PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
*
Frederick Mario Fales - Udine
1. Previous Studies
The last thirty-five years have witnessed an enormous increase in scholarly activity concerning Neo-Assyrian texts between the 9th and the 7th centuries B.C., from
epistolary texts to legal and administrative docutnents to oracular and religious materials 1. In this context, the question of prices in the Neo-Assyrian period has come up
for discussioJl various times, in notes or short articles commenting upon specific
aspects of the legal documentation from this age 2. On the other hand, it is hardly
surprising to note that, as part of a more general lack of attention to quantitative
aspects of Neo-Assyrian history3, a detailed study on the subject as a whole has not
hitherto been effected in previous literature. As a consequence, in the present contribution it will be necessary to lay the basic groundwork for the topic of Neo-Assyrian
prices -by presenting an overview of the materials and issues involved (section 2,
below), and providing the database drawn from the textual corpus (charts I-VIII,
below)- prior to an attempt at an interpretation on the data, such as they are available at this time (sections 3 and 4).
A similar study, albeit devoid of the source-material on NA prices given in the 8 charts enclosed here
and of the detailed discussion on the relevant data in § 3, was presented for the papers of the interdisciplinary conference Prix et formations des prix dans l'Antiquite, held at Saint-Bertrand de Comminges on
May 3-4, 1996, to be published in 1997.
1) At present, it may be safely stated that the main Neo-Assyrian textual bodies from the vast archives of
Nineveh-Kouyunjik and Kalhu-Nimrud have received new/updated editions (cf. SAA I-XII), while the
publication of the abundant material from Assur-Qalaat Shergat is finally underway (cf. NATAPA I-II;
NAR).
2) Especially Deller 1964 and 1987; FNALD; GPA.
3) Cf. Fales 1990.
*)
FREDERICK M. FALES
12
[SAAB XII
2. The setting.
This section will deal in concise form with a number of questions which may be
viewed as preliminaries for the larger and more complex problem of the formation
and fixation of prices in the Neo-Assyrian period. Specifically, it will be asked: by
what standards were weights in precious metals calculated? Which metals were preferred, and when? What type of documentation provides us with the basic data on
prices?
Weight-standards
As clearly explained in a recent manual on Neo-Assyrian legal texts (FNALD,
pp. 64-66), the basic metrological units were talent, mina, and shekel, theoretically
fixed in a mutual relation of 60: 1, but in practice linked by a double standard,
"heavy" and "light" (the latter corresponding to 112 the weight of the former). The
following is the ensuing framework (after Postgate, FNALD, p. 64):
Talent
Mina
Shekel
Approx.
Weight (kg.)
~
Talent
.
H
L
H
L
Shekel H
L
Mina
H
1
L
2
1
H
60
30
1
L
120
60
2
1
H
L
3600 7200
1800 3600
60 120
30
60
1
2
1
60.6
30.3
1.01
0.505
0.017
0.0085
The existence of this double metrological standard is borne out both by archaeological evidence -and specifically by a number of metal weights discovered in
Neo-Assyrian palace sites- and by textual evidence, albeit through rare and random
attestations. These two categories of data will be treated separately.
The main body of evidence for archaeologically attested weight-standards is
represented by a group of bronze weights in the shapes of lions, with inscriptions on
the sides or the base, both in cuneiform and in Aramaic script (most recent edition by
Fales 1995). The data are summarized in the following chart:
13
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
1996]
Other
markings
Lion
Aramaic text
Cuneiform text
no.
(l) Minas, 15 by the (mina)
ofthe land;
15 vertical strokes
1(2) 15 minas of the kinJ!
1
2
3
4
5
Value in Weight
Assyrian (Kgs.)
system
15HM
14.934
Palace ofShalmaneser (V), (1) Minas, 5 by the (mina)
king of Assyria:
of the land;
(2) 5 (minas) of the kinJ!
5 minas of the king
5 vertical strokes
5HM
5.043
Palace of Shalmaneser (V), (1) Minas, 3 by the (mina)
of the land;
king of Assyria:
(2) 3 minas of the king
5 minas of the king
3 vertical strokes
3HM
2.865
Palace of Shalmaneser (V), (1) Minas, 2 by the (mina)
of the land;
king of Assyria:
'(2) 2 minas of the king
2 minas of the king
2 vertical strokes
2HM
1.992
Palace of Shalmaneser (V),
king of Assyria:
2 minas of the king
2 minas of the king
2 vertical strokes
2HM
1.931
1 vertical stroke
IHM
0.955
X
2/3HM
0.666
Ie
6
7
Palace of Shalmaneser (V), (1) Mina
king of Assyria:
(2) Mina of the king
1 mina of the king
Palace of Shalmaneser (V),
Two-thirds - the land
king of Assyria:
2/3 mina of the king
8
1 mina; palace of ShalmaMina of the king
neser (V), king
1 vertical stroke
1LM
0.468
9
Palace of Sargon, king of
Assyria:
Mina of the king
1 mina of the king
I vertical stroke
ILM
0.48
1I2LM
0.241
4 vertical strokes
1I4HM
0.237
12 Palace of Shalmaneser (V), (1) One fifth
king of Assyria: 1/5 of the (2) One fifth -rthe land?~
king
5 vertical strokes
1/5HM
0.198
13 Palace of Sargon, king of Three shekels
Assyria: 1
3 vertical strokes
3HS
0.0524
14
2 vertical strokes
2HS
0.036
2 vertical strokes
2LM
0.946
10 Palace of Sennacherib, One half
king of Assyria: 112 mina
11 Palace of Shalmaneser (V),
king of Assyria: 114 of the One fourth - the land
kin~
r...
Two shekels
15 Palace of Tiglathpileser 1
(III), king of Assyria: 2
minas
14
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABXll
As may be seen, despite the wear of the individual pieces through time, the
Assyrian bronze lion-weights show a relatively clear correspondence with the halfkilo or the kilo, i. e. the "light" or "heavy" standard, when multiplied or divided by
the amount specified in the mono- or bilingual texts. In the briefest of terms, it may
be noted that (1) the Aramaic expression "mina of the land" is always applied to the
heavy mina; (2) the earliest weight, no. 15 (Tiglathpi1eser III, 745-727 B.C.) is
relevant to the light standard; the nine4 weights of Shalmaneser V (726-722) are all of
the heavy variety, except for no. 8; Sargon (721-704) splits even (nos. 9, 13) and
Sennacherib (704-680) is again "light"; (3) the definition "of the king" is applied to
the light minas (nos. 9, 15) as well as to the heavy ones, which are the majority.
Other data on these two coexisting standards may be gained by two inscribed
duck-weights in stone, resp. from Kouyunjik and Nimrud (cf. FNALD, p. 66; SAA
VI, p. xxxi) bearing cuneiform texts which point to fractions of the mina, 1/6 (6-su)
and 1/8 (8-tu). Their weights are resp. 0.1893 kgs., notwithstanding some damage to
the piece, which yields an unusual mina (x 6 = 1.1358 kgs.), and 0.1278 kgs.,
corresponding to the normal heavy mina (x 8 =1.0224 kgs). Less interesting for the
question at hand, of course, are the uninscribed pieces, such as .a further bronze lion
of 1.0365 kgs. (Fales 1995, p. 48) and the unmarked duck-weights of approx. 10 kgs.,
1 kg., 1/2 kg., from Kouyunjik and Nimrud (SAA VI, pp. xxx-xxxi).
A number" of weight-standards in use in the Neo-Assyrian period are mentioned
in the texts themselves. These standards normally concern the mina, but random
mentions involving the talent and the shekel have been also spotted. An overview
yields the following data:
(1) the heavyllight standard
the heavy standard: the "heavy talent" (biltu ina dannite) is explicitly named in a
number of administrative texts (SAA VII, 75, 79) and a letter (ABL 1194). The
"heavy (dannu) mina" is attested at Nimrud-Kalbu (ND 5421, cf. FNALD, 65).
Elsewhere, the use of a 60-unit standard -and thus possibly of a "heavy" standardmay be deduced from textual indications, such as e.g. the sum of "4 minas 34 116
shekels" in SAA VII; 27:7; the "6 minas 33 shekels of white gold" used for necklaces(?) in ibid., 64, Rev. II', 9'; and a list of rings, of various weights (from almost a
mina down to 1/3 of a mina) , in which the mean and most frequent value was
represented by rings of 31-32 shekels or half a mina, alternatively written as such
(SAA VII, 73).
the light standard: a "light" talent is explicitly recorded in a sealing, "1 talent by
the light standard (qalissi) of the king" (cf. GPA, p. 122); and a light mina (qa-al-li)
4) Perhaps ten, also counting no. 1, which has similarities in style as well as in the Aramaic epigraph with
the rest of the Shalmaneser group, although it lacks the Akkadian text: cf. Fales 1995, pp. 35, 53ff.
