Infant Behavior & Development 33 (2010) 96–100 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Infant Behavior and Development Does the message matter? The effect of song type on infants’ pitch preferences for lullabies and playsongs Christine D. Tsang a,∗ , Nicole J. Conrad b a b Department of Psychology, Huron University College at the University of Western Ontario, 1349 Western Road, London, Ontario, Canada N6G 1H3 Department of Psychology, Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada a r t i c l e i n f o Article history: Received 3 July 2009 Received in revised form 23 November 2009 Accepted 26 November 2009 Keywords: Infant Pitch perception Music perception a b s t r a c t Preverbal infants are attuned to the different emotional messages contained in playsongs and lullabies. However, it is unclear which performance properties of singing underlie infants’ perception of the communicative intent of infant-directed singing. Volkova, Trehub, and Schellenberg (2006) recently demonstrated that 6- and 7-month-old infants preferred low-pitched to high-pitched renditions of lullabies, suggesting that pitch may be one performance characteristic that conveys the communicative intent in infant-directed singing. In the current study, we evaluated 6- and 7-month-old infants’ natural preferences for unfamiliar, expressive lullabies and playsongs as a function of pitch using a head-turn preference procedure. Infants preferred low-pitched over high-pitched versions of lullabies and highpitched over low-pitched versions of playsongs. Results suggest that the overall pitch of a song is communicative to infants and that the affective nature of music can have an effect on infants’ pitch preferences. That is, infants’ preferences for pitch are context-dependent. © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. It is often said about infant-directed speech that the message is in the melody (Fernald, 1989), indicating that the manner in which caregivers speak to their infants is more informative to infant listeners than the specific words in the utterance. This suggests that performance features of infant-directed speech (such as pitch level, rhythmicity and tone of voice) are central to infant-caregiver communication. Indeed, the sing-song manner in which caregivers talk to their infants is often termed “musical speech” (e.g., Fernald, 1991). Thus, many of the performance features, such as pitch level, of infant-directed speech can also be discussed in the context of infant-directed singing. Certainly, many studies have shown the importance of the role of pitch level and tone of voice on infant preferences for both infant-directed speech and singing (e.g. Fernald, 1991; Trainor, 1996; Trainor & Zacharias, 1998). All over the world, in all cultures, caregivers sing to their infants (Brakeley, 1950; Trehub & Schellenberg, 1995). Infants are attracted to maternal singing more than to maternal speech (Nakata & Trehub, 2004), and maternal singing is related to the modulation of infant arousal. Thus, a primary function of infant-directed singing seems to be to regulate arousal or communicate emotional states with preverbal infants (Trainor, 1996; Trehub & Schellenberg, 1995; Trehub, Trainor, & Unyk, 1993). Indeed, music is generally used to express emotions, or arouse emotions in others (see Juslin & Sloboda, 2001). Adult listeners are able to attribute basic emotions (e.g., happiness, sadness, fear, anger) to musical compositions (e.g., Cupchick, Rickert, & Mendelson, 1982), and even 3-year-olds are able to associate emotions with specific musical excerpts (e.g., Trainor & Trehub, 1992). Musicologists have long believed that musical meaning is contained in the emotions a musical piece evokes (e.g., Meyer, 1956). ∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 519 438 7224; fax: +1 519 438 3938. E-mail address: [email protected] (C.D. Tsang). 0163-6383/$ – see front matter © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.infbeh.2009.11.006 C.D. Tsang, N.J. Conrad / Infant Behavior & Development 33 (2010) 96–100 97 Different types of infant-directed songs are used by caregivers to convey different affective messages. Lullabies are used to sooth and calm an infant, whereas playsongs are used to stimulate (Trehub & Trainor, 1998). The differences in the communicative nature of lullabies and playsongs are also reflected in the structural and performance features of lullabies and playsongs. In terms of performance, lullabies are generally sung by caregivers in a lower pitch and a slower tempo than playsongs, while playsongs are generally high in pitch and highly rhythmic. The differences in performance features are clearly discriminable to adult listeners and likely serve as a basis for categorization of song types. Trainor (1996) found that adult raters were consistent in their classifications of maternal singing as either playsongs or lullabies, and rated lullabies as rendered in a more loving manner. Rock, Trainor, and Addison (1999) found similar results, in that adult listeners were able to correctly classify exemplars of maternal singing as either playsongs or lullabies. Not only are the performance features of lullabies and playsongs different and perceptually discriminable, but they also elicit different behavioural responses from infants. Rock et al. (1999) found that 6-month-old infants directed their attention outward and looked more often at their caregivers while