Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm Clashing Paradigms? Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm DON GOLDSTEIN (Department of Economics, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA 16333, USA) The American corporate sector saw major reform movements during the 1 980s. Despite frequent admixture in practice, two key movements can be singled out as analytically distinct:financial restructuring (generally debt-financed, often involving mergers), and total quality management (a particular approach to productive restructuring). Unfortunately the precepts and practices of these movements often clashed. This paper examines these tensions and explores them by reference to economic theories of the firm associated with each movement. While financial restructuring has been interpreted through the lens of neoclassical agency theory, total quality management has strong links with alternative approaches that can be grouped under the heading ‘capabilities theory’. 1. Introduction Powerful currents of reform swept through the American corporate sector during the 1980s. In this paper I will argue that these currents can usefully be separated into two analytically distinct movements. One was a set of initiatives aimed at productive restructuring, in which firms sought to transform their basic systems for’ identifying opportunities, creating value and developing new capabilities. Many of these efforts revolved around management methods associated with the Japanese, such as ‘total quality management’ (TQM); by the decade’s end, TQM had become a key focal point, and it is there that I will focus as well. The other movement saw the emergence of various approaches to cutting costs and eliminating waste, often under the spur of intense pressure from shareholders. The predominant form assumed by these efforts in the 1980s was a financial C Oxford University Press 1997 665 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm restructuring process that brought capital structure and often ownership changes to thousands of companies, and I will concentrate in what follows on that process as well. Both TQM and financial restructuring began, in many respects, in response to growing perceptions of relative competitive decline by American enterprises in a broad range of global industries. But, I will argue, the prescriptions for renewal offered by the two movements are often at odds. The divergence occurs because there are different assumptions at work—about how value is created in business organizations as inputs are transformed into outputs, and about how people in those organizations interact and are motivated. This divergence can be identified despite considerable admixture between the two currents in practice. Although the prescriptions for change offered by TQM and financial restructuring differ in principle, the influences of both may be found in actual corporate reform programs. Because the two movements have been powerful, contemporaneous and have addressed the same set of problems in sometimes-overlapping language, it is not surprising that managers have often adopted practices associated with both within an ostensibly unified framework. Researchers into companylevel changes during the 1980s provide clear evidence of this mix, and I will discuss these findings later in the paper. What I will attempt to establish is that despite the complexities observe d in practice, financial restructuring and TQM each comprise systematically and analytically distinct approaches to corporate reform. Exploring this divide has not lost its urgency with the passage of time. Both modes of adaptation are still evolving at the heart of American business, where corporate downsizing continues many of the thrusts of financial restructuring, in similar tension with ongoing quality-related efforts. In Section 2 of this paper, I trace the precepts and practices of the total quality and financial restructuring movements, ending with a review of the evidence on the extent of their separation or integration. In Section 3 1 argue that these disparate approaches can be associated with very different economic theories of the firm. While debt-financed restructuring has been widely (and,’ at least in the main, favorably) interpreted through the lens of neoclassical agency theory, TQM appears to have strong links with a cluster of recent theoretical approaches that I will call ‘capabilities theory’. These associations may lead to insights in both directions—into the efficacy of different corporate reform strategies, and the power of contending theories of the firm. I conclude in Section 4 with some suggestions for further research. 665 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm 2. Corporate 2.1 Reform Financial Restructuring By ‘financial restructuring’, I refer to changed corporate structure and behavior that is accompanied by a major shift in capital structure—a company’s mix of financing sources. As detailed below, financial restructuring in the 1980s often, but not always, involved changes in ownership. What was virtually ubiquitous in this movement was a replacement of equity by debt financing. For present purposes, the crucial aspect of capital structure change is the pressure it creates for organizational change. The sudden need to generate cash flow to cover sharply higher debt servicing alters the decision-making environment with respect to costs, investments and structure. Indeed, as will be explained, practitioners and theoreticians of financial restructuring alike have regarded that changed environment as precisely the point. Before proceeding, it is important to note that cost cutting, sharper scrutiny of investment and concomitant structural changes also occurred without financial restructuring. These behaviors went under many names, including ‘downsizing’ and ‘re-engineering’. Nonetheless, financial restructuring was the most visible and widely discussed context for these developments during the 1980s. By the end of the decade, it had become common practice to treat corporate restructuring’ and ‘financial restructuring’ as practically synonymous (see for example Pickering, 1991; Hall, 1994; Blair and Schary, 1993). It has also been argued that a drive for ‘shareholder value’ underlay all of these phenomena—and that while this was attempted characteristically (but not exclusively) through financial restructuring during the 1980s, it is approached via other avenues in the 1990s.1 Thus financial restructuring makes a strategic entry point for thinking about this cluster of corporate changes in the 1980s. The most visible form of debt-financed restructuring in the 1980s was the merger wave — divestitures, leveraged buyouts and other acquisitions. There are various available measures of this activity; according to the Mergerstat Review, during 1980—1989 almost $1.4 trillion in mergers and acquisitions occurred. But restructuring was not limited to companies undergoing ownership changes, as many firms underwent debt-for-equity ‘recapitalizations’ using share repurchases or special dividends. Federal Reserve data shows over a quarter of a trillion dollars in repurchases alone over 1980—1989 I Along with increased global competition, an ‘especially salient’ generator of ‘the widespread remaking of American companies during the past decade’, on both the organizational and financial sides, is ‘the intensification of pressures from large shareholders, especially institutional investors’ (Useem, 1994, p. 13). 666 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm (Pickering, 1991). Recapitalizations responded to many of the same pressures as did debt-financed acquisitions, and drastically changed the operating environments of the affected business units in similar ways. Often participants and scholarly observers described these effects, along with the ownership changes in mergers per se, as correctives to American companies’ failings in adapting to economic slowdown in many US industries. In these explanations, such pressures are largely attributed to the loss of relative global standing in the face of increased foreign competition (Jensen, 1988; see Paulus and Waite, 1987, for an investment bankers’ view). Other factors are cited as well, including slowing demand growth (tobacco) and supply shocks (oil). Two general arguments on the gains from mergers should be addressed here, by way of contrast with the corresponding total quality approaches to be discussed later. One is that the ‘market for corporate control’ operates to transfer assets to their most productive users. This earlier thesis (Manne, 1965) was used in the 1980s to explain the large stock premiums paid for acquired firms as arising from efficiency gains expected to occur under new ownership (e.g. Council of Economic Advisors, 1985). The argument thus hinges in part on an acceptance of the ‘efficiency’ of the stock market itself. Another merger justification not specific to events of the 1980s is that the achievement of ‘synergies’ can explain merger gains alluded to in market for corporate control theory. If two companies have different but potentially complementary assets or capabilities, and if each firm’s missing one cannot easily be developed internally or purchased on its own, then a merger is seen as a logical route (e.g. Morck et al., 1988). The result, so the theory goes, is a merged value greater than the sum of the companies’ values separately. For example, a firm with strong R&D but weak product development might profitably acquire one with the opposite pattern of capabilities. Other explanations address more specifically the particular features of corporate restructuring in the 1980s. The most powerful and pervasive links the tremendous amount of debt taken on with the economic slowdown discussed earlier. The ‘free cash flow’ hypothesis (Jensen, 1986) argues that managers tend to over-retain corporate resources, relative to their firms’ economic prospects. This creates a conflict between shareholding principals and managerial agents, one likely to be most intense with the end of rapid, profitable growth (Blair and Litan, 1990). Firms in industries facing such conditions are seen as the best candidates for leveraged acquisitions and recapitalizations. Servicing a debt-financed payout to shareholders will preclude future overretention, thus enhancing current market value. Under the pressure of interest payments, efficiencies will be sought by cutting 667 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm unnecessary employment, compensation (including managerial perquisites), investment and other costs. Indeed, empirical studies find that 1980s mergers reduced employment and compensation growth, especially for white-collar workers (see Rosett, 1990), and that massive capital structure changes were followed by large investment cuts (e.g. Hall, 1994). Another explanation specific to the 1980s focuses on the large number of divestitures that took place—almost 10,000 during the decade, according to the Mergerstat Review. These are often seen as a 1980s’ response to ill-conceived conglomerate mergers of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Here the purported gain is increased focus. If top managers have little knowledge of particular lines of business, or if organizational size and complexity stifles the flow of information from business units to the top, or if there exist other diseconomies of size and diversification, then divestitures might allow more sharply