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
15
appears as far afield as the Tell Halaf texts of the early 8th century (TH 67, 4)5 and
the Balawat material (BT 115, 2), where "the royallight mina" is mentioned6 . Similarly to what has been said above, a 30-unit standard may be deduced from the sum
total of items listed in texts: thus, a "light", 30-mina, talent is attested, e.g., in SAA
VII, 110, where the partial totals of 26 minas of red wool and 26 of black are summed
up as "1 talent, 22 minas" in ibid., 115, where 7 talents 10 minas times three equals
22 talents; and in GPA 122, where the total of 80 minas is given as "2 talents 20
minas".
(2) other designations of the mina
A further set of specifications of weight-standards in use in the Neo-Assyrian documentation seems to center basically on the central and most attested item in the scale of
weights, the mina7 . A brief overview of the main terms employed may be provided as
follows:
the mina of the merchant: following Postgate, it may be suggested that this was
not a standard in its own right, but that the expression referred to the "set of weights
used in the transaction in question" (FNALD, p. 65)8. It would thus be connected on
one hand to the notion of mabiru, "market(-price)", and on the other, e contrario, to
the "mina of the land", below.
the mind of the land. The "mina of the land" has its main attestations in the
Assyro-Aramaic lion-weights of the time of Shalmaneser V seen above, but it might
also occur in at least one case within the Neo-Assyrian documentation (SAA VI, 176,
of 680 B.C.), as standard applied to a price in copper9. What did it denote? A
possibility is that a very general semantic value was attached to the expression, i. e.
that it corresponded purely and simply to the mina in common use all over the
5) Actually, I would suggest to restore the next sentence in the same text as 51 me 25 MA.NA 6 5/6 MA.NA
7 ina lib-bi I MA.NA 8 [dan-n]i '.
6) I read the passage as follows: 13 MA.NA 3-su KU.BABBAR 2 ina MA.NA sa MAN qa_rlih. See also FNALD,
p.65.
7) The sole clear-cut exception seems to be the "talent by the light standard of the king" seen above. On
the other hand, the two cases reported by Postgate, FNALD, p. 66, of a "Karkemish shekel" are, to my
mind, not conclusive since the exact wordings are ina SA sa uRu.gar-ga-mis (GPA 1, Obv. 16') and ina sa
KUR.gar-ga-mis (ibid., 215, 19'), i.e. "by the Karkemish (standard)", which does not rule out that the
implied standard was the mina, and not the shekel. Cf. e.g. SAA VI, 110, 9, for the same expression applied
to a payment in minas.
8) That the silver designed to cgange hands during business transactions was weighed on the spot is
obvious, but not so well documented for the NA period; cf. e.g. the chance notation in a witness list
"Mannu-ki-Arba'il, son of Abda, the man who weighes out the silver" (EN bi-a-ti sa KU.BABBAR: SAAB 2
p. 11,24'-25', from Girnavaz, ancient Nabulu).
9) The text (1. 11 ') has ina MA. NA-e sa KUR-e, with the possibility that KUR = "mountain" was alternatively
involved (although the "mina of the mountain" seems an even more far-fetched ponderal reality).
16
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABX!l
country, the mina of everyday commerce (cf. already Fales 1995, pp. 53ff.). On the
basis of the bronze lion-weights, such a mina seems to have been the "heavy",
1OOO-gram, mina; and it is of particular interest to note that the lions engraved with
solely Aramaic epigraphs on their ponderal measure "according to the (standard) of
the land" (b zy :)rq:)), were provided as well (and thus presumably at a later moment in
time) with a bilingual text to the effect that the relevant weights were to be equated
with those according to the standard "of the king" (cf. ibid, pp. 54-55).
the mina of the king: from the evidence of the lion-weights, we have seen that (1)
this designation of the mina was applied both to the light and to the heavy standard,
with no hard evidence for a distinction of sorts 10; and that (2) the epigraph "mina(s)
of the king", both in Aramaic alphabetic script and in Neo-Assyrian cuneiform, was
placed on lion-weights of Shalmaneser V's reign which also bore the solely Aramaic
(and presumably prior) caption on the standard "of the land". Especially this juxtaposition of texts, which would seem to point to a re-engraving of the lions on the part
of the royal bureaus (cf. Fales 1995, pp. 52-55), may lead to the suggestion that the
"mina of the king" had less to do with the creation/adoption of one absolute weight
standard, than with a guarantee of a system of fixed inner correspondences, behind
which was the Assyrian Crown itself. What correspondences could these have been?
Our suggestion is that the "royal" designation implied that a 60-shekel standard, or at
other times its exact half, a 30-shekel standard, was in use or enforced in the relevant
transactions, on the basis of the absolute weight standard of 1,0 I kgs.
the mina of Karkemish. If the position taken above may be accepted at least for
the sake of discussion, it follows that the "other" mina found abundantly in the NeoAssyrian texts, the mina of Karkemish, either (1) had a varying number of shekels
with the same general absolute weight, or (2) had a varying absolute weight while
preserving the sexagesimally-based system 11. For the moment, it will be safe to say
10) I.e., pace Postgate, the statement that "the inscriptions on the lion-weights make it likely that the royal
mina was the normal one of just over I kg." (FNALD, p. 65) is incorrect - also on the basis of other
evidence offered by the author in the same text.
11) Of course a Karkemish weight-standard existed during the Late Bronze Age; it was a 60-shekel mina
of 0.47 kgs. (with the shekel = 0.00783 kgs.), cf. Parise 1981. That the NA Karkemish mina might have
owed its fame and diffusion to previous tradition, is not to be totally ruled out; since this city on the Upper
Euphrates, while undoubtedly still important during the first half of the 1st millennium, seems on the
other hand to deserve more mentions due to its characteristic mina than to any other feature (cf. NAT, pp.
130-131), and apparently the true economic capital of the Assyrian West at this time was ijarran. To be
noted, moreover, if only for the moment as mere curiosities: (l) the diffusion of the Karkemish mina does
not appear restricted to the western zones of the empire, and (2) no Aramaic source hitherto published
makes any mention of this particular mina. On the other hand, it may be recalled that F. von Luschan
discovered, among others, a lenticular silver ingot of Bar-rakib of Sam'al (approx. 730 B.C.), weighing
0.4029 kgs., albeit with a missing "morsel" on its edge (photo and measurement: SAA VI, p. xxiii).
1996]
PRICES IN NED-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
17
that no archaeological evidence or inner textual comparison leads to any clear-cut
statement on the matter; only the abnormally heavy duck-weight mentioned above,
marked "1/6" of a mina for 0.1893 kgs., has given rise to the suspicion that a
Karkemish mina might have been involved (FNALD, p. 66). A more precise position
on the subject can thus only stem from an examination of the trends for Neo-Assyrian
prices (cf. § 3, below).
the Assyrian mina: very rarely attested (cf. e.g. SAA VII, 48, 5); its weight and
possible correspondence with other types of Inina are unknown. Other standards of
measure which were explicitly denominated "Assyrian" existed at the time, e.g. the
dry measure qu (= approx. a double liter) could be calculated by the "Assyrian"
standard (qu assuriiyu: cf. e.g. TIM IX, 1, 6); but the implications of the latter are
obscure as we1112. It may be surmised, of course, that this "Assyrian" tnina had some
sort of "foreign" standard(s) as its counterpart(s); e.g., the "mina of Babylon", such as
is mentioned, during the weighing-out of golden goods, in a letter from the age of
Sargon (SAA I, 51).
the mina of half a mina: the existence of ,this standard is questionable per se,
since it is known from a single sales text (NALK 92, date lost) with a difficult
wording. In a multiple real estate sale, deriving from an inheritance, the price (1. 8) is
given as 30 aiN.MEs sa 1 MA.NA 112 KU.BABBAR, which may be understood, with Th.