listening to playsongs, whereas their attention was more directed inward while listening to lullabies. Physiological arousal may also be affected by different types of infant-directed singing. Shenfield, Trehub, and Makata (2003) measured cortisol levels in 6-month-old infants and found that playful maternal singing promoted arousal levels optimal for attention. The authors speculated that more soothing forms of maternal singing, such as lullabies, may decrease arousal levels, although this was not directly tested. Together, these results suggest that infants are attuned to the communicative nature of singing. However, it is unclear which performance properties underlie infants’ perception of the communicative intent of infantdirected songs. In general, both infant-directed speech and singing are characterized by higher pitch levels (infant-directed speech is also characterized by broader pitch ranges), slower tempos (infant-directed speech has also been found to be more rhythmic), and are rendered in a more loving manner than adult-directed speech and singing (Fernald, 1991; Trainor, 1996; Trainor, Clark, Huntley, & Adams, 1997; Trehub & Trainor, 1998; Trehub et al., 1993). Infants show a preference for infant-directed singing over infant-absent singing (Trainor, 1996), a preference that is present even in newborns (Masataka, 1999). This preference for infant-directed stimuli is thought to be partially due to infants’ preferences for higher-pitched voices (e.g., Fernald, 1991; Trehub & Trainor, 1990). However, Trehub and Trainor (1998) note that an elevated pitch level may be more common in playsongs than lullabies, suggesting that infants’ preferences for different genres of infant-directed singing need to be more closely examined. Trainor and Zacharias (1998) examined pitch preferences in infant-directed singing and found that 6-month-old infants preferred to listen to high-pitched over low-pitched versions of the same song. This finding was consistent across both lullabies and playsongs, further supporting the notion that infants have a generalized preference for high-pitched sounds, as similar results have been found with speech (Fernald, 1991). However, Volkova, Trehub, and Schellenberg (2006) argued that the results of Trainor and Zacharias may be difficult to generalize, as the singing was performed in an non-infant-directed manner, songs were used that were likely familiar to the infants, and the pitch levels were often outside the range of pitch caregivers typically use when singing. In their own study using foreign lullabies, Volkova et al. (2006) found that 6- and 7-month-old infants preferred to listen to low-pitched lullabies over highpitched lullabies, a finding that is inconsistent with Trainor and Zacharias (1998). Conversely, these results are consistent with the idea that the nature of the music can affect infants’ preferences (Saffran, Reeck, Neibuhr, & Wilson, 2005) and that infants are sensitive to the underlying affective message contained within the songs. However, to further support this conclusion, infant preferences for pitch within other genres of music, such as playsongs, must be examined. Volkova et al. argued that a novelty preference may also explain the high pitch preference found by Trainor and Zacharias (1998), in that the high-pitch versions of the songs used by Trainor and Zacharias were out of the range that caregivers typically use when singing to their infants and were therefore highly novel to the infants. It is also possible that the low-pitch preferences shown by infants in Volkova et al. (2006) reflected a novelty preference. Caregivers show a tendency to sing to infants during play and most often sing playsongs to infants (Trehub et al., 1997). This tendency also results in infants being exposed to more high-pitched singing, so infants in Volkova et al.’s study may have preferred the low-pitched versions of the lullabies because they are accustomed to hearing high-pitched singing and may have found the low pitch versions of the lullabies particularly novel and interesting. In order to determine whether listening experiences with specific song types affect infants’ preferences, the frequency of singing and the nature or context of singing by caregivers to their infants should be examined. Together, these studies suggest that pitch may be an informative performance-based aspect of infant-directed singing. To that end, in the current study we have focused on pitch as that performance feature of singing to which infants are sensitive and from which infants derive the affective message. Our interest was to determine whether infant preferences are context dependent. We examined infants’ natural preferences for unfamiliar lullabies and playsongs as a function of pitch using a head-turn preference procedure. In addition, caregivers were asked what types of songs they typically sung to their infant to further examine the role of singing exposure on infant novelty preferences. It was hypothesized that elevated pitch levels may enhance the expressiveness of playsongs, but not lullabies. Furthermore, if preferences are based on expressiveness, as they appear to be for speech (Singh, Morgan, & Best, 2002), we would expect infants to show a preference for high-pitched playsongs and low-pitched lullabies. 