focused businesses to operate more efficiently. While apparently average diversification actually decreased during the 1980s only outside the population of the largest firms (Montgomery, 1994, p. 164), it is certainly true that managers were under strong pressure from Wall Street to divest business units that were unrelated and thought to be insufficiently unprofitable. A feature of corporate restructuring in the 1980s that provided the mechanism for some of these dynamics was the ‘going private’ transaction, typically in the form of a leveraged buyour (LBO). In an IBO, a small investor group—often including top management—borrows enough to buy out the shareholders, contributing only a small fraction of the price as equity. Thus an important explanation of the intended economic gains centers on the added debt, as discussed above. In addition, significant ownership stakes for managers are thought to provide them with incentives for efficiency above and beyond those at work in the typical publicly held corporation. For their part, an LBO’s non-managing owners are presumed to have both greater motivation and capacity for monitoring performance than under widely scattered ownership. The combined 1980s impact of the LBO’s financing, organizational and ownership changes was thought to be so great that one proponent foretold the ‘eclipse of the public corporation’ (Jensen, 1989). The final characteristic of restructuring in the 1980s that must be considered is the prevalence of hostile takeovers. Acquisitions actively opposed by the target firms’ managements had occurred previously, but never before with the support of the Wall Street establishment and never on such a scale. While takeovers in the 1980s numbered only in the hundreds, among tens of thousands of acquisitions overall, they were concentrated among very large firms; for example, the 23 largest takeovers in 1984 accounted for 668 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm almost a third of the total reported dollar value of all mergers in that year (Goldstein, 1991). And because they struck even huge firms in a highly visible way, takeovers induced defensive financial restructuring among countless other firms. What is key in the present context is that managerial entrenchment is seen as a barrier to competitive improvement, and an upheaval in managerial personnel and structures as the way to overcome that barrier. The yardstick against which managers are to be measured is, again, shareholder value. To summarize, proponents of the financial restructuring movement have generally viewed the competitive woes of American corporations as our-growths of insufficient managerial concern for profitability and shareholder value. Top managers have been seen as slow to adjust to the harsh realities of global markets, and as too protective of no-longer-affordable perks, personnel and practices. These problems are thought ofren to be embedded in organizational and ownership forms that dampen the impulses of product market competition and owner dissatisfaction. Similarly, the productive restructuring efforts exemplified by the total quality movement have also targeted US corporate managers’ slow reactions to emerging international competition, and their resistance to breaking with old ways. I turn now to the origins of that movement, and to its distinctive approach to how managers should react and in what directions change should occur. 2.2 Total Quality As noted above, TQM was one among several major productive restructuring frameworks employed by American firms during the 1980s. These rubrics also included creation of highperformance workplaces, employee involve ment or empowerment, self-directed teams, and justin-time and/or lean production. Despite important differences in focus and approach, key commonaliries exist. Each aims in its own way to engender faster and more sensitive and flexible response to market conditions; to exploit synergies and feedbacks among formerly disparate components of the firm; and to utilize employees at many levels in broader problem-solving roles than had been traditional. (I will return in section 2.3 to these commonalities, and the extent of their overlap and divergence with the basic thrusts of financial restructuring.) As practiced in Japan, TQM has been distinguished by explicit attention to all of these aims. Although the American boundaries between total quality and other productive restructuring efforts have not been neat, many researchers have concluded that in the US context the TQM label can 669 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm generally be used in a distinguishing way (see, for example, Hackman and Wageman, 1995). Total quality management in the United States can be seen as a response to the rapid and farreaching competitive gains of Japanese firms and industries during the past 40 years. Those gains have been perceived as attributable in large part to the adoption by Japanese corporate managers of methods associated with the Americans W Edwards Deming (1953), Joseph Juran (1951) and Armand Feigenbaum (1956), and the uniquely Japanese development of these methods. This approach focused on external integration with consumers and suppliers, internal integration of production with design and sales,2 statistical quality control, employee participation, and systems rather than individuals as the key elements in quality improvement. Quality improvement in turn was seen as key to long-term corporate competitiveness. The application of these precepts in the United States in the 1 1980s emerged from the international competition that brought TQM to America’s doorstep. But these ideas are rooted in developments in American industry, where Deming, Juran and Feigenbaum were exposed to the work done on statistical quality control at the Bell Telephone Laboratories during the 1930s. Despite a flurry of US interest in these ideas sparked by the War Department’s Office of Production Research and Development, it was in Japan that they first gained widespread acceptance and elaboration. Japan’s extreme postwar competitive disadvantages lent urgency to corporate and governmental efforts there to increase reliability and quality in Japanese manufacturing. This fertile ground was first seeded by Westinghouse and Bell people in the Allies’ Civil Communications Section, which—perceiving a threat to Japanese reconstruction coming from backward manufacturing—sponsored a series of seminars during 1949—50 for top executives. These extremely influential sessions were followed shortly by visits from Deming, Juran and Feigenbaum. By the 1960s, their ideas had been widely adapted by the Japanese into the practice of ‘Company-Wide Quality Control’ (see Garvin, 1988, Chaps 1 and 10—and Bushnell, 1994a, Chap. 7—on this history.) Although the three quality proponents and others remained active in the United States throughout this time, their work gained little attention here until the 1980s. Manufacturing reform efforts existed in American industry before then, but had not generated much momentum or urgency. A sea change occurred at the end of the 1 970s, on the heels of recession, sragflarion and a growing unease over the inroads of US firms’ international competitors. Analyses of American managerial inadequacies were widely discussed (see 2I first encountered the terminology ‘internal and external integration’ in Baldwin and Clark (1991, pp. 10, 13). 670 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm especially Hayes ‘and Abernathy, 1980). Japanese management became a focal point, with ‘quality circles’ the first major import. There followed a rapid proliferation of other Japan-inspired corporate reform efforts, abetted by a growing legion of highly paid management consultants. There is now some data on the extent of this movement at the end of the 1980s. Some caution is warranted here, because much of the research generating this data has encountered difficulties in measuring and assessing the incidence and effects of TQM (see Hackman and Wageman, 1995); I return to this problem in section 2.3. Representatives of 192 firms responded to a 1990 Conference Board survey of the Fortune 500 largest industrial companies and 500 largest service firms, along with some smaller ones known to have total quality programs (Troy, 1991). Of these, 158 had quality programs in place (another 13 had programs in the planning stages). The median starting year was 1986, with the oldest efforts generally among durable goods producers. Another 1990 survey of the Fortune 1000 finds —30% with over a fifth of their employees in quality circles, and 43% providing statistical and quality training to more than a fifth of their workers; over three-quarters of these firms had at least some workers involved in TQM programs (Lawler et aL, 1992, pp. 16, 27, 95). About half of the large firms in the US automotive, banking, computer and healthcare industries are found in a third study to have >25% of their employees in ‘quality-related teams’; the companies whose strategic planning processes were organized around customer satisfaction’ had doubled over three years, to 37% (Ernst and Young, 1991, pp. 22, 30). By decade’s end, corporate interest in total quality was so intense that the General Accounting Office’s 1991 report on quality management had within five months generated more orders than any prior GAO publication—and 1000 copies were still being requested weekly (Winter, 1993). A distillation of the key component parts and principles of this movement was listed above — external and internal integration, statistical quality control, worker participation and a systems approach. Their interaction is intended to reduce cost and build market share, with feedbacks between the two —all leading to greater long-run profitability. In what follows, I elaborate upon these points.3 Total quality advocates have stressed the need to integrate externally, with the firm’s customers and suppliers. Product ‘fitness for use’ may be taken as a first principle (Juran, 1978), and ascertaining its determinants requires There is a tremendous variety of sources that could be drawn upon in explicating the ideas and practices of TQM. Here I focus on the writings of its best-known advocates. For a broader range, see especially the pages of Quality Progress magazine, the journal of the American Society for Quality Control. 