Kwasman, as "30 shekels according to the 1 mina (standard which is) 112 mina of
silver". If this interpretation were to be considered acceptable, we would be dealing
with the only hitherto attested definition of the light mina in relation to the heavy one,
and specifically as a "halved" measure. A further possibility, on the other hand, would
be to understand "30 shekels of a mina (and) 1/2 (shekel) of silver", i.e. to see here a
quaint and unique way of expressing the quantity of 30 1/2 shekels of silver on the
part of the scribe.
Currency
Even less attention than the one devoted to archaeologically or philologically
attested weight-standards would seem to have been given to the issue of the varieties
of currency in use in the Neo-Assyrian period. It is thus necessary to provide here at
least a minimum of information on the terminology and use of the various metals
involved.
(1) Copper/bronze
The logograms URUDU and ZABAR, referring resp. to the Akkadian terms era and
siparru, appear to have a non-univocal, and actually quite complex, set of semantic
12) For the possibility of establishing theoretical connections between the NA system of dry measures
and the system of prices, cf. section 3, below.
18
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABXlI
correspondences with the metal "copper" and the alloy "bronze" after the coming of
the Age of Iron. As made clear by Zaccagnini 13, a number of sources -essentially
drawn from the Assyrian royal inscriptions- allows us to posit a double framework
of meanings:
ern (URUDU) = "copper" in all cases, whether referring to unworked materials or finished
objects;
siparru (ZABAR) = "copper" when referring to unworked materials, "bronze", when
referring to finished objects (and means of payment) 14.
The point of this complex semantic pattern 15 is, in the most general of terms, that
we must allow for a certain degree of imprecision in the part of the Assyrian scribes
in their description of raw materials and finished objects of non-ferrous nature,
mainly within the royal inscriptions of the age. But according to Zaccagnini, forms of
currency in the context ofNeo-Assyrian legal documents present no such ambiguity:
here, ern/copper and siparruibronze should be taken into account as two means of
payment used separately albeit contemporaneouslyl6. On the other hand, it may be
noticed that siparru is very rarely attested in such materials; virtually the only evidence for this double currency standard comes from the Governor's Palace Archive in
Nimrud-Kalpu, where a limited number of 8th-century texts shows payments in siparru alongside more numerous documents, bearing erUl~. One wonders, therefore,
whether we should not perchance consider a local scribal habit as leading to an
indifferent use of the logograms URUDU and ZABAR in legal documents, and -thuswhether this Nimrud documentation should not, in fact, be entirely referred to copperl8.
Zaccagnini 1971.
Ibid., p. 143; cf. also Brinkman 1988, p. 137.
15) Zaccagnini's hypothesis was put to a very severe test in Brinkman 1988, pp. 136-142, but appears to
have reached the quarter-century limit basically unchallenged.
16) Zaccagnini 1971, pp. 134-135.; cf. also ibid., p. 143, note b.
17) Cf. Postgate, GPA, p. 25 fn. 48 for a list of the texts bearing siparru and era. Notice the quaint fact
that Postgate (ibid.) praises Zaccagnini's "suggestion that both 'copper' (URUDU) and 'bronze' (ZABAR)
may be used for bronze at this date", although -as shown above- the Italian scholar had brought forth
quite different views on the matter.
18) One of the mainstays of Zaccagnini's argument was an 8th century Nimrod text (ND 217) which
apparently mentioned a debt in both erii and siparru (Zaccagnini 1971, p. 135); nowadays, however, this
text has been clearly made out to refer to "bought men" and to siparru (GPA 103, Obv. 1-2). Notice also
that the few texts from the GPA archive clearly bearing prices in siparru (GPA 2, 16, and 47) show prices
which do not, in general, seem very different from those in copper from the same corpus. A further
attestation is ADD 467 = NALK 75, where the suspicion that a scribal habit was involved is reinforced
by the peculiar writing ZABAR.MES, which seems influenced from URUDU.MES, a common variant for URUDU.
13)
14)
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
19
ErUlcopper was, in any case, in use as a means of payment well before the
beginning of the first millennium B.C.: it is attested both in the Early and the Late
Bronze Age 19 . In the Neo-Assyrian legal documents, prices in copper are particularly
abundant during the 8th century, then they start to alternate with those in silver, and
finally disappear altogether20 . Ifwe apply the working hypothesis made above on the
doubtful presence of bronze as currency at this time2 1, it follows that a famous
passage of a royal inscription by Sargon should be taken as illustrating the use of
silver and copper as contemporary and alternative media for payment in the late 8th
century. The passage in question concerns Sargon's multiple expropriations of previous landowners, on the area on which his new capital, Diir-sarrukin, was to be built:
"the price of the field of that town I paid back to their owners according to
the record of the purchase documents (ki pi (uppiite sajjimanute), in silver
and copper (siparru),,22.
The varieties of the mina seems to have been applied to the copper standard as
well, if we are to judge by a fragmentary attestation, where the "mina of ... " is
mentioned in association with a price of 50 MA.NA URUDU.MES 23 . The case of mixed
payments, in silver and copper, is also to be found, e.g., in GPA 17, where an estate of
60 homers under cultivation is bought for 2 minas and 2 shekels of silver, plus 2 112
minas of copper. Why was this very small amount in copper required to fulfill the
price? For an answer, one might consider the fact that subunits of the shekel seem
absent from everyday use 24 .
(2) Silver
As noted above, silver was a strong competitor against copper already in the 8th
century, and progressively became the sole standard of currency of the empire25 . In
the light of this shift, it may well be asked: what was the relative value of copper vs.
Cf. Brinkman 1988, p. 151.
Cf. our Chart II, below, for a general picture of this shift.
21) Of course, metals other than copper and silver were sporadically used as currency in sales documents
of the period; cf. e.g. ADD 426 = NALK 145, where a talent oftin (AN. NA) is handed over to buy land and
slave groups. For that matter, NA legal documents even present non-currency sales, the so-called
"exchange conveyances" (sapussu, cf. FNALD, pp. 100-101), where items were exchanged outright (e.g.
3 slaves for "a good horse", NALK 45). But all these cases cannot be said to represent the "mainstream"
ofNA sales practice.
22) Lyon 1883, 8, 51; cf. CAD S, p. 298b, with translation of siparru as "bronze".
23) NALK 113, 5'-6'.
24) On the other hand, it might be surmised -although with no possibility for demonstration- that the
"small change" in copper appended to the sum in silver represented the additional compensation for the
individual who "sealed" the tablet with his fingernail (cf. ibid., 1.1: "in lieu of his seal, he impressed his
nail"). For this practice in NA times, cf. Postgate, FNALD, pp. 8-9.
25) The reason for the decline of copper as means of payment is unclear; it has been, however, tentatively
suggested that the discovery of new silver mines by Sargon may have been behind an increase in the
19)
20)
20
FREDERICKM. FALES
[SAABXll
silver, as standard of payment26 ? Surely very far apart (i.e. low) in normal times, if
Sargon decided to include the following hyperbole concerning an economic boom
after a particularly successful campaign:
mabiri kaspi lama siparri ina qereb miit Assur issimmu , "people paid the
exchange-rate for silver in Assyria as if it were copper,,27.
Slightly more concrete information on the matter may be gained from a group of
texts that will be discussed in detail in the next section, generally relevant to the
price-rates of specific periods, whether negative or positive in the extreme. Now, it
may be noticed that in the description of both "good times" and "bad times", the
standard for the comparative evaluation of prices was set at either 1 mina of copper or
1 shekel of silver. It may be thus be posited that the two standards were not merely
equated in discourse or lore, but also because they presented a roughly comparative
value as currency: this hypothesis would also help to explain, by the way, why so
many of the (high/low) price-rates are given in copper well into the latter part of the
7th century, when actual sales prices in copper are no longer attested.
Thus, in brief, it may be suggested that 1 mina of copper corresponded roughly
in value to 1 shekel of silver, as two virtually permanent standards by which the
values of all other goods were to be measured. This, of course, does not necessarily
mean that all goods priced in copper yield equivalents in silver coherent through time
and regional locales (a) among themselves, and (b) with the prices paid in silver for
the same goods. As will be stated in the following paragraph, the overall "landscape"
of prices in the Neo-Assyrian period needs to be observed through two distinct
"lens": one is represented by the mabiru as notion and practical influence, the other
by the day-to-day record of the activities of buying and selling, from the last quarter
of 8th to the final years of the 7th century B.C. These two "lens" have some mutual
juxtaposition, as will be seen, such as to yield a new, albeit slighly blurry, picture of
prices in the N eo-Assyrian period.
