographical,
economical or political factors affected the diffusion of the Asclepius cult, next to religious
developments and medical needs. For instance, political turbulence and warfare in the fifth century,
e.g. strained relations between Boeotia and Athens, may have influenced the spread of the cult of
Asclepius. An explanation of the spread of the Asclepius cult will have to take such factors, in order to
be convincing. But evidence about the spread in time and place comes first. In the previous chapters I
have attempted to show that a approach that starts from such evidence (the bottom-up approach)
already produces interesting results. While this study leaves a lot of questions unanswered, the fact
that an approach like this one can raise new questions, makes it worthwhile.
43
C. Renfrew, ‘Space, time and polity’, in: J. Friedman and M. Rowlands (eds.), The Evolution of Social Systems
(London 1977) 94-95.
16
6. Appendices
Appendix 1 – Sanctuaries of Asclepius in the Greek world
Asclepius
sanctuary site
Dating according
to Riethmüller
(with a degree of
certainty)
Dating
according
to Melfi
and others
Earliest
numismatic
evidence
(Catalogue of
Greek Coins in
the British
Museum)
From around
370 BCE
Was an Apollo
cult present at
the site?
Epithet
Yes, Apollo
Maleatas, from
around 750
BCE, terminus
-
Relevant
information
44
Epidaurus
th
Late 6 century
BCE.
Second
half 6
century
BCE.
45
th
47
46
ante quem.
Athens
420/419 BCE.
49
th
End of 5 ,
beginning
of 4
century
BCE.
End of 5
century
BCE
seems
very
likely.
-
48
Yes, Apollo
Maleatas, late 5
century BCE.
th
-
Certainly
an
Epidaurian
cult.
th
51
50
Corinth
th
6 century BCE,
probably late 6
century.
Riethmüller is
inconclusive about
how this relates to
Epidaurus.
th
th
-
Yes, Apollo
Pythios.
Evidence from
the early 6
century BCE,
but perhaps
dating back to
the 8 century
BCE.
Yes, Apollo
Maleatas.
-
53
th
52
th
54
Trikka
Possibly before
Epidaurus.
-
300-190 BCE.
55
-
Though
possibly the
origin of
Asclepius
in Greece,
cult
probably
did not
actively
seek
expansion.
56
57
Pharsalus
(cave,
Karapla)
Delphi
Around 450
BCE.
th
Late 5 century
BCE. (possibly
started in the late
6 century BCE).
5 or 4 century
BCE.
th
Tithorea
-
-
Yes.
-
-
Yes.
-
-
-
59
-
58
th
th
60
61
Asklepios
Archagetas
(the
founder)
62
Alipheira
th
Late 4 century.
63
350-300
-
17
64
th
Messene
4 century BCE.
Possibly preceded
by healing cult
(Riethmüller
suggests Asclepius)
dating as far back
as the 7 /6
century BCE.
4 century BCE.
th
BCE.
250 – 200
BCE.
66
146 BCE,
-
-
Asklepios
Soter (the
saviour)
Asklepios
Soter
-
Yes, Apollo
Maloeis. 440400 BCE.
Yes, Apollo
Kalliteknos
according to
Aelius
Aristides.
-
-
-
-
terminus post
quem.
67
th
65
th
Mytilene
(Lesbos)
68
-
-
69
Pergamon
250 – 200 BCE,
terminus ante
quem.
71
Possibly in
Pergamon
since 4
century
BCE.
3 century
BCE
Late 5 ,
early 4
century.
-
th
72
Orchomenos
(Boeotia)
Gortyn
Around 250 BCE
74
rd
70
Important
cult centre.
Epidaurian
cult.
73
-
75
th
(late?) 6 century
BCE.
th
th
Important
(regional)
cult centre.
Appendix 2 – Sanctuaries of Asclepius in Thessaly
Asclepius
sanctuary site
Trikka
Pharsalus
Larissa
Earliest
credible
dating
Almost
certainly
before
Epidaurus.
76
77
Armenion
Around 450 BCE.
500-475 BCE.
79
80
450-400 BCE.
78
Around 400
BCE.
3 century BCE. Cult
seems to be older, but due
limited amount of
evidence this cannot be
verified yet.
400-350 BCE.
3 century
(after 294)
rd
Phase
Relevant information
1
Most important city of Hestiaiotis
region.
1/2
Capital of Phthiotis region.
Cave sanctuary provides oldest
irrefutable evidence for Asclepius cult in
Thessaly. Asclepius was not central deity
in cave shrine.
Capital of Pelasgiotis region.
If depiction from 500-475 BCE is
indeed Asclepius (which is likely), it is
the oldest Asclepius depiction known in
Greek world.
1
2
rd
Crannon
Atrax
Demetrias
Dating terminus ante
quem
nd
2 century BCE.
2 (?)
Important city in Pelasgiotis region.
2
3
18
BCE.
300-250
BCE.