671 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm closely studying both the customers’ needs and the product’s record of satisfying those needs after purchase. Because end product quality is also a function of materials and intermediate goods, fitness for use is thought to require a different kind of relationship with suppliers as well. Eschewing the playing off of many vendors against one another in pursuit of lowest cost inputs, total quality experts advocate close cooperation with one or a few suppliers over time to refine their understanding of what is required and their ability to deliver it consistently (Deming, 1981). Another core idea of quality management is the use of statistical techniques to reduce variation and defects in output. It is thought that once the existing range of variation in some customer usage-defined quality variable is measured at a stage of production, the causes of variation can be identified and progressively reduced. This ‘statistical control’ (Deming, 1982) approach to quality differs sharply from what is seen as the American manufacturing tradition of inspection, which looks at output divorced from the context of its production process. In the process orientation of TQM, statistical methods provide a tool that is used during integrated problem-solving throughout the organization. Internal integration occurs as the information gleaned from customers, suppliers and efforts to establish statistical control in production is fed into product design; product design and production experience are utilized to further improve production systems; and the resulting impact on customer satisfaction is carefully tracked after sale. Thus responsibility for quality is seen as being diffused throughout the organization, not departmentalized with inspectors. This diffusion is often said to require a particular set of internal social relations, based on participation by employees and their treatment as valuable resources: ‘In my judgment, the collective worker education, experience, and creativity is the major underemployed asset in the economy of the US’ (Juran, 1978, p. 16; emphasis in the original). Quality depends first of all on the active participation of employees at eve ry level in monitoring and improving systems, without fear of reprisal for identifying shortcomings or of working themselves out of jobs. Further, because of the design—production—sales integration discussed above, participation frequently takes the form o f work in teams that cut across departmental lines; indeed, managerial career paths are often viewed in TQM circles as necessarily cross-functional, to foster leadership abilities in this respect. Finally, to elicit the employee commitment implied in these relations, it is thought to be incumbent upon the firm to commit itself in turn to some degree of job security. Implicit in the foregoing is that it is organizational and technical systems, 672 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm not the activities of isolated individuals, that most fundamentally affect quality. Outcome determining systems can be thought of as nested, from narrowly limited ones outward. For example, a worker’s ability to keep a machined part’s size.within an acceptable range of variation depends on skill and effort, but these in turn are affected by training opportunities and the role of the foreman, which in turn are shaped by broader company policies. The output variation also depends on the characteristics of the input material and the tooling, functions of supplier quality and engineering, each again part of wider corporate systems. And each of these relations can be turned around; what is asked of suppliers and the firm’s own engineers, in terms of the precise characteristics of their contributions to the firm, must reflect the production information arising from the workers’ experience. Clearly, these TQM components—consumer and supplier linkages, cross-functional integration, statistical control, participation and a systems approach—are interdependent. They are intended to interact in such a way that the firm’s long-term competitiveness is strengthened. One formulation points to both ‘cost’ and ‘income’ impacts of quality improvement: costly defects and rework are reduced, and systems improvement raises productivi ty; meanwhile, revenues rise as enhanced ‘fitness for use’ builds market share (Juran, 1969). Costs of quality implementation are recognized, but are thought to be dwarfed by the benefits—apparently with some justification, from the limited empirical study that has been done (see Garvin, 1983, 1988). TQM advocates assert that these lower costs and higher revenues will mean greater profits. But proponents emphasize repeatedly that the true profitability test is a long-term one; emphasis on short-term profits is included among Deming’s ‘seven deadly diseases’ of American management (Deming, 1986). 2.3 Movements in Collision? Both the financial restructuring and TQM movements are rooted in the American corporate sector’s crisis of global standing. Both aim to restore corporate competitiveness and profitability. And both have taken top corporate managers to task for complacency and resistance to change. Beyond these similarities, however, lie many profoundly different principles and prescriptions for change. I begin exploring those differences with an examination of the basic assumptions at work in each—about the sources of value, the threats to profitability and the motivation of employees— and defer to the end of this section the question of just how separate, in practice, these movements are. 673 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm What is the most basic source of value, and therefore of profitability? I infer from section 2.1 that practitioners of financial restructuring would point to the right choice of technology and of scale of investment, given the profit opportunities of the firm—and the right incentives for the employees making the choices. An inference is required, because not much is said directly addressing this question in the relevant literature. As Donaldson ruefully notes, ‘One of the most elusive aspects of the whole restructuring phenomenon is defining and documenting the nature and degree of value creation’ (1994, p. 78). The assumption has ofren seemed to be that one knows it when one sees it: it is whatever increases the market value of the firm (in some formulations, ‘shareholder value’). On that, Donaldson’s and other case studies of late-i 980s restructuring leave no doubt. Driven by years of buyouts, managers’ attention had become ‘riveted on the interests of a single external constituency’, the shareholder, with those interests defined as a combination of stock dividends and share appreciation’ (Useem, 1993, pp. 11—12). TQM, in contrast, is really based in ways of exploring value-creation. A simple formulation might locate the source of value in the interaction of the firm’s functions in learning how to define and reliably deliver ‘fitness for use’. (I will return in Section 3 to the important contrast between ‘choice’ and ‘learning,’ which is central to understanding the two movements compatibility with very different theories of the firm.) A corresponding contrast is between stock market and product market based arbiters of value. In financial restructuring, market valuation subsumes all other relevant indices in measuring performance, allocating capital and ratifying changes in direction. In TQM, stockholders are one among several groups of constituents, and long-term product market position is the only reliable indicator of value creation. What, then, are the chief threats to profitability? Here the restructuring movement has been explicit. First on the list would be waste—too much investment, inventory, employment or compensation, given the profit opportunities of the firm—with inadequate concern for the bottom line as a corollary. The alternatives are thought to be known, but the wrong choices have been made. A related problem highlighted in the restructuring movement is lack of corporate and managerial focus. The underlying problem is seen as management’s tendency to grasp and direct too many and too disparate product market activities. Poor focus may result from conglomeration or other forms of empire-building. Here is an area of at least implicit agreement with TQM, in which too much distance from operations is often seen as an important managerial 674 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm shortcoming. It is a precept of TQM that top managers should know the basics of all aspects of the business. But knowing the business in TQM is seen as useful to the extent that it permits managerial leadership in redesigning systems to strengthen and exploit customer, supplier and internal cross-functional linkages. And it is precisely failure to do so that poses the key threat to long-term profitability for TQM adherents. For them, waste cannot simply be excised with dramatic cost-cutting programs. Cuts made in particular areas without changes in overall systems are likely to be rendered counterproductive by unanticipated feedbacks from or upon other activities. Quality-motivated cost cutting is thought to require learning to identify the interrelated, systemic sources of waste. In general, then, the income and cost effects of quality are thought to be jeopardized most by the failure to orchestrate the interdependencies mentioned above, and to establish control over variation in producing fitness for use. Finally, what is the assumed source of employee motivation in each movement? In financial restructuring, various forms of opportunism are seen as underlying the tendency toward waste and the failure to make market value-maximizing investment choices. If opportunistic behavior is basic human nature, then variants of shirking (work avoidance, perquisite seeking) will be the tendency at all non-owning levels of the workforce. In contrast, the assumption in TQM is generally that employees are constructive, creative and want to do a good job. ‘The human needs of job satisfaction and self-fulfillment’ (Tsurumi, in Deming 1982, p. 85) are viewed as potentially powerful engines of corporate competitiveness; management’s job in TQM is to remove the barriers that inadequate organizational systems erect against them. Given these generally divergent starting assumptions, the two movements clashing prescriptions for corporate renewal follow naturally. In financial restruc turing, corporate managers should evaluate and trade business assets and units to maximize market value (Arzac, 1986). Potentially synergistic assets should be bought from or sold to other firms. The performance of business units should be monitored, and those that are more valuable elsewhere—i.e. whose sale can generate a premium—should be sold off. Particularly likely candidates for restructuring are companies in ‘mature industries’, where waste (with respect to declining profit opportunities) most needs to be reined in. Because this process is painful, it is often seen as best accomplished by new owners, such as an LBO firm specializing in managing a portfolio of retrenchment cases (Jensen, 1988). In TQM, the potential for a given cluster of business assets and units to create value needs to be learned and developed over time. Especially in the 675 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm early stages of a TQM program, the company is expected to devote time and resources to finding out what it is doing; it is striking that this is not assumed to be adequately known. What are the customer’s needs and experiences with the relevant products, and what are the amounts and sources of variation in quality-related variables attributable to suppliers and to the firm’s own systems? Synergies are sought, but are expected often to be found in the kinds of integration discussed earlier—across corporate functions, and across vendors and consumers. None of the above necessarily precludes decisions to buy or sell assets or units. But the logic of TQM argues that neither purchase nor sale are expected to yield relatively quick or unproblematical results. In financial restructuring, debt-servicing pressures frequently lead to a great deal of scrutiny of capital investment. As noted earlier, Hall (1990, 1994) finds substantial reductions (in investment and in R&D) after major increases in debt, but not after mergers per se. Kaplan and Stein (1993) and Long and Ravenscraft (1993) both find significant investment cuts after LBOs. Because overinvestment is said by many restructuring advocates to be a key problem to be solved, the contrast with TQM has to do with the notion that capital spending in and of itself plays a primary role in determining corporate performance. Deming, in particular, often ridicules over-reliance on capital investment decisions (e.g. 1982, p. 10), in favor of starting instead with the investigation and improvement of systems. New technology and capital equipment are thought to be most effective when developed or introduced as solutions to problems unearthed by quality analysis 4 Like its treatment of capital spending, financial restructuring frequently emphasizes reducing employment and/or compensation to the minimum thought to be required. Often costs are to be reduced by means of layoffs in conjunction with a shift to contracting out of functions. Rosett (1990) finds that union workers’ wage growth during 1976—1987 decreased by hundreds of millions of dollars after mergers. Both blue- and white-collar workers often faced layoffs after hostile takeovers in the 1980s (Bhagat et al., 1990), with proportionately heavier reductions of white-collar employees. Similarly, Lichtenberg and Siegel (1990) found substantial cuts in nonproduction workers’ compensation and employment following LBOs. The logic behind these financial restructuring cutbacks seems to be that the remaining employees can work ‘harder and smarter.’ In contrast, TQM adherents have generally rejected a strategy of getting employees to ‘do their best,’ as if what they should be doing is well known. And a climate of job Garvin (1988, p. 211) quotes a Japanese company’s quality manual: ‘When automation is introduced.. . without locating and grasping the vital points which [affect] quality.., such automated machines will only manufacture defective products, automatically.’ (See Bushnell, 1994a, pp. 215—225 for further discussion of the relationship between quality and technology.) 676 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm insecurity has not been seen as conducive to worker participation in continuous quality improvement. Fear and insecurity are thought to reduce the incentives for such employee commitment, while instability in personnel decreases the potential for building a shared ‘pool’ of working knowledge and relationships (Deming, 1982, pp. 60—62). On the other hand, the extent of outsourcing in and of itself is not seen as crucial; it is widely used by Japanese firms in many industries. What matters is the quality of inputs and relationships obtained, both of which—in a TQM framework—may well suffer if contracting out is used as a route to short-term cost reduction. The last area of divergent prescriptions I will mention quite briefly is the form of employee compensation. Advocates of financial restructuring often call for performance-based compensation. At the upper levels at least, this is thought to entail making managers owners via some form of payment in corporate stock (Brindisi, 1985). For its part, TQM’s focus on improving systems—technical and organizational—is often taken to mean that incentive schemes based on individual performance measures are likely to be flawed.5 Such measures are thought to be affected by the environment and the firm’s overall systems, and penalizing or rewarding employees on this basis is seen as not only unfair, but also likely to hurt morale and hinder participation (Walton, 1990, Chap. 8). Not much seems to have been said about stock compensation in the quality literature, although some TQM advocates tend to be generally suspicious of stock price as an unbiased indicator of corporate performance. I have sought to delineate the underlying assumptions and characteristic prescriptions of financial restructuring and TQM in the sharpest way possible. Not surprizingly, their boundaries in practice are not so neat. Indeed, elements from both approaches often appear side by side in actual corporate reform efforts. Within the framework proposed here, such overlaps would be seen as a kind of hybridization, one likely to be problematic because financial and productive restructuring are not only disparate, but also work at cross-purposes. Other researchers have viewed matters similarly. For example, Levine and Tyson (1990, p. 220), in discussing participatory work reforms that overlap substantially with, the TQM efforts detailed here, claim that ‘Recent takeovers, leveraged buyouts, mergers, and restructuring. . Typically.., lead to the rapid dismantling of human organizations and the rapid erosion of human capital.’ But many scholars have understood these phenomena to comprise a more unified, integrated set of restructuring According to Hackman and Wageman (1995, p. 328), ‘TQM authorities are clear and decisive about basing pay on performance: Do not do it.’ Deming in particular insisted on this point; Juran’s followers have been more accepting of pay based on employee performance evaluations (Main, 1994). 677 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm practices. One is Useem (1994, p. 13), who argues that restructuring companies are exploring many different but connected paths’, including ones that I have placed on opposite sides of the divide. Some case studies of recent restructurings confirm that the practices and terminologies of both financial and total quality approaches are often employed in complex combination. These histories show the frequent juxtaposition of the ideas of focus, downsizing, the discipline of debt and shareholder value, along with notions of employee empowerment, cross-functional teamwork, and customer-defined value. From his studies, Donaldson (1994, pp. 162—163) concludes that among the chief legacies of 1980s restructuring are ‘a return to the core competence of the enterprize’, and ‘rejection of the idea that the public corporation should be insulated from the discipline of the capital markets’. Useem (1993, pp. 57—58) reports a sweeping ‘devolution of authority’, giving lower-level managers and operating units greater autonomy’; but the exercise of this autonomy is to be evaluated strictly according to performance measures tied to ‘shareholder value,’ defined in stock market terms. Large-scale survey research to date presents a similar picture. It is important to note that none of these studies have explicitly juxtaposed financial restructuring and TQM. This problem is compounded by weaknesses on both sides. No research of which I am aware has examined financial change, organizational change (such as specific kinds of downsizing) and behavioral change in a unified framework. Nor is there much work in which what would constitute TQMrelated changes is specified, in which actual quality-based operating changes are explored, and in which outcomes are measured in a carefully controlled way. (See Hackman and Wageman, 1995, for an excellent discussion of these problems in the empirical quality literature.) Nonetheless, several studies have looked at variables related to financial restructuring and TQM. Lawler et al. (1992) examine the simple correlations between employee involvement and TQ programs, on the one hand, and downsizing and ‘delayering’ on the other. They find Fortune 1000 companies that have downsized to be no more or less likely than others to be using employee involvement or most quality-related practices (pp. 86, 100). But delayering in their sample is positively associated with both employee involvement and TQM (pp. 86, 99). Osterman (1994) investigates the extent of ‘workplace transformation’—or a shift to ‘flexible work organization’, seen as encompassing TQM and other changes—in a large sample of establishments. He finds in a multivariate setting that neither job security policies nor strategic emphasis on employment cost cutting are significantly 678 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm associated with the likelihood of workplace transformation. ‘Evidently, contrary to expectations, it is possible to introduce innovations in work practices without reassuring employees that their jobs are not at risk’ (p. 186). Yet the same case study and survey literature also can be read as highlighting the potential for conflict: As the traditional Weberian pyramid gave way to a leaner and flatter organizational chart, in no case was the motive to empower the workforce, to give managers greater control over decisions, or to improve the quality of work life. The steps were instead simply derivative of management’s commitment to increase shareholder return. (Useem, 1993, p. 84) Individual stock- or earnings-based compensation could undermine ‘support for cross-functional teams, interdivisional cooperation, and collective identity’ (Useem, 1993, p. 116). Donaldson similarly notes that various corporate constituencies must collaborate in creating profitability, and worries that ‘This fact of cooperative corporate efficiency, together with the inevitable uncertainties of real-time decision-making in an evolving competitive environment, is destined to produce an imperfect result when viewed from a single perspective’ (1994, pp. 11—12), i.e. the perspective of shareholders. Particularly threatened may be the participation of 1980s restructuring’s big losers, ‘the long-term investors of human capital who had made a career commitment’ (Donaldson, 1994, p. 167). Again, echoes of these caveats are found in the survey studies. Osterman (1994, p. 185) finds that companies with greater reliance on contingent workers are significantly less likely to exhibit workplace transformation, indicating among work innovators A high valuation on attaining a committed work force’. This association suggests an area of incompatibility between TQM-type reform and one particular restructuring avenue toward reduced employment costs. While Lawler et 4/. (1992) find positive correlations between delayering and many TQ-participation practices, they generally did not observe these links for downsizing. They did find that firms whose employee involvement programs had matured before the onset of downsizing were significantly more likely still to be using these participatory schemes than those whose downsizing preceded or coincided with El efforts (p. 86). In a study of 365 corporate members of the Association for Quality and Participation, Buch (1994) finds that 70% had undergone downsizing. About 54% of these respondents reported that downsizing’s effect on existing El was negative (p. 7). Cameron (1993, p. 93), in two samples of automotive industry firms, notes that ‘Downsizing often precedes or accompanies quality initiatives in organizations ... and its consequences are most often inhibitors 679 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm to successful TQM.’ He found that the most common downsizing strategy is simple ‘workforce reduction’, used by ‘Every organization in my study’, which ‘contradicts some cardinal principles of TQM’, and whose effects are 'rare1y positive and generally negative’ (p. 102). It is this conflict, according to Cameron, that underlies the frequency of unsatisfactory results from downsizing. What this literature shows is that the relationships among the concepts and components of these corporate reform approaches are complex and have been viewed in different ways. In assessing these findings, I would argue that observing combinations of practices consistent with both financial restructuring and TQM does not necessarily contradict the idea that they can be viewed most usefully as two essentially different approaches. One must ask whether and how they work in tandem. The perspective adopted here suggests that intrinsic conflicts between the two approaches could, over time, assert themselves. Of course, it is also possible that in particular circumstances these distinct approaches would end up complementing rather than contradicting each other. These possibilities should be testable in focused, longitudinal empirical work. A crucial step in investigating the relationship between financial restructuring and total quality in practice would be to place the assumptions and prescriptions of each in the context of economic theories about what firms are and how they function. One way of pursuing the possibility that they reflect different ways of systematic thinking about management is to examine how these two movements correspond to similarly divergent economic theories. I turn now to a beginning exploration of this theme. 3. Corporate 3.1 Reform And Theories Of The Firm Financial Restructuring and Agency Theory There is a variety of basically neoclassical theories of the firm, in that they utilize a well-defined production function, and envi sage decision-makers’ maximizing choices leading firms to equilibrium in key variables. I will focus this discussion on the agency perspective, one of the most influential variants. Agency theory figures most prominently in economic theories of financial restructuring, and its recent development has clearly been influenced by the restructuring movement. In turn, during the 1980s this way of thinking about financial restructuring came to be widely accepted by practitioners and journalistic observers. 680 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm Agency theory in economics and finance owes much to Michael Jensen (Jensen and Meckling, 1976, is a seminal work). The agency-theoretic firm is basically the profit-maximizing one of economics texts, complicated by the separation of ownership and control in the modern corporation. Owners (the principals) must delegate control to managers (their agents) because ownership is diffused among many shareholders, and because information is diffused in the productive organization (Fama and Jensen, 1983). The agency problem arises out of this informational asymmetry. Managers are thought of as knowing the available technologies and investment opportunities, and the probability distributions attached to alternative projects; but they lack the owners’ pure profit motive . For the owners, it is the reverse. The most basic solution to this problem is the board of directors, seen in agency theory as being appointed by shareholders to monitor managers in the owners’ interest.6 A concept often employed in agency-theoretic models is the firm as a 'nexus of contracts’ (see Jensen and Meckling, 1976, pp. 310—311; Jensen and Ruback, 1983, p. 43). The various agency relationships are structured through a set of internal and external market transactions, governed by explicit or implicit contracts. This web of contracts links the providers of managerial expertise, work effort, intermediate goods and risk capital. The latter are thought of as principals by virtue of their role as residual risk-bearers, with contracts conveying ownership. All of these contracts are thought to be designed to base each provider’s compensation on its marginal product; the connection is likely to be imperfect due to informational problems, but an optimal balance between accuracy and contracting costs is achieved. Of particular interest are managerial contracts. Here the optimal contract is viewed as one that best aligns managers’ interests with shareholders’, given the costs. The company’s stock is an effective contractual payment in this model because its price is seen as reflecting not only the (prospective) performance of the firm, but also the manager’s marginal contribution to that performance (Fama, 1980). What is key about this perspective on manager—shareholder relations is that because what to produce is known (the firm’s profit opportunities) and how to produce it is known (its technology set), the focus is on the incentive structure of the contracts. How well are managers motivated to make the right choices—i.e. the value- maximizing ones? 6 In legal theory, the board technically guards the interests of the corporation itself For a discussion of this distinction, and of some circumstances in which the two views of the board have differing consequences, see Margotta (1987). 681 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm It is the focus upon this question that links agency theory and the 1980s financial restructuring movement. Before the 1980s, the board-directed, professionally managed corporation had been viewed by theorists and practitioners as the solution to the organizational problems of ownership— control separation. But institutional and market changes came to be seen as causing shareholder monitoring and contracting safeguards to break down. The changes included slowing growth and increased international competition, and generated conflict over the uses of corporate cash flows. The basic framework employed in response by 1980s financial restructuring participants is very much a Principal-agent one, in which asymmetric information and managerial opportunism figure strongly. Such a framework is not necessarily just a fact of nature; it would be quite foreign, for example, to most Japanese in addressing corporate adjustment problems. It arises in association with the neoclassical agency theory taught in business schools and disseminated more broadly in a host of ways. I have already described the free cash flow hypothesis, the dominant theory of 1980s corporate restructuring (Jensen, 1986). It can now be seen as an agency-theoretic explanation—again, one widely accepted by practitioners and press as well. Here, financial restructuring is seen as resolving the agency problem in the face of contracting breakdowns created by slowing growth and competitive stress. Massive capital structure changes, often accompanied by managerial replacement and/or new organizational forms, are thought to drive out inefficiency by effecting drastic changes in the explicit and implicit terms of agents’ contracts throughout the organization. The premier example is the LBO. With its smaller group of capital suppliers, monitoring is thought to be more effective. And because top managers are often included in that group, the key agents are turned into principals. The free cash flow hypothesis is a good illustration of the two -way influence between agency theory and the restructuring movement. For example, prior to the theory’s first publication, an investment bankers’ panel on LBOs produced the following remarks: ‘When it’s a public company and the manager doesn’t own much stock, his career often is tied to empire building’; after the LBO, ‘the manager begins to realize that he’s got a huge debt burden, and. . . an equity interest.... Now he only buys machines he really needs’ (Mergers and Acquisitions, 1984, p. 36). By the end of the decade, similar opinions were often couched in the language of the theory: ‘The success of these ventures [LBOs] came largely from the discipline imposed by the need to service the debt— or the “control function of debt,” as Harvard Business School professor Michael Jensen puts it’ (Institutional Investor, 1989, p. 138). The key result in these scenarios, with the pressures of debtservicing being 682 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm the chief instrument, is reduced agent discretion. No longer will free cash flow be diverted to empire-building and waste, and hence effort and efficiency will rise. Profitability and market value will rise because the new incentive environment causes managers to do the right thing. 3.2 TQM and Capabilities Theory I have shown in Section 2 that in TQM ‘the right thing’ is not considered to be obvious a priori, either to managers or to financial market-based corporate restructuring professionals. This TQM perspective can be associated with a set of theoretical economic frameworks in which finding and transforming viable competitive strategies hold center stage—Aoki’s model of the Japanese company, the evolutionary theory of the firm and an ‘organizational capabilities’ approach. Each in its own way is a theory of productive restructuring. I will argue that these perspectives differ from the agency theory just described in ways that are quite similar to the divergences between the quality and financial restructuring movements. The associations with TQM and differences from agency theory are not neat or simple, because each of the three capabilities frameworks differs from the others as well. But the commonalities are powerful, and have begun to stimulate a body of work exploring and synthesizing their overlaps and distinctive emphases. (See Nelson, 1991; Chandler, 1992a,b; Teece et al., 1994a,b.) The first to be considered is Masahiko Aoki’s model of the ‘J-firm’ (1990a, 1990b).7 A key element is its use of ‘horizontal coordination’: rather than just implementing a centrally determined plan, the company’s employees and departments continuously modify production schedules and processes in response to informational feedbacks among them. Seniority-based pay ranks without narrow job descriptions, and lifetime employment with secure exits for poor performers, provide the flexibility and incentives for workers to acquire and practice the multidimensional, often firm-specific skills required for horizontal coordination to work. 8 This combination of ‘weak-decision’ and ‘incentive -ranking’ hierarchies in production planning is matched in financial Aoki actually develops models of two kinds of firm, the J-firm described here and one patterned more after AngloAmerican practices. While it is the J-firm that is associated with TQM, both are relevant; the characteristics of Aoki’s American-type model could provide an explanation of American firms’ recent difficulties, seen through total quality lenses. Historically, it may be that much of what happens in Aoki’s J-firm was once accomplished in a very different context within the large American corporation (see Lazonick, 1990). Chandler (1977) argues that the multidivisional corporation rose to dominance precisely due to its ability to pursue internal and external integration. The exit guarantee depends on the Japanese keiretsu, or alliance of related firms and banks. A primary manufacturing company might arrange for a worker to be employed in a less demanding job with a parts supplier or a retail operation. 