3. An overview of Neo-Assyrian prices.
The notion ofmalJiru, "exchange-rate".
The clauses for repayment within Neo-Assyrian loan documents are a good
starting-point for an attempt to define that conceptually complex "sphere" in which
availability of silver from the late 8th century onward (c£ Postgate 1979, pp. 199-200; Dalley 1988, pp.
101-102).
26) For the totally different case of the comparative value of raw, unworked copper and silver, c£ e.g.
Fossey 1937, Oppenheim 1967, where the ratio is 180:1.
21) Lie 1929, 1. 233; cf. CAD S, p. 298b, also CAD S/l, p. 356b, where it is made clear that the verb
involved is siimu A, "to buy, etc.", and not siimu B, "to allot, decree, grant, destine", Thus the traditional
translation (e.g. as in Dalley 1988, p. 101) must be corrected. For siparru, cf. above.
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
21
prices were formed, indicated by the word mabiru 28 . As has been well explained by
Postgate, the obligations of loans were usually to be discharged at a specific date
("month x" or similar expression), often in tight connection with the highlights of the
agricultural year'(harvest, threshing, etc.)29; and by default it is clear that repayment
was to take place locally. In some texts, however, the place of repayment is specified 30 ; and this detail seems to be connected in all cases to the possibility for local
variation in the exchange-rate -a rate involving the mutual value of staples (mainly
barley) as measured in silver or copper.
Thus, e.g., one early 7th century text from the provincial town of Imgur-Ellill
Balawat3l prescribes that the repayment take place "inside (ina qabsi) Nineveh"; and
the reason for this specification of the Assyrian capital is made explicit in a further
loan text of 683: "He shall give the wine back in the month Ayaru in Nineveh; if he
fails to do so, he shall pay (in) silver according to the exchange-rate of Nineveh(ki
ma-bi-ri sa uRu.ni-nu-a)32". Other known mabirus are e.g. that of Kalbu33, and that
of the province of the Palace Herald, mentioned in a delivery contract for barley
(post-648 B.C.)34. It is evident that the "country" rates were more convenient than
the ones in the large cities of the empire: thus r.epayment in the cities was of interest
to the creditor (cf. the wine loan above), while whoever wanted more staples per unit
of currency bargained according to the tariffs of the countryside. Thus, e.g. in the
last-quoted text (11. 4 ff.), it is recorded that 56 shekels were contracted in Kalbu for
the purchase of barley in a small township, ijibtunu, "according to the exchange-rate
(a-ki ma-hi-ri) of the Palace Herald"; after the transaction, the -conveniently purchased- staples would have been transported from ijibtunu downstream to the cIty.
That a tally of sorts of the comparable exchange-rates in different parts of the
Assyrian empire was kept or at least known 'by rule of thumb, seems clear enough
from a fragmentary letter from Kalbu, which runs:
"(All is) well for the land of the king; the prebend (ma'uttu)-fields of the
king have been harvested. The exchange-rate (ma-bi-ru) in the land is good
Cf. CAD Mil, pp. 92ff. for mabiru, and esp. meaning 3, "tariff, price equivalent, rate" (pp. 94ff.). Of
course, this meaning has many attestations prior to the NA period, and is particularly productive in the
OA and OB phases.
29) Cf. FNALD, p. 38.
30) Ibid., p. 39.
31) BT 124 = FNALD, no. 20, of691 or 686 B.C.
32) SAA VI, 181. Repayment was expected in month II; the deed bears the date of Tebet (= month X) of
the previous year.
33) Cf. e.g. ND 2334 = FNALD no. 33, post-648 in date.
34) ND 2335 = FNALD no. 29.
28)
FREDERICK M. FALES
22
[SAAB XII
indeed: for 1 mina of copper, 1 homer of barley is fetched (lit. 'goes') in
Nineveh, I homer and 5 siiti in the region of ijalalJbu, 2· homers in the
steppe (KUR.mudabburu),,35.
From this text, we gain the notion that the range of the N eo-Assyrian mabiru
could vary as much as 1:2 in the same (prosperous) year, depending on the area
involved. Was this range more/less/equally extended, if the year was unfavorable?
The available sources do not allow any answer to this question: what we do know
about unfavorable years, is that an enormous growth of prices ensued, and was the
object of a specific recording in sales documents, next to the price paid by the buyer,
or further down in the text.
Two groups of attestations may be pointed out here. The first may be termed the
Getreidekursangaben 36 group, in which the price is related to the indication of its
year of payment through the simple formula "year in which QUANTITY 1 of ITEM 1
fetched QUANTITY2 of ITEM2". These texts are either dated to the post-648 B.C.
period, or their date is broken; only one document (NATAPA 73) goes back to 698
B.C. The majority of the texts comes from AssW, and a couple of new examples from
the same site have been recently added. The range of prices is as follows:
Text
Deller 1 (Assur) =NATAPA43
Deller 2 (Assur)
Deller 3 (Assur)
Deller 4 (Assur)
Deller 5 (Assur)
Deller 6 (Huzirina)37
Deller 7 (Assur)
Deller 8 (Guzana) 38
NATAPA41
NATAPA 73 (698 B.C.)
NATAPA 136
Year, in which
1 Shekel of silver
1 mina of copper
1 mina of copper
1 mina of copper
1 mina of copper
2 sati (of barley)
1 sutu of barley
1 sutu of barley
1 sutu of barley
1 mina of copper
[
]barley
fetched
1 sutu of barley
2 sati, 4 qu of barley
[
of barley ]
[
ofbarley ]
2 sati of barley
1 Shekel (of silver?)
1 Shekel (of silver?)
1 Shekel (of silver?)
1 Shekel of silver
2 sati of barley
[
]39
Deller 1964, p. 260; Fales 1983, pp. 116-117.
Deller 1964.
37) Published by J.J. Finkelstein, AnSt 7 (1957), p. 139a: S.U. 51136.
38) TH 103.
39) Somewhat similar to the Getreidekursangaben fonnulas is a notation to be found in a text from
Nineveh (SAA VI, 3) from the second half of the 8th century B.C.: here a slave is sold for 80 minas of
copper, a sum which -if we follow Parpola's interpretation- is also provided with a non-monetary
equivalent (2 homers of barley), "according to the conversion rate" (aid pasiiri). By correlating this rate
with the Getreidekursangaben fonnulae, we would obtain the interesting "famine-year" correspondence
35)
36)
23
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
1996]
The second group is much smaller4o, and would seem to be restricted to NimrudKalbu. Its distinctive item lies in a preliminary explicit formula indicating unfavorable conditions and famine: ina saUi (ukli) la basiti, "in a no-no year (for food),,41.
The equivalents in prices are attested in only one document:
1 qu of barley
FNALD 8
1 112 mina of copper.
As may be noticed from all the above documents, the differences in the malJiru
between a "good" and a "bad" year are quite impressive: 1 mina of copper (or, at
times, 1 shekel of silver; cf § 2) could fetch 1 homer of barley, even as much as 2
homers (in the "steppe" of the Nimrod letter seen above) but on the other hand as
little as 0.066 sutu of barley (FNALD 8). In other words, the price of barley could
fluctuate by as much as 300 times.
Whether this enormous range for year-to-year variation or merely the requirements of propaganda was behind the few and very widespread utterances of Assyrian
kingship on prices, it is a fact that a totally opposite picture of the mabiru may be
made out from the royal inscriptions of the period. The tight link between a favourable agricultural year and the immensely positive rate of exchange for the main
commodities is well expressed· by Assurbanipal, in the introduction to his earlier
prisms "B" and "D", and later in the vast inscription of "A,,42:
.
"Adad sent down his rains for me, Ea opened his fountains for me. Grain
grew 5 cubits in its furrow, the ear was 5/6 cubit long. The grasslands
consistently produced heavy harvests, luxuriant crops; the orchards yielded
fruit in abundance; cattle gave birth successfully. In my reign there was
prosperity aplenty, in my years there was fullness to overflowing: 12 homers of barley, 2 homers of wine, 2 sati of oil, 1 talent of wool: throughout
my land the rate of exchange was excellent, (these items) were boughtfor
one shekel ofsilver,,43
of 1 mina of copper = 0.25 sutu of barley. On the other hand, it must be noticed that in the virtually
contemporary edition ofNALK 190, the relevant line presents some differences in reading and a radical
difference in interpretation.