Gonnoi
nd
2 centry BCE
4 (?)
81
The earliest evidence is insufficient for
dating the asklepieion.The terminus
ante quem will therefore be used. Cult
likely came to this area by immigration
of the Perrhaebi.
82
Thebai
Phthiotis
(Mikrothives)
Kierion (Arne)
Metropolis
Pherae
Elateia
400-350
BCE.
2 (?)
83
84
th
th
Early 4
century BCE.
85
86
87
88
89
Phalanna
90
2
th
th
2
th
rd
3
nd
Chyretiae
Olosson
rd
4 or 3 century BCE
(numismatic evidence).
Late 5 , early 4 century
BCE.
Late 4 , early 3 century
BCE.
2 century BCE.
4
190 BCE.
4
Around 150 BCE.
4
Around 200 BCE.
4
Capital Thessaliotis region. Cult very
likely spread from Trikka.
After Trikka, most important city of
Hestiaiotis.
Existence Asclepius cult evident. Dating
difficult. Only a plausible terminus ante
quem.
Existence Asclepius cult evident. Dating
difficult. Only a plausible terminus ante
quem.
Existence Asclepius cult evident. Dating
difficult. Only a plausible terminus ante
quem.
Existence Asclepius cult evident. Dating
difficult. Only a plausible terminus ante
quem.
Existence Asclepius cult evident. Dating
difficult. Only a plausible terminus ante
quem. Exact location ancient town
unknown.
Appendix 3 – Sanctuaries of Asclepius in Arcadia
Asclepius
sanctuary site
Dating terminus
ante quem
Phase
Relevant information
370 BCE.
1-3?
th
-
1
th
Late 5 , early 4
century.
420 BCE.
1
Important cult centre.
Tegea
(late?) 6
century BCE.
(late?) 6
century BCE.
470-460
BCE.
350-300
BCE.
370-350
BCE.
3 century
BCE.
-
Possible location Arcadian birth myth. Limited
evidence.
Limited evidence.
Phigaleia
-
Thelphusa
Vertsia
91
92
Gortyn
93
Mantineia
Alipheira
Megalopolis
Pheneos
Earliest
credible
dating
-
rd
th
th
2
-
3
-
3
Around 150
BCE.
-
4
350-300 BCE.
3
Cult likely came to Megalopolis from Thelphusa.
Existence of cult certain, dating too uncertain due
to limited evidence. Likely spread to Tegea from
Athens.
Strong ties with Alipheira.
19
44
The numismatic data is from the Catalogues of Greek Coins in the British Museum. A dash means no coins
depicting Asclepius or bearing his name are listed in the catalogue.
45
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 158.
46
M. Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia (Rome 2007) 507.
47
Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins: Peloponnesus, 156.
48
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 154-157.
49
Ibidem, 229.
50
Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia, 507.
51
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 157.
52
Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia, 507.; B.L. Wickkiser, ‘Asklepios in Greek and Roman Corinth’ in: S.
Friesen, D. Schowalter, et. al. (eds.), Corinth In Context: Comparative Studies on Religion and Society (Leiden
2010) 37.
53
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 157.
54
Ibidem, 130.
55
P. Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins: Thessaly to Aetolia (London 1883) 52.
56
Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia, 51-52.
57
Nutton, Ancient Medicine, 105.
58
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 106.
59
Ibidem, 106.
60
Ibidem, 112.
61
Ibidem, 110.
62
Pausanias, 10.32.12.
63
Riethmüller, Asklepios 2, 192-193.
64
Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia, 507.
65
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 142 – 143.
66
Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia, 507.
67
Gardner, P., Catalogue of Greek Coins: Peloponnesus, 112.
68
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 108.
69
Ibidem, 108.; W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Troas, Aeolis, and Lesbos (London 1894) 184.
70
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 108.
71
Ibidem, 337-338.
72
C. Gates, Ancient Cities: The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Near East and Egypt, Greece and
Rome (2nd edition; London 2011) 297.
73
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, p 340.
74
Ibidem, 120-121.
75
Melfi, I Santuari di Asclepio in Grecia, 507.
76
Riethmüller, Asklepios 2, 293.
77
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 102.
78
Ibidem, 102.
79
Riethmüller, Asklepios 2, 298-299.
80
Ibidem, 299-300.
81
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 103.
82
Ibidem, 103.
83
Riethmüller, Asklepios 2, 291-292.
84
Ibidem, 296-297.
85
Ibidem, 297-298.
86
Ibidem, 305-306.
87
Ibidem, 300-301.
88
Riethmüller, Asklepios 2, 310.
89
Ibidem, 313-314.
90
Ibidem, 314.
91
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 144-147.
92
Ibidem, 144-147.
93
Riethmüller, Asklepios 1, 145-146.
20
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Strabo, Geography, 8.4.4; 9.5.17.
Unknown, Homeric Hymn to Asclepius.
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IG IV2 1,121.
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22