683 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm relations (Aoki, 1990b, p. 18). The firm’s largest capital supplier is its main bank lender, which ranks its major customers in terms of credit allocation according to relative long-term profitabiities; otherwise, in the absence of a crisis the bank leaves management alone. These elements work together in Aoki’s model to ensure a stable, long-horizoned environment in which horizontal coordination allows rents to be generated from the firm’s unique capabilities in developing and acting upon information. Another approach that focuses on company-specific informational processes is the ‘evolutionary’ theory of the firm, proposed by Richard Nelson and Sidney Winter (1982). Lacking a sharp boundary between the known and the unknown, the evolutionary firm achieves working understandings of its profit opportunities and technological possibilities through a groping process of learning. Decision-making is embedded in ‘routines’ that determine the organization’s range of possible behaviors—what information will be looked at, how it will be acted on and how the results will be fed back into further learning. Firm evolution is path-dependent, with routines inherited from the past acting like an organism’s genes. Thus routines will be in many respects firm-specific, as will the kinds of knowledge that employees must absorb in order to participate in them. All of these features ‘tend to limit the individual firm to the exercise of a distinctive package of economic capabilities’ (Nelson and Winter, 1982, p. 134). The last alternative framework to be addressed is one built explicitly around such ‘organizational capabilities’ of the firm, an approach associated with Alfred Chandler (1992a,b) and others. ‘Organizational capabilities are combinations of human skills, organizational procedures and routines, physical assets, and systems of information and incentives, that enhance performance along a particular dimension’ (Baldwin and Clark, 1991, p. 4). Like the J-firm’s horizontal information flows and the evolutionary firm’s routines, organizational capabilities are products of constant learning and relearning, from and about the firm’s activities, its suppliers and customers, and its own members. And again similarly, capabilities are firm-specific: they reside in the ‘organizational setting in which they were developed and used’ (Chandler, 1992a, p. 84). Capabilities may take the form of particular areas of technological expertise, or the ability to translate changes in demand quickly and effectively into new products, or the capacity to adjust and speed the flow of materials through a particular kind of production process. Capabilities development must be invested in; it requires long-term commitment of human and financial resources (Lazonick, 1990). In all three theoretical approaches, firms depend on time-consuming interactions among their functional components in learning to construct 684 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm business capacities. Thus I shall refer to them collectively, despite their distinctive terminologies, as ‘capabilities theory’. The prefix ‘organizational’ should be understood, because organizational setting and development are central in all three perspectives. I noted above some recent explorations of the similarities among these approaches. In one, Teece et al. (1994a) describe a ‘dynamic capabilities’ perspective that is rooted explicitly in the evolutionary and organizational capabilities traditions (the latter through the related resource-based’ approach—see Wernerfelt, 1984). Their paper emphasizes many of the key, common attributes in this emerging body of work: capabilities are built through learning, require the integration of multifaceted skills and functions, and are tied to specific corporate histories. All of these features are seen evolving within and depending upon particular organizational contexts, thus making capabilities difficult to transfer, replicate or imitate. The parallels between capabilities theory and the precepts of TQM are strong. They share common approaches to understanding how firms work, and how to go about reforming them when they work poorly. Some examples will make the association clear. The need for systematic information flows linking the firm with its suppliers and customers is axiomatic in TQM. In terms of suppliers, for TQM mutual confidence and aid between purchaser and vendor’ is essential: ‘Economists teach the world that competition in the marketplace gives everyone the best deal. This would be true if the purchaser . . . could know the quality of what he is buying’ (Deming, 1982, pp. 25, 28). Similarly, management faces a ‘control problem’ in that ‘productive inputs are heterogeneous’—in themselves, and in how ‘The firm itself creates distinctions among inputs in the course of “imposing the routines’ order” on them’ (Nelson and Winter, 1982, p. 113). In TQM, close ties with suppliers allow firms to reduce this informational vulnerability. This external integration is also seen extending to end users, and ‘the ability to link knowledge of customers with the details of engineering design in creating and improving products’ (Baldwin and Clark, 1991, p. 10). Discussing the rise to competitive success of US heavy equipment makers at the turn of the century, Chandler writes that The sales force provided the engineers with information on the customers specific wants and the types of performance they expected.... In these industries, product improvement and innovation became an even more powerful competitive weapon [than advertizing or price]. (1977, pp. 410—411) In present-day efforts to regain competitive footing, a TQM advocate argues 685 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm that ‘in corporate America the clarion call for improved customer service is as sacrosanct as motherhood. But unless a company knows what its customers want . . such a goal is mere lip service’ (Walton, 1990, p. 41). In both TQM and capabilities theory, managers also must foster informational transfers within the firm. ‘Internal integration is achieved when problem solving is tightly connected across departmental boundaries [and] plays a critical role in activities such as product innovation, the introduction of new technologies and entry into new markets’ (Baldwin and Clark, p. 15). Similarly, a prominent management consultant: ‘Japanese companies that are organized to design and produce new products quickly put all relevant development resources together . . . generally on a full-time basis’, rather than ‘working through functional centers’; ‘scheduling is done within the group’, rather than centrally; and ‘As a result of their new abilities, these companies are able to significantly increase their rate of innovation’ (Stalk, 1991, pp. 90—92). Such interconnections in solving the problems of quality are thought to rely upon, in Aoki’s terminology, intra-firm coordination via ‘horizontal exchange of information regarding emergent events and the flexible, co-ordinated read justments of planned work schedules among shops’ (1990a, p. 29). TQM efforts typically devote considerable energy to removing organizational, cultural or motivational impediments to the discretionary employee involvement implicit in horizontal coordination: It is not easy to get a worker or manager to help you run the business if he is worried about getting fired or having his plant shut down.... The team in the new, quality sense requires . . . [that] the players must raise the difficult questions, and the boss must listen. (Main, 1994, pp. 63—64). The ultimate efficacy of information flows within the firm—creating ‘fitness for use’—is thought to be tied directly to the strength of its external linkages. In the example discussed above by Chandler, once the sales force had communicated customers’ needs to engineering, ‘The engineers in turn had to be in constant conversation with the managers of the production department’ (1977, p. 410). For quality innovator Juran, the firm must ‘formalize the community character at the design inputs’ (1969, p. 16) by placing the engineering function at the center of the same kind of feedback loop, from post-sale tracking to manufacturing. In both capabilities theory and TQM, it is the systemic interdependence among the firm’s functions that is key. The significance of these linkages and horizontal information transfers for TQM, and the latter’s kinship with capabilities theory, reside in the quality approach’s overarching focus on organizational learning. Cole (1994, p. 66) 686 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm argued that ‘The power of the new quality improvement paradigm rests very much on its implications for organizational learning’. He explicated these implications in terms of ‘Identifying . . creating . . standardizing . . . and diffusing’ the organizational routines required for delivering Juran’s ‘fitness for use’ (p. 67). Neither the potential customers, nor their wants, nor how to translate those wants into products are presumed to be known a priori; management’s task is said to be to facilitate the ongoing organizational activities required for learning and relearning answers to these questions. Information about customer preferences is to be diffused as widely as possible throughout the firm; this flow of information then serves as a reference point for employees as they ‘make continual changes in organizational routines and . . communicate best practices so that they are spread throughout the firm’ (pp. 72—73). 9 This organizational learning metaphor closely echoes Deming’s earlier admonition that ‘doing one’s best’ is insufficient; rather, managers must lead employees in creating knowledge about what to do, what techniques to use to do it, and why (Deming, 1982, preface). For Deming, even the core process of establishing statistical control in production is understood as a way of seeing in a highly uncertain environment—learning the characteristics of the technology actually in place, and then innovating by learning how to modify it (Deming, 1982, pp. 124—130). As with financial restructuring and agency theory, the association between the quality movement and capabilities theory often seems to flow from the influence of the former on the latter. Frequently this effect can easily be traced to the empirical focal points of researchers’ work. For example, the Baldwin and Clark study that I have cited illustrates and supports its argument by reference to comparative studies of US and Japanese air-conditioner and auto makers and use of flexible manufacturing systems. (Or see Lazonick and West, 1995.) The correspondence for Aoki’s theory is natural and direct, since it was developed in studying the Japanese companies in which total quality methods first blossomed. In other cases, the association appears to reflect independent developments, and has only appeared ex post. Thus although the similarities between TQM and evolutionary theory have been explored by Winter (1994), the evolutionary line of inquiry arises from other roots. Chandler’s early work on American corporations is similar in this respect. Given the intellectual connections just detailed and the practical conflicts discussed earlier, it is not surprising that some capabilities theorists have in varying degrees expressed misgivings about the financial restructuring Referring to the problem-solving presentations observed in Japanese factories, Cole (1994, p. 75) observes that ‘the steady stream of such presentations gets one to thinking about the factory as a school and laboratory, and not just a producer of goods and services’. 687 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm movement. Winter (1993) argues that while it is possible for the groove created by a set of routines to become a rut, poorly adapted to a changed environment, a financial-restructuring approach to reform may founder on the difficulty of valuing the ‘unconventional assets’ represented by the firm’s future-oriented routines.’0 Lazonick (1992) views failure to ‘control the market for corporate control’, with the accompanying loss of ‘financial commitment’, as an important contributor to the erosion of American firms’ organizational capabilities and hence competitiveness. Nelson (1991) argues that While changing formal organization.. . . is easy, and selloffs and buyups are possible, significantly changing the way a firm actually goes about making operating level decisions and carries them out is time consuming and costly to do. Or rather, while it may not be too difficult to destroy an old structure or its effectiveness, it is a major task to get a new structure in shape and operating smoothly. (pp. 67—68) These skeptical views follow naturally from the theoretical lenses through which capabilities theorists view corporate reform, which tend to foster a perspective that differs sharply from that of the agency theorists discussed earlier. 