40) FNALD 8, GPA 15 and 16.
41) The translation is largely ad sensum, although this is probably what was implied: cf. GPA, p. 46, for
discussion.
42) Cf. Piepkom 1953, pp. 29-31.
43) The translation follows the integrations by A.R. Millard, «Iraq» 30 (1968), p. 111, who correctly
pointed out that the listed commodities were not to be reciprocally compared, but were all related to a
silver standard (pace Parpola 1983, pp. 104-105, who follows Piepkom's version). Cf. most recently, De
Odorico 1995, p. 64, for a full examination of all the variants in rates involved in the different versions
of this passage.
24
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABXll
As has been correctly stated, "no comparable passages are to be found in the
inscriptions of the other Sargonids,44; this announcement of a "happy reign" might
have been inspired by a letter that the king had received at the outset of his rulership
from his chief exorcist45 . From the point of view of prices, in any case, even taking
into account the possibility that not 12, but only 10 homers of barley were obtained
for a shekel of silver4 6, we find ourselves in a range of offer 5 times more favorable
than the one recorded for the "steppe" in the above-quoted letter47. It is thus difficult
not to view the entire statement as pertaining more to the domain of hyperbole, than
to that of economic history.
No overall "happy reign", but merely some very fortunate military and economic
circumstances were, on the other hand, behind two further -and equally exaggerated- utterances of Assyrian royalty on prices. The first, by Sargon II, following a
campaign to Syria, has been already dealt with in the section of currency (§ 2). The
second is by Assurbanipal, in reference to the particularly successful campaign
against the Arabs. It reads:
qabalti matiya gammale ina 1 siqlu ina}/2 siqlu kaspi isammu ina bab
mabiri, "Throughout my land, camels were bought for a shekel, even a half
shekel qf silver at the market-gate,,48
But let us go back briefly, by contrast, to the Getreidekursangaben and parallel
negative records of the mabiru. While Assurbanipal's wish to boast of a exraordinarily favorable price-rate during his reign requires no explanation, the opposite need to
recall a season of duress in the context of a legal document poses a few problems.
What was the purpose of stating outright that the transaction had taken place in a very
bad year for prices? Working on the "siege-documents" from Nippur, a Neo-Babylonian archive contemporary and similar to the quoted Neo-Assyrian texts, A.L. Oppenheim suggested that the "special reference to circumstances which forced the seller to
accept such a price" could only have had "the purpose of protecting the buyer against
any later claim (Preiseinrede) of the seller based upon the abnormally low price
Parpola 1983, p. 105. As a matter of fact, however, the so-called "Coronation Hymn of Assurbanipal"
(SAA In, 11) presents a relatively similar "price list", albeit expressed with Babylonian measurements
and in the optative mode: "May the people of Assur buy 30 kurru of grain for 1 shekel of silver; may the
people of Assur buy 3 sati of oil for I shekel of silver; may the people of Assur buy 30 minas of wool for
1 shekel of silver!". Notice, in particular, the parallel between the 30 minas of wool here and the talent
of wool in the Annals.
45) Cf. Fales 1975, passim.
46) The variant is reported by De Odorico 1995, p. 64.
47) This comparison is of course based on the equation 1 shekel of silver = 1 mina of copper suggested
above, § 2.
48) Streck 1916, p. 76, ix, 49.
44)
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
25
received,,49. This is certainly a plausible explanation for the price-rates under discussion50 ; but, to the opposite, it may be suggested that the buyer was interested in
clarifying that the particularly low price he had paid was due to a year of famine, so
as to imply that, in case of resale, the price of the transacted goods was to be
negotiated anew51 . But, whichever view is preferred, the point is that the "famineprice clause" was written with an eye to conditions ofprices in the course of time: i. e.
that in these cases, the transaction was correlated to a specific temporal parameter of
prices, in consideration of the fact that, while goods remain, prices may change.
Summing up for the time being, the evidence on the Neo-Assyrian ma!Jiru seems
to yield the following results:
1) the malJiru could vary according to place and/or time, and records were kept of both
cases for different purposes.
2) the variations of the ma!Jiru exclusively by area seem to have been exploited for
purely business reasons, i. e. to obtain more favorable equivalents, albeit presumably
on a limited basis.
3) the variations of the ma!Jiru by year appear to have been extreme: while particularly
favorable circumstances enter the sphere of<irhetorical and propagandistic royal
discourse, particularly unfavorable prices were noted as such in legal documents by
private parties. Such notations would also seem to lead to the possibility of speculating on the variation of prices, possibly even on a large scale, by operating on the
temporal axis.
In conclusion, the above features make it virtually impossible to accept a view of
the ma!Jiru as a "sphere" of the economy which was separate from the needs and
desires of the economic operators themselves. While undoubtedly a large part of the
process of buying and selling on a day-to-day basis was conditioned by individual
and temporary necessities and possibilities, nonetheless the ma!Jiru seems to have
hovered in the background, at least as a vague conditioning force, as a commonly
recognized and accepted tnechanism which provided general guidelines in space and
time for the transaction. Certainly this is a far cry from the reality of a "market
Oppenheim 1955, pp. 80-81. It may be noticed that in documents 2 NT 297,300, all from the 3rd year
of Sin-sar-iskun of Assyria, the exchange-rate is given as 1 shekel of silver = 1 sutu of barley, as in
Getreidekursangben texts "Deller 7", "Deller 8", NATAPA 41, NATAPA 43, above, all of the post-648
B.C. period.
50) Although it must be noticed that the NA conveyances have as a rule such heavy penalties for tuiiru
denu dabiibu, "revocation, lawsuit, or litigation" that this additional protection seems unnecessary.
51) It is also worth noticing that Oppenheim's article is strongly concentrated on the sale of people
occurring in the city ofNippur under siege, and hardly at all on the fact that the whole mabiru was perturbed
by the duress; thus, he states that "it is difficult to see the reason why real estate contracts should expressly
refer to the fact that the city was under siege" (Oppenheim 1955, p. 81).
49)
26
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABXlI
economy" stricto sensu, but it is admittedly equally remote from the concept and
practice of uncontrolled and unconditioned barter52 .
A reading-out ofNeo-Assyrian prices through computerized charts
Having cleared all the main issues which might have lain behind the fixation of
prices, from weight standards to forms of currency to the exchange-rate mechanism,
we may now finally examine the concrete data regarding prices in the Neo-Assyrian
period. The charts appended to the present article (Charts I-VIII, pp. 1*-15*) hold the
most complete file on Neo-Assyrian prices hitherto presented for historical discussion. A total of 180 Neo-Assyrian sales documents, spanning a full two centuries (end
9th-end 7th cent. B.C.), drawn from the the archives of the three most important and
most extensively excavated imperial sites (Nineveh and Kalbu, the two alternative
political capitals, and the religious center of Assur) have been taken into account in
their present, up-to-date, scientific editions, and examined with computer-aided techniques for indications on the evolution of prices within the Neo-Assyrian period53 .
Chart I (pp. I *-4*) presents the complet~~ evidence, ordered by site and text-collections (Nineveh: SAA VI, NALK, TIM XI; Kalbu: GPA, TFS; Assur: NATAPA),
and, within the latter, according to the archives of private individuals, whenever
possible (especially in the SAA VI and NALK groups, as may be verified by the
clusters of dates).
For each text, the date is given: either the exact date by eponym54, or a rough
date derived from the links of the text with a specific archive (marked by the signs +).
The "post-canonical" (i.e. post-648 B.C.) dates, which still require inner ordering in
the lack of an ancient list or "canon", are marked as such (" "); totally unknown
chronological settings (due to breaks in the relevant tablets) are set apart by a question mark.
The third column pertains to the "item", i.e. the object of the (sal e)-transaction.
The definitions given here are sterotyped, in view of their possible ordering (cf.
below). Specifications regarding these data are provided in the fourth column, under
the general heading "details", relevant to further definitions or sub-totals of the peo-
52) Certainly this is not the place to deal with such a complex issue; I need only refer for the moment to
Renger's vast and learned discussion of the theories espoused in Polanyi et al. 1957 (Renger 1984). Of
course, in this as in other works by Renger crucial for the present theme (e.g. Renger 1989) the
chronological outlook is on Mesopotamia of the 3rd and -essentially- 2nd millennium B.C., when the
economy was centered on the so-called ration system; thus Renger's conclusions need to be reapplied to
the NA economic system, in which the links between the Palace and the populace seem to have been very
differentiated, but in general lax (cf. Postgate 1979).