98 C.D. Tsang, N.J. Conrad / Infant Behavior & Development 33 (2010) 96–100 1. Methods 1.1. Participants Sixteen 6–7-month-old infants (10 males, 6 females) participated in this study (mean age = 6.8 months, range = 5.9–7.4 months). The infants who participated were healthy at the time of testing and had no history of ear infections or a family history of hearing impairment. Four additional infants were tested but excluded, two infants due to technical problems during testing and two infants who fell outside of the 6–7-month-old age range because of scheduling conflicts. 1.2. Apparatus Infants were tested individually in a quiet laboratory room. Each infant was seated facing forward on the caregiver’s lap, with the experimenter sitting directly across from the infant and caregiver. The experimenter sat directly opposite the infant at a distance of 1.5 m, behind a small podium and used a computer keyboard to record the infant’s head turning behaviour. The keyboard was hidden from the infant’s view at all times during testing. Two cabinets, each containing a sound speaker (Bose 201-V) on a shelf above a 13-in. CRT computer monitor, were situated to the left and right side of the infant. Each cabinet was positioned 90 cm on either side of the chair upon which the caregiver and infant were seated. Both computer screens were oriented at a 90◦ angle from the infant, with the centre of the screen at approximately the infant’s eye level. Both the caregiver and experimenter wore headphones throughout the experiment and listened to masking music to ensure that the infant’s preferences were not influenced by those of the caregiver or experimenter. All sound stimuli were played at a comfortable listening level by a Macintosh G4 computer, which was connected to a Yahama amplifier/receiver, and in turn, connected to the two sound speakers. A Macintosh G4 computer, with customized software, was located in an adjoining room and controlled the trial presentations and recorded looking times. Each infant was randomly assigned to one song (either playsong or lullaby) and was tested on the two versions of that particular song. 1.3. Stimuli The stimuli were four foreign children’s songs—one Spanish playsong, one French playsong, one Brazilian lullaby and one Beninese (African) lullaby. A trained female singer recorded two expressive renditions of each song. The songs were sung without accompaniment, in an expressive manner with their original foreign lyrics. A high- and low-pitch version was recorded for each song, with the two versions differing in pitch by approximately a perfect 4th (5 semitones), which is within the normal singing range of the singer. The pitch range of the playsongs and lullabies were similar, such that one playsong and one lullaby each had pitch range spanning 7 semitones, while the other playsong and lullaby had a pitch range spanning 13 and 12 semitones, respectively. Both playsongs were faster in tempo than both lullabies (72 and 76 beats per minute for the playsongs versus 58 and 50 beats per minute for the lullabies). The two versions (high pitch and low pitch) of each song were matched for tempo and timbre as closely as possible. Both playsongs and one lullaby were in the major mode, and the other lullaby was in the minor mode. Both playsongs had more amplitude/intensity variation than either of the lullabies. The songs were digitally recorded on an eMac G5 computer using Garageband 3 software. The stimuli were recorded as digital audio files, and were accompanied by a visual display of a static image of the Disney character Goofy. The same visual display was used for all songs. 1.4. Procedure Prior to testing, caregivers were asked to complete a short questionnaire to determine the nature of infants’ experiences with singing. This questionnaire asked what kind of songs caregivers typically sing to their infant (i.e., lullabies, playsongs, popular radio songs) and also asked how frequently caregivers sang specific types of songs to their infants (i.e., daily, once a week or less, rarely). Infants were tested individually. The infant sat facing forward in the middle of the room on the caregiver’s lap. The caregiver’s chair was located in the middle of the room between two cabinets. On top of each cabinet was a sound speaker from which the auditory stimuli were played, and below each speaker was a CRT computer monitor on which the visual target was displayed. The first trial began with the experimenter pressing a key on the keyboard when the infant was attentive and facing forward. Once the trial had been initiated, the computer monitor on either the right or left side of the infant flashed a visual stimulus of the Disney character Goofy. The flashing Goofy was used as a cue to orient the infant to the side where the music would be playing from. When the infant looked to the flashing monitor, the experimenter pressed a key on the keyboard and this started the timer for looking behaviour to be recorded by the computer (in seconds). At the same time, Goofy stopped flashing, but remained on the screen and one of the song stimuli began to play. The trial ended when the infant looked away (45◦ head turn) for at least 2 s. The experimenter then released the key, which extinguished the image on the monitor and stopped the musical stimuli. The next trial consisted of the alternate version of the stimulus and occurred on the opposite side. The same visual stimulus was presented on both monitors. For half of the infants, the high-pitch version started on the right side, and for half of the infants it started on the left side. The