3.3 The Theoretical Divide In many ways, the critical differences between the frameworks I have grouped under the headings of agency and capabilities theory parallel the divide between the financial restructuring and total quality reform strategies. The reform movements deal with practical answers to questions of value creation and destruction, and the role of employees therein. The theories attempt to establish abstract frameworks within which such problems can be addressed. In agency theory/financial restructuring, the goal is redesigning agents’ contracts to increase the incentives for making the right choices. A necessary step is removing from the individual (or the individual department) any shields from the discipline of quantitative performance measures. The discretion of agents is to be reduced. In capabilities theory/TQM, the goal is redesigning systems so that interdepartmental and cross-functional complementarities can develop. A key task is removing the organizational barriers to individual effort and motivation. The discretion of employees is to be enhanced. I will attempt to highlight some of these theoretical differences first 15 Baldwin and Clark (1991) pursue a related problem: traditional capital budgeting methods typically do not adequately value capabilities that have to do with external and intemal integration, and therefore tend to contribute to underinvestment in them. 688 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm at the level of basic method, then by an examination of approaches to two common forms of corporate restructuring—mergers aimed at synergies, and divestitures. The central dynamic of decision-making in agency theory is choice. Agents must choose among available alternatives. Their information may not be perfect, but the characteristics of the available choices are taken as given, as independent features of the alternatives, over which the agents themselves have no control. Uncertainty here is interpreted in a typically neoclassical way—as a probabilistic set of outcomes whose distribution is knowable. The essence of the asymmetric information problem is thought to be that managers know the probabilities attached to alternative projects, but shareholders do not. Although choice is the problem, the fact that the alternatives are given means that in any situation there is one and only one correct choice; any firm or manager, properly motivated, will arrive at the same conclusion. In contrast, the basic decision-making dynamic in capabilities theory is learning. Employees of the firm do not choose from a menu of investment possibilities. Instead, they must create opportunities by searching out, sifting through, and piecing together bits of information from among a potential infinitude. Uncertainty in this framework means that the available alternatives are not known, nor are they independent of decision-makers’ actions. Further, the capacity to engage in this process must be developed and refined over time. Firms learn, and they must learn how to do it. Because companies’ histories, processes and capacities differ, learning is firm-specific (Nelson, 1991). A closely related difference has to do with the unit of analysis. In agency theory, it is the individual (or individual contracting process); for capabilities theory, it is the organization. Chandler (1992b) makes this point with respect to transaction cost theory, but the logic applies equally to the agency focus on contracts, which are transactions whose drafting and implementation impose costs. I argued above that because agency theory sees what to do and how to do it as known, it focuses on the incentives provided by individuals’ contracts—explicit and implicit—regarding what choices they will make. Hence the firm is defined, and its behavior determined, by the aggregation of market contracts through which its activities are carried on. In contrast, corporate activity is seen as fundamentally collective by the three capabilities theories. Capabilities and routines are acted upon and participated in by individuals; but the organization provides the networks and conventions within which individuals act, and these profoundly affect the possibilities, processes, and outcomes of choice. Aoki (1990a, pp. 44—46) emphasizes that although this characteristic is related to the ‘firm-specificity’ of employees’ 689 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm knowledge, it goes further; unless that knowledge is collectively ‘communicated and utilized’, it ‘cannot be economically exploited’. Rather than being defined as a set of individual market transactions, the firm at its most basic level generates organizational, extra-market economies and capabilities. ‘The very essence of capabilities/competences is that they cannot be readily assembled through markets’ (Teece et al., 1994a, p. 14); this proposition is at the heart of the work done and inspired by Chandler. In addition, the focus of capabilities theorists on external integration implies that market transactions themselves must be understood as containing an important social dimension. For example, individual transactions wi th suppliers may be powerfully conditioned by the nature of their long-term relationships with the firm. In a broader sense, these differences boil down to basic methodological commitments: neoclassical agency theory employs an atomistic method, and the others what might be called a holistic one. For the former, it is the inherent characteristics of the basic building blocks that are the starting point. The nature of the firm is then defined by the agency relationships and contractual relations among them (or, in the case of physical assets, contracts with their owners). Inductive logic can be employed to derive the behavior of the firm—or, say, one of its business units—from the choices made by its contracting individuals. If one company’s individual components were lifted out and dropped into a new organizational setting, a firm identical to the original one would result. In the capabilities theories, the organizational whole imposes its own dynamics on each of its component parts. In different firms, identical individuals with identical employment contracts might make different choices. Even its machines may perform in ways that are uniquely related to the organizational systems embedded in a given company. Conversely, the assets represented by capabilities cannot easily be removed from the firm. An extended quote from Aoki may be useful in making this point: employees’ information processing and communicative capacity to generate [informational] rents is a collective one nurtured in the organizational framework.. . it cannot be embodied in, nor be portable by, individual employees. Consequently its distribution cannot be written into individual contracts. In other words, the firm cannot be dissolved into a bundle of individual employment contracts. (1990a, p. 28) There is another association here. The kinds of general methodological differences just discussed may correspond to different broad understandings of what it means to manage in business, just as I suggested in section 2.3 for 690 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm divergent corporate reform approaches. Neoclassical (and agency) theory’s atomism—replete with factors of production with identifiable marginal products—seems to mirror a managerial approach that sees the firm as a collection of discrete functions, each capable of performance and evaluation on its own. Hampden-Turner and Trompenaars (1993) have argued that different national cultures contribute to distinctive managerial approaches, and that the one just described is associated with an American proclivity for ‘analyzing’ rather than ‘integrating’. They asked managers from 12 countries to choose between the following: (a) A company is a system designed to perform functions and tasks in an efficient way. People are hired to fulfill these functions with the help of machines and other equipment. They are paid for the tasks they perform. (b) A company is a group of people working together. The people have social relations with other people and with the organization. The functioning is dependent on these relations. At one end of the scale, 74% of US executives choose (a), while at the other end only 29% ofJapanese managers do so (p. 32). 11 The emphasis of capabilities theory on organizational synthesis, and the implication that key business assets may not be readily ‘portable’, define an important difference from the agency perspective on corporate restructuring. I will illustrate first by examining the acceptance in the agency-theoretic merger literature of the notion of ‘synergies’ [e.g. see Jensen and Ruback, (1983, p. 6): ‘ . . . competition among managerial teams for the rights to manage resources limits divergence from shareholder wealth maximization by managers and provides the mechanism through which.. . synergies available from combining or reorganizing control and management of corporate resources are realized.’] The idea that assets from two separate organizations might be more valuable when brought together in one implies that not just The analytical breakdown of a companys functions into ever-more-specialized tasks is often associated historically with the American, Frederick Taylor. Chandler (1977, p. 277) reported that a managerial contemporary of Taylor’s argued that ‘While Taylor focused on “analysis” of tasks, he failed to consider their “synthesis” into the organization as a whole.’ Although Taylor’s program itself was never widely implemented (see Lazonick, 1989; Bushnell, 1994a), financial restructuring seems to fit easily into the general outline of what continues from this ‘scientific management’ tradition. It presumes that a blueprint for an efficient division of labor exists, or can be devised by management—and that this blueprint should serve as the basis for codifiable individual performance standards, and for compensation based thereon. Lacking such a system, it is thought, employees will tend to create waste as they pursue their own interests. TQM, on the other hand, appears to run counter to each of these aspects of the managerial paradigm associated with Taylor’s influence. It seeks to redefine the tasks of management in ways that erode the sharp distinction between managerial and worker functions, a dichotomy that flows from a Taylorist approach. 