53) The program used was the spreadsheet MS-Excel 7.0, running under the operating system Windows
95.
54) Cf. Millard 1994, for the Assyrian eponymic dates.
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
27
pIe or property being sold 55 . Most of this evidence is self-explanatory: the sole items
requiring some clarification are (1) the fact that the homer could be measured by 8,9,
or 10 sati, and that this is at times specified in the sales document56; (2) the measurement of youngsters not by age, but by height, using the span (rutu) as unit of measure
(3,4,5 spans' height are attested)57. The fifth column holds the actual prices of the
goods, in minas and shekels, in silver and copper (also in "bronze").
A different level of analysis is attained through Chart II (pp. 5*-8*). Here, the
emphasis (i. e. the ordering principle) lies on the date, thereupon on the item, and
finally on the price per individual unit in the various fonns of currency (in the
seventh and eight columns, the farthest to the right). The "price per unit" is not a
datum attested as such in the Neo-Assyrian material; it represents to the contrary an
analytical/experimental (and thus of course a hypothetical) outcome, obtained either
by breaking down a multiple sale into its individual components, or (in the case of a
single item) simply by transposing the price in minas and shekels into a unitary
fractional number, related to the mina58 . Undoubtedly, in a number of cases, this
calculation yields varying results depending on whether a "heavy" or "light" mina is
taken into account; in other texts, the type of min a in use (usually the Karkemish
standard) is specified. Thus, a specific column ("Notes and Specifications") has been
set aside for ~the "storage" of all these supplementary items of information, which
may be generally considered preliminary to the calculation of the price per unit.
Chart III (pp. 9*-11 *) reviews the same data from a different point of view, and
-as will be stated- is in itself a preliminary instrument for the subsequent charts.
The ordering principle is here the price per individual unit, and then the currency; this
tabulation is useful to gain a bird's-eye view of the overall price ranges in descending
order, from the 100 minas of copper paid for a slave in SAA VI 7 to the 8 minas of
the same metal in a Nimrod text of 791 B.C. (GPA 3), from the 3 minas of silver for
an adult slave in NATAPA 109 (Assur, post-648 B.C.) to the 0.08 minas of silver for a
slave girl in the same general period in Nineveh (NALK 1), going through a vast
range of intermediate prices (often subjected to further specification in the "Notes"
column).
Notice the following abbreviations in the charts:
@= "each"; n = unknown quantity; M = mina; Sh = shekel; Tal= talent;
thr.fl = threshing floor; vin = vineyard; H = homer: st = sutu, sliti; b = barley.
F= father; M= mother; GM = grandmother; S = son; D= daughter; B= brother; Sis= sister; Worn = woman.
56) Cf. FNALD, pp. 68-69, for the sutu.
57) Cf. Ibid., p. 25.
58) To gain the best view of the fluctuations of the "price per unit" amounts, all cases not yielding a result
in this domain have been eliminated: thus, the reader will notice that the majority of real estate sales,
present in Chart I, are lacking from Chart II (and the following ones), because they could not be broken
down in significant units fo~ the tabulation in the last two columns to the right.
55)
28
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAAB XII
Charts IV, V, VI (pp. 12*-14*) derive from the main ordering by price per unit
just presented: they represent, in fact, the outcome of the application of different
selective "filters" to the material of Chart III. Chart IV sets the male slaves in
evidence; Chart V is concerned with female slaves only; while the "filter" of Chart
VII works on the "Details" column, by isolating all designations pertaining to the
adult age of the transacted people, whether men or women, and by comparing the
relevant prices. For the sake of clarity, only prices in silver have been selected for the
latter tabulation.
A further attempt to get to the "heart of the matter" as concerns prices in the
Neo-Assyrian period is represented by the last two charts. Chart VII is concerned
with all cases in the sampler which show any sort of detail on the varieties of the
mina used in the transaction (royal mina, Karkemish mina, etc.) or some Getreidekursangaben-type notations: these cases are charted so as to be studied with an eye to
the prices per unit, or even the overall prices, involved. Chart VIII, finally, has its
core· in the column at the center of the spreadsheet, bearing the overall price of the
items sold: here a "filter" has cast into evidence all cases in which the price included
shekels (always silver). The aim of this chart htto search for any possible evidence on
the quantity of shekels in the min a, whether "heavy", Karkemish, or other.
* * *
From this vast material, which is moreover subjected to a variety of different
perspectives through the tabulations described above, we will draw a limited number
of issues, which seem of particular significance for the theme of this article. These
issues will be cross-referenced by texts (which are in any case retrievable in Chart I)
as well as by the number of any particular chart in which they are visible.
-
Viewed in themselves, the Neo-Assyrian prices fluctuate to a great degree.
The first impression of Charts I-VIII cannot but be that of a mumbo-jumbo of
prices. It is true that amounts above 10 minas of silver for any iteln are relatively
rare 59 , and basically reflect major purchases, of real estate (up to an entire village,
SAA VI, 287 and 326), or of vast slave groups (20 people in SAA VI, 57; 12 people
in TIM XI, 2, in both cases for 10 minas), and sometimes even of both together (SAA
VI, 91, an estate plus 27 people; SAA VI, 253, an estate of 60 homers plus 31 people;
an estate plus 30 people in SAA VI, 341). On the other hand, however, some of these
very same items show considerably lower prices in other occasions: thus, an estate of
80 homers with attached a building plot, a threshing floor, and an orchard fetches
only 5 minas in SAA VI, 31; a group of 20 people is sold for a mere 8 minas in SAA
59)
SAA VI, 42; 57; 91; 253; 283; 287; 326; 335; 341; NALK 10; 319; 353; TIM XI, 2.
1996]
PRICES IN NED-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
29
VI, 86; an estate of 20 homers goes for a trifle -3 minas- in NALK 127, and 2
minas-and-something are enough to buy 60 homers in GPA 17. And, if we take a
general look at the lower range of prices, i.e. the 3 minas-0.5 mina range, it appears
that almost anything was, at one time or another, available for such an amount: from a
vineyard with two adults (3 minas: NALK 120) to a 2-homer estate (half a mina, TIM
XI, 1), from an adult slave (3 minas, NATAPA 109) to another adult slave (SAA VI,
246, 112 mina).
But could time and space affect this picture of great variation? Only to a limited
extent, it would seem, at least judging from a glance at the material by sub-archives,
i.e. by texts going back to the same buyer60. Thus the group SAA VI, 34-56 (relevant
to Summa-ilani, chariot driver of Sennacherib) presents both one of the above-mentioned large purchases (SAA VI, 37) and a much "cheaper" acquisition of real estate
with slaves: 50 homers of arable land, one vineyard, and 9 people for a mere 6 minas!
And in the archive of Remanni-Adad, equally a chariot-driver (approx. 670-660), the
price of slaves may fluctuate from 1.5 minas (SAA VI, 301) to an average of 0.6 per
person (SAA VI, 312; cf. Chart III, p. 10*).
- But the perspective of the ''price per individual unit" changes the matter somewhat.
In view of this confusing picture in the domain of overall prices, we performed
the necessary"calculations in order to reach a common standard, that of the "price per
individual unit,,61, in the hope of gaining a simplified but also clearer view of the
matter. A glance at Chart III confirms that this aim has been surely in part attained:
many specific clusters of price, around which largely homogeneous items are gathered, may be pointed out. Thus, e.g., the 1.5 mina price is one of the standards for the
purchase of adult slaves, rather men than women (p. 10*; cf. also Chart VI), while
exactly the opposite may be said for the 0.5 mina standard, not only because more
women than men are bought for this price (pp. 8*-9*) , but also because the female
population is largely made of girls (cf. Chart V, middle). No surprise then, in this
light, in noticing that adult male slaves occupy the top of the chart of prices in silver,
from 3 to 1.5 minas (cf. again Chart III, p. 10*, Chart IV, Chart VI), while female
slaves only fill the bottom slots, from 0.33 minas downward (Chart III, p. 11 *, Chart
V, Chart VI)62.
60) The main archives represented in the database are the ones marked by bordering horizontal lines in
Chart I.
61) Cf. the presentation of Chart II, above.
62) And in fact, only the price of a boy (TIM XI, 157 interrupts the totally feminine chain from 0.5 minas
downward.