high- and low-pitched versions of the stimulus alternated until 20 trials were completed, or until 15 min had elapsed. C.D. Tsang, N.J. Conrad / Infant Behavior & Development 33 (2010) 96–100 99 Table 1 Percentage of caregivers who reported singing playsongs, lullabies and popular songs to their infant and the relative frequency of singing. Frequency of singing Lullabies Playsongs Popular songs Daily Less than once a week Never 75 25 6 94 6 0 69 19 6 2. Results Table 1 shows the type of songs and the percentage of caregivers who reported singing a particular song type to their infants and how frequently they sung these songs. It should be noted that almost all caregivers reported singing both lullabies and playsongs to their infants, and the majority of caregivers sing both song types to their infants on a daily basis. Only one caregiver reported that she only sang playsongs daily and did not sing any lullabies to her infant. Before testing whether infants showed significant preferences for high or low lullabies and playsongs, we wished to establish whether there were effects of which pitch level was presented on each side, which pitch level was heard first, and the sex of the infants. It was not possible to do a single analysis of variance (ANOVA) with all of these variables as they were not completely crossed. However, an ANOVA was conducted with looking time to the pitch level as the dependent variable and side of first presentation (left or right), pitch level heard first (high or low) as between-subject variables. No significant effects were found. A second ANOVA with sex as a between-subjects factor showed no significant effects of sex. Thus, we collapsed across side of first presentation, pitch level heard first, and sex in the subsequent analysis. A 2 × 2 mixed ANOVA was conducted, with looking time (in seconds) as the dependent measure, pitch level (high or low) as a within-subjects factor and song type (lullaby or playsong) as a between-subjects factor. The ANOVA revealed a significant interaction between pitch level and song type, F(1, 14) = 19.50, p = .001. A paired samples t-test within pitch level showed that infants looked longer to the low-pitched lullabies compared to high-pitched versions, t(7) = 4.46, p = .003, and longer to high-pitched playsongs compared to low-pitched versions, t(7) = 2.25, p = .06 (Fig. 1). 3. Discussion The current study shows that 6- and 7-month-old infants prefer low-pitch versions of lullabies and high-pitch versions of playsongs. This extends the findings of Volkova et al. (2006), who found that infants showed a low-pitch preference for unfamiliar lullabies. This result provides further evidence that the affective nature of music can have an effect on infant pitch preferences and supports the notion that structural elements of musical stimuli can affect infants’ processing of music (Saffran et al., 2005) which in turn affects infants’ pitch preferences. Together, the results suggest that infants may recognize the affective state that songs attempt to communicate, and that this recognition may be based on the acoustical/performance property of pitch. Volkova et al. (2006) suggest that an alternative explanation for their finding of a low-pitch preference for lullabies is that infants were demonstrating a novelty preference, because of infants’ relative infrequent exposure to lullabies in comparison to playsongs. The results of our questionnaire suggest that although lullabies are sung slightly less than playsongs (a result that is consistent with that of Trehub et al., 1997), in general the infants were quite familiar with caregivers singing lullabies and playsongs, and therefore neither high nor low pitch is a particularly novel listening experience. Furthermore, the mean total looking times to both lullabies and playsongs were relatively equivalent (49.80 and 45.38 s, respectively) and looking times to high- and low-pitch versions were relatively equivalent (46.78 and 48.11 s, respectively), suggesting that a novelty preference for less frequently heard lullabies is not apparent. Fig. 1. Looking time (in seconds) to high- and low-pitch versions of the same lullaby or playsong. Error bars represent the standard error of the mean. 100 C.D. Tsang, N.J. Conrad / Infant Behavior & Development 33 (2010) 96–100 The results presented in the current study show that the overall pitch of a song is communicative to infants. However, pitch may not be the only performance property of music that conveys the message. Other performance or structural features, such as tempo or timbre likely also communicate emotional information to infants. Infants’ memory representations for simple melodies are tempo and timbre specific (Trainor, Wu, & Tsang, 2004) while representations for pitch are not (Plantinga & Trainor, 2005) which suggests that infants’ processing of various structural elements of music are different. Furthermore both tempo and timbre have been found to be related to specific affective messages, such as loving tone of voice and slow tempo for soothing or comforting messages, and fast, clipped utterances when expressing fear or surprise (Fernald, 1991; Trainor, Austin, & Desjardins, 2000). Indeed, it is possible that other non-pitch cues, such as tempo and/or intensity differences between playsongs and lullabies, contributed to the communicative intent of the music stimuli in the present study. 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