691 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm the individual assets, but also their complementarities, matter. But in this literature, the role of organizational setting in defining those complementarities is seldom addressed. If it is, it has to do with the contractual costs of using assets under different ownership forms (Klein et al., 1978). The synergy is seen as determined foremost by the intrinsic characteristics of the given assets, and secondarily by reduction of contracting costs in their use. Otherwise, the context in which they interact is simply not thought to affect their characteristics.12 The qualities of productive assets, physical and human, are thought to be portable. In contrast, capabilities theory can be thought of as an entire framework for exploring the effect of organizational context on the development, adaptation and atrophy of complementarities. That is what notions of cross-functional internal and external integration are all about. It also underlies the concept of hierarchies of routines whose coordination is effected through the operation of organizational memory (Nelson and Winter, 1982). But these examples suggest that such complementarities are built over time, not purchased. Teece et al. (1994, pp. 15—16) are ambivalent about the potential for splicing capabilities into the firm through acquisitions: .the properties of internal organization cannot be replicated by a portfolio of business units amalgamated through formal contracts. . the key feature of distinctive competences and capabilities is that there is not a market for them, except possibly through the market for business units or corporate control . . . they typically must be built because they cannot be bought. When synergy-through-merger has been addressed elsewhere in capabilities theory, the focus has been on the acquisition of particular assets whose characteristics can actually be enhanced via long term integration into organizations with special, corresponding managerial and technological capabilities.13 Agency theory’s limited concern with organizational context also appears in its approach to divestitures, which can be thought of as aimed at synergies in reverse. A set of assets is expected to be more valuable in isolation than in combination with the larger organization. Here it is assumed that nothing from that larger organizational context was intertwined with the productive capacities of the divested business unit. The agency-theoretic interpretation • of 1980s divestitures is that the true value of divested business units can be 12 For a discussion (from outside the neoclassical agency framework) of the organizational ‘digestion problems’ attending many would-be synergistic mergers, see Ravenscraft and Scherer (1987). 13 See Chandler (1977, pp. 474—475) and Lazonick (1990, p. 40), on the diversification paths of multidivisional corporations. 692 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm realized when they are freed from the suffocating agency costs of managerial empire building. Likely candidates would be those units whose financial performance is seen as sub-par. Again, asset capabilities are seen as portable; everything that is valuable about them can be transferred to a new owner and setting. And again, capabilities theory would suggest a different focus—on any roles played by the assets in question in systems of profit-generating interdependencies in the original firm. Unlike the atomistic view of agency theory, this holistic one militates against evaluating a division’s or a business unit’s own profit-center performance in isolation. The additional question would be whether that part of the organization contributes significantly to overall ‘core competencies’ exploitable in various markets (Prahalad and Hamel, 1990). Indeed, capabilities ‘may unravel if the subunit is separated from the parent’ (Teece et al., 1994, p. 16). The implied debate between agency and capabilities theories can be thought of as one between theories based on adaptive versus innovative processes in the firm (see for example Lazonick and O’Sullivan, 1996). 14 Agency theory, like neoclassical understandings in general, concerns itself with how firms adapt to exogenous changes by redeploying existing resources and/or reallocating the returns from those resources. The crucial role here is played by markets, comprised of the nexus of contractual transactions among individual actors. Capabilities theory focuses instead on how firms innovate, by allocating returns from existing resources in ways that generate new productive capabilities. Here the organization itself plays the lead, as the irreducible medium within which grow the capacities to recognize, develop, transmit, and transform value-creating business capacities. 4. Conclusion I have argued that there were two major cross-currents of corporate change during the 1980s, and have sought to understand their often conflicting imperatives by reference to corresponding theoretical developments on the nature of the firm. The argument can be briefly put. Financial restructuring, assuming that the path to efficiency is known but that self-aggrandizing employees often avoid it, applies the pressures of debt-financed reorganization in trying to eliminate waste and restore profitability. These key commitments share much with neoclassical agency theory, in which opportunistic agents’ sub-optimal choices in using corporate resources can be corrected by the renewed contracting safeguards of massive capital structure changes. TQM 14 thank a reviewer for this journal for pointing our this distinction. 693 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm starts from the presumption that waste and poor performance most likely arise because managers do not understand what customers want and/or the organizational obstacles to supplying it; improvement requires the internally and externally integrative efforts of employees to define and provide quality. TQM’s approach is consistent with several strands of capabilities theory, in which profitability requires learning how to create organization-based business capacities, which emerge from and reside in interdependencies among the resources of the firm. The foregoing suggests a mutual influence between theoreticians and practitioners. Both activities—looking to academic theorists for assistance and advice, and studying the changing business world to form and test theory—are likely to be particularly intense when ferment or crisis occurs. The past two decades have seen both. If nothing else, the material here shows that the questions posed during this period can be answered in very different ways. Further assessing the usefulness of those answers will require additional research in at least two directions. One is theoretical. It will be clear to the reader that I believe capabilities theory to have great potential for generating insights into ‘the firm’, and productive restructuring in particular. Capabilities theory is still in a formative stage, and efforts to extend it—including the further exploration of complementarities and conflicts among the various strands of the approach—are likely to generate high returns. Part of this elaboration will require coming to theoretical terms with recent work on the firm from within or very close to the neoclassical tradition. I refer here in particular to Milgrom and Roberts (for example, 1990), and to Williamson (especially 1991). Both represent efforts to model the same dynamics of corporate change that capabilities theory addresses, while following key neoclassical conventions. Analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of this work (see Bushnell, 1994b) will provide important insights into the mutual lessons of theory and practice here. An important avenue for elaborating capabilities theory itself, one with the potential to strengthen its contribution to the practice of productive restructuring, may be the role of power relationships within the firm. By way of contrast, its attention to the distribution and exercise of decision-making power is one of the features of agency theory that makes it most persuasive as a framework for understanding and guiding financial restructuring. But with the exception of Lazonick (for example, 1989), capabilities theorists have not stressed power relationships—among workers, managers, and shareholders—as important determinants of firms’ abilities to develop and transform productive capacities. Providing workers with access to information, and the ability to act upon that information, are consistently highlighted 694 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm in total quality thinking as critical to organizational transformation. Hackman and Wageman (1995, p. 336) have pointed out the consequences for TQM of restricting such access or prerogatives, arguing that a basic failing of the American quality movement has been its effort .to achieve fundamental change wi thout changing the fundamentals.... (1) how frontline work is structured, (2) how gains are allocated, (3) how opportunities for learning are apportioned, and (4) how authority is distributed. Similarly, Appelbaum and Batt (1994, p. 43) criticize TQM structures because ‘they leave unchanged within the firm both the work organization and hierarchical power relations’. If indeed the state and evolution of power relations are crucial to capabilities formation, then capabilities theory will need to develop a language and stance for addressing those issues. Such a development could offer welcome assistance to those grappling with productive restructuring in the field. Another urgent research program suggested by this paper is empirical work on corporate financial restructuring, TQM and the relationships between the two. We lack carefully defined and gathered data on financial restructuring in relation to organizational initiatives like downsizing; similar information about TQM vis-a-vis related efforts such as employee involvement; and research that is specifically designed to learn about the relationships among these kinds of subplots within the corporate restructuring story. For example, the literature of both practitioners and scholars suggests that the desired effects of financial restructuring are intimately bound up with control changes and/or the heavy use of leverage. Thus it may be feasible to use company financial data for information about the incidence and extent of that approach to restructuring, rather than relying solely on the self-reporting typical of the studies surveyed in the last section. In addition, we need longitudinal data on practices and outcomes. Without substantial time horizons, it is simply too difficult to make inferences about causal relations among reform efforts and results. These approaches could add considerably to our systematic information about similarities and differences in the firm-level empirical regularities accompanying TQM and financial restructuring per se, and their combination. This imperative flows partly from the evolution of corporate reform in the 1990s. While the financial market conditions required for debt-financed restructuring have declined (Goldstein, 1995), the kind of corporate downsizing that has emerged in the 1990s often involves the same kinds of operating changes—without the presence of massive borrowing or ownership 695 Total Quality, Financial Restructuring and Theories of the Firm transfer—and many of the same protagonists. As already noted, a key contributor to both financial and organizational upheaval among American firms has been ‘the intensification of pressures from large shareholders, particularly institutional investors’—pressures that ‘are likely to strengthen in the years ahead’ (Useem, 1994, p. 13). We ignore at our own peril the lessons of the 1980s about financial and productive corporate transformation. Acknowledgements I have discussed many of these ideas with Tim Bushnell, whose encouragement and advice I deeply appreciate. 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