FREDERICKM. FALES
30
[SAABXll
In sum, then: a male slave (cf. Chart IV) could cost, in silver, either
1) 2 minas or more (15%, all adults), or
2) b~tween 1.5 and 1 minas (21 %; again, exclusively adults), or
3) 1 mina (25%; adults, also boys), or finally
4) less than 1 mina(39%; many boys, some adults). Specifically, abouthalfofthis group
cost exactly 0.5 minas, and only one cost less.
On the other hand, a female slave (cf. Chart V) could cost either
1) between 1.5 and 0.75 mina (in 24% of the cases)
2) between 0.75 and half a mina (45.5%; 2/3 of such cases were exactly = 0.5 mina)
3) less than half a mina (30,5%, of which 4/5 = approx 0.3 minas).
We are therefore in the position of gaining, for the first time, a relative idea of the
value of the goods for which specific prices were asked/offered: a man was in the
main, valued around a mina, while a woman could be bought most of the time for
slightly over half a mina of silver. Thus, for example, the hyperbole of the camels
seen above takes on a more precise meaning; what Assurbanipal meant, was that
camels were so abundant in Assyria as t~ be worth no more than one-thirtieth,
perhaps even one-sixtieth, of what a slave would fetch.
\0
-
The fluctuation had partly to do with the minas in use.
Yet, despite the useful reduction to the standard of the "individual unit", the
prices in these Neo-Assyrian texts are still very fluctuating, no doubt about it; what
on one occasion could buy a male slave, Inight, in another time/place, fetch three
such individuals. Or, at least, so it seems. But are we viewing things straight? Is it
correct to place the entire gamut of prices in a perspective of alteration by the sole
addition/reduction of immutable units? Shouldn't we alternatively reckon with the
possibility of fluctuations, based on the fact that the unit of value itself -the minawas "mobile", as we have seen above (§ 2)?
Certainly, the fact that prices are quite often (cf. Chart VII: 51 cases out of 180)
accompanied by the indication of the weight standard by which the calculation was
effected, bespeaks of a system in which a certain "play" on the quantity of shekels in
the mina was part and parcel of the bargaining. Take, for example, the many cases of
slave sales by the Karkemish standard (p. 14*); it is interesting to notice that their
overall fluctuation is totally parallel to the one occurring with the "unmarked" mina
(cf. Chart III) and with the "mina of the king" (p. 15*) - from around 2 Ininas to less
than a third of a mina, with a large number of I-mina and half-mina cases.
If there had been no possibilities for "speculation" on the different standards of
the mina, why would such standards have been noted? Our view is that, similarly to
the Getreidekursangaben-type clauses, and -in a slightly different domain- to the
notes on the quantities of siiti (8, 9, or 10) within the homer in the descriptions of
fields (cf. Chart I, "Details" column for some of these notes), the specification on the
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
31
mina in use had the value of a "security" on the future attribution of value to the
transacted item. In other words, whether the item was expected to be resold in the
future or not, such indications constituted a guideline for the renewed attribution of
value to it; or, seen the other way around, they acted as a sort of "stabilizing" element
in a very unstable situation of values, which was not expected to change for the better
in the near future.
What range of fluctuation could have been involved by varying the different
mina standards? Could a 2-mina price in one system have equalled one mina in
another? We simply do not know, essentially because -as stated above (§ 2)- we
lack all knowledge of the circumstances governing the use of the "heavy" or the
"light" mina in Neo-Assyrian sales documents; and the remaining weight standards
could have played a merely ancillary role in comparison with this major division in
value. Our sole element for suspecting that (1) a "speculation" on the different possibilities for the mina weight-standard was at work in the fixation of prices, and that (2)
such speculation involved the different number of shekels in the mina, may be found
in Chart VIII. Here, the tabulation of all cases involving overall prices which include
shekels shows a few unusual amounts, such as "37 shekels" (NATAPA 76), "35
shekels" (NALK 217, TFS 33), "32 shekels" (NALK 100, SAA VI, 118), etc. Now,
these prices ~re, almost without exception, given with no additional notation of a
specific mina-standard in use; taking the two facts together, the suspicion is, that
these prices were written out by the normal standard, but corresponded in some way
to "round" prices by other standards. The same goes for other cases in the same chart,
written out by minas and shekels: the" 1 mina 7 shekels" of NALK 104 might be not
too far from the 37 shekels seen above, the "1 mina 5 shekels" of TFS 50, NATAPA
34, 39 or the "1/2 mina 5 shekels" ofNALK 407 could have more than something to
do with the notation "35 shekels" just discussed.
4. Conclusions.
If the above interpretation of the data were to be considered correct, we would
have finally started to dispel the thick fog which envelops the entire horizon of
Neo-Assyrian prices (and measures in general). For, at this point, the fluctuation of
prices per unit, undisputably of a certain magnitude, could be referred back to at least
two major concurrent spheres of variation, viz.:
1) the ''play'' on value. Contextual conditions, in any possible number and combination
(e.g. geographical, seasonal, political, etc.), while not representing the primary target
of this paper, should be taken into account as directly influencing the fluctuations of
value of the essential staples in relation to copper/silver standards. The impact of such
conditions is perceivable through the general and chronic instability of the mabiru, from
year to year and from province to province in the vast territory of the Assyrian empire;
and the manifold textual quotes of the current mabiru -from the optimism of royal
32
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABXll
propaganda to the meager Getreidekursangaben in private business transactionsshow that the contemporaries were well aware of such instability with its obvious
pitfalls, and attempted to build some sort of "watershed" against it, by connecting the
current exchange standards to the chronological element ("in my reign ... "; "in the year
... "). Perhaps future in-depth research on the assembled price sampler will allow us, or
others, to draw some lines of coherence in this landscape of value fluctuation, which
seems to hover as an unofficial conditioning force in the formation and variation of the
prices themselves. At present, however, the impression is that the Assyrian state had
found no mechanism to control the permanently fluctuating mabiru, and could only
gaze on (cf. the letter from Kalbu quoted in § 3, above) as its innumerable polities went
about their businesses in a largely unprogrammed and uncoordinated fashion, at times
however profiting from the different local rates through an explicit, quasi-market
conscious procedure (as shown by ND 2335, § 3).
2) the"play" on currency. To this picture of Assyrian price-economy as an essentially
unregulated system, we should add the further complication of the coexistence (and
mutual competition) of numerous weight-standards within the Empire. Some of these
standards were undoubtedly of an official nature (the "mina of the king", whichever its
actual weight); others might show an attempt at a secondary officialization (cf. Shalmaneser V?s possible rechristening of the "mina of the land" as the royal mina, § 1);
others yet were traditional -even centuries-old- regional standards, such as the
Karkemish mina and perhaps the Assyrian mina; others, finally, were the product of
business practice/custom, whether widespread ("the mina of the land") or narrowly local
("the mina of the merchant"). The difference in weight of such standards ranges from
2:: 1 ("heavy": :"light" royal mina) downwards, and may in most cases have not exceeded
O.5xl; but the narrower the difference 63 , the greater the possibility that such difference
could give rise to speculation, with an immediate fallback on the prices of specific items
which we find in the sampler64. And a further "play" on currency could have been caused
by the existence of a double metal standard for the currency itself: whether a true and
official transition from copper to silver ever took place, or -more likely- the least
precious metal standard merely went progessively out of style/custom, it is extremely
!i!>
Cf. e.g. the mina of 1.1358 kgs. and the slightly fragmentary mina of Bar-rakib mentioned in § 1.
An interesting example of the possibility that a varying number of shekels could make up the Assyrian
mina is represented, to my mind, by the judicial text BM 123360, recently republished by R. Jas (SAAS
V, no. 32). The case is made against 5 individuals who were caught red-handed with objects worth 14
minas, 30 shekels, stolen from a man's home. They are, after some discussion, condemned to pay a fine
of 44 minas, 10 shekels, in addition to giving back the value of the stolen goods. Now, it would seem
plausible that the fine should have had some relation to the stolen sum; but this is not the case either in a
30-shekel or a 60-sheke1 ratio. On the other hand, the two amounts show a perfect fit by considering a
40-shekel mina: in this case, the goods would be equals to 590 shekels; while the fme would be 1,770
shekels, i. e. exactly three times the fonner.
63)
64)
1996]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
33
plausible that the shift entailed extended speculation on prices - again,. it would seem,
without the State Treasury having much say in the matter.
We are thus left, in the end, with the picture of an overall "area" of 'price-formation and fixation in latter-day Assyria which seems to have been heavily perturbed by
chronic instability and by deregulative mechanisms of speculation on value and currency; conditions which were certainly full of pitfalls for the needy and the unexperienced, but in which, on the other hand, various heavy-handed private entrepreneurs
from the capital cities, hoarders of land and people here and there in the Empire
-from Remanni-Adad to Kakkullanu65- found a very plausible raison d'etre. As
already implied, it would be erroneous and misleading to describe the situation in
terms of "market" and "monetary economy"; it is enough, in our opinion, to note that
a study of prices in latter-day Assyria shows already the full backbone of a structural
crisis which only the formation of markets and the fixation of value/currency standards could begin to solve.
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS66
Brinkman 1988 = lA. Brinkman, "Textual Evidence for Bronze in Babylonia in the
Early Iron Age, 1000-539 B.C.", in Curtis 1988, pp. 135-168.
BT = siglum of texts published in B. Parker, "Economic Tablets from the Temple of
Mamu at Balawat", «Iraq» 25 (1963), pp. 83-106.
Curtis 1988 = 1. Curtis (Ed.), Bronze-working Centres of Western Asia, c. 1000-539
B.C., London 1988.
Dalley 1988 = S. Dalley, "Neo-Assyrian Textual Evidence for Bronzeworking Centres", in Curtis 1988, pp. 97-109.
De Odorico 1995 = M. De Odorico, The Use of Numbers and Quantifications in the
Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (SAAS III), Helsinki 1995.
Deller 1964 = K.H. Deller, "Getreidekursangaben in neuassyrischen Rechtsurkund en" ,
OrNS 33 (1964), pp. 257-26l.
Deller 1987 = K.H. Deller, "Tamkaru-Kredite in neuassyrischer Zeit", JESHO 30
(1987), pp. 1-29.
Fales 1974 = F .M. Fales, "L'''ideologo'' Adad-sumu-u~ur", «Accademia Nazionale dei
Lincei. Rendiconti» 29 (1974), pp. 453-496.
Fales 1983 = F.M. Fales, Cento lettere neo-assire, Venezia 1983.
Fales 1990 = F.M. Fales, "Grain Reserves, Daily Rations, and the Size of the Assyrian
Army: a Quantitative Study", SAAB IV (1990), pp. 23-34.
65)
Cf. Fales 1987 and 1989 on these two 7th century speculators.
66) The author is grateful to Dr. M. De Odorico, Udine, for his kind critical comments on the manuscript.
34
FREDERICK M. FALES
[SAABXll
Fales 1995 = F .M. Fales, "Assyro-aramaica: the Assyrian Lion-Weights", in Festschrift
E. Lipinski, Leuven 1995, pp. 33-55.
FNALD = J.N. Postgate, Fifty Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents, Warminster 1976.
Fossey 1937 = C. Fossey, "Les Rapports de valeur entre l'argent et divers metaux sous
la dynastie chaldeenne", RES 1937, pp. 42-45.
GPA= J.N. Postgate, The Governor's Palace Archive, London 1973.
Lie 1929 = A.G. Lie, The Inscriptions ofSargonIL King ofAssyria, PartI: theAnnals,
Paris 1929.
Lyon 1883 = D.G. Lyon, Keilschrifttexte Sargon 's, Konig von Assyrien, Leipzig 188~.
Millard 1994 = A.R. Millard, The Eponyms ofthe Assyrian Empire (SAAS I), Helsinki
1994.
NALK = T. Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents in the Kouyunjik Collection of
the British Museum, Roma 1988.
NAR = L. Jakob-Rost - F.M. Fales - E. Klengel-Brandt, Neuassyrische Rechtsurkunden
I, Berlin 1996.
NAT = S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms, Neukirchen 1970.
NATAPA + nos. 1-66 = siglum of texts published in: F.M. Fales - L. Jakob-Rost,
''Neo-Assyrian Texts from Assur Private Archives in the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin, Part I", SAAB 5 (1991), pp.
3-157.
NATAPA + nos. 67-140 = siglum of texts published in: K.H. Deller - F.M. Fales - L.
Jakob-Rost, "Neo-Assyrian Texts from Assur Private Archives in the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin, Part II",
SAAB IX (1995), 3ff.
Oppenheim 1955 = A.L. Oppenheim, "'Siege-documents' from Nippur", JCS 17
(1955), pp. 69-89.
Oppenheim 1969 = A.L. Oppenheim, "Essay on Overland Trade in the First Millennium B.C.", JCS 21 (1969), pp. 236-254.
Parise 1981 = N. Parise, "Mina di Ugarit, mina di Karkemish, mina di Khatti", «Dialoghi di Archeologia» NS 3 (1981), pp. 155-160.
Parpola 1983 = S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal, Part II, Commentary and Appendices, Neukirchen
1983.
Piepkom 1953 = A.C. Piepkom, Historical Prism InSCriptions of Ashurbanipal, Chicago 1953.
Polanyi et ale 1957 = K. Polanyi et ale (Eds.), Trade and Market in the Early Empires
- Economies in History and Theory, New York 1957.
Postgate 1979 = J.N. Postgate, "The Economic Structure of the Neo-As syri an Empire",
in M.T. Larsen (Ed.), Power and Propaganda, Copenhagen 1979, pp.
193-221.
Renger 1984 = J. Renger, "Patterns of Non-Institutional Trade and Non-Commercial
Exchange in Ancient Mesopotamia at the Beginning of the Second
1996 ]
PRICES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN SOURCES
35
Millennium B.C.", in A. Archi (Ed.), Circulation of Goods in Non-Palatial Context in
the Ancient Near East, Roma 1984, pp. 31-124.
Renger 1989 = J. Renger, "Zur Rolle von Preisen und L6hnen im Wirtschaftssystem
des alten Mesopotamiens an der Wende vom 3. zum 2. Jahrtausend v.
Chr. - Grundsatzliche Fragen und Uberlegungen", AoF 16 (1989), pp.
234-252.
SAA = State Archives ofAssyria. Helsinki.
SAA I = S. Parpoia, The Correspondence ofSargon IL Part L Helsinki 1987.
SAA III = A. Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea, Helsinki 1989.
SAA VI = T. Kwasman - S. Parpola, Legal Transactions o/the Royal Court o/Nineveh,
Part I, Helsinki 1993.
SAA VII = F.M. Fales - J.N. Postgate, Imperial Administrative Records, Part I, Helsinki 1992.
SAAS = State Archives 0/Assyria Studies.
Streck 1916 = M. Streck, Assurbanipal und die letzten assyrischen Konige bis zum
Untergang Niniveh 's, I-III, Leipzig 1916.
TFS = S. Dalley - J.N. Postgate, The Tablets/ro,!} Fort Shalmaneser, London 1984.
TH = siglum of texts published in: J. Friedrich e~t aI., Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf,
Osnabrock 1967 2.
Zaccagnini 1971 = C. Zaccagnini, "La terminologia accadica del rame e del bronzo nel
I millennio", «Oriens Antiquus» 10 (1971), pp. 123-144.
CHART I
Text
SAA VI2
SAA VI 3
SAA VI6
SAA VI7
SAA VI 19
SAA VI 21
An Overview of the Major Archives (Nineveh, Nimrud, Assur)
end 8th-end 7th cent. B.C.
Details
Item
Date
5 men
Slave group
737
740-71O+- Slave
"F,M,SAD"
Slave Family
713
740-710+- Slave
=14H
Estate+house+thr.fl.+orchard
734
6 men = 1 month
Work-contract: wages
734
SAA VI 22
SAA VI 23
SAA VI 27
SAA VI 31
SAA VI 32
SAA VI 34
SAA VI 37
SAA VI 42
SAA VI 45
SAA VI 50
SAA VI 52
SAA VI 53
SAA VI 55
SAA VI 56
SAA VI 57 ~
SAA VI 85
SAA VI 86
SAA VI 88
SAA VI 89
SAA VI 91
SAA VI 93
SAA VI 96
SAA VI 98
SAA VI 103
SAA VI 109
SAA VI 110
SAA VI 111
SAA VI 113
SAA VI 118
SAA VI 119
SAA VI 124
SAA VI 126
SAA VI 127
SAA VI 130
SAA VI 138
SAA VI 142
SAA VI 151
SAA VI 154
SAA VI 176
SAA VI 177
SAA VI 197
729
727
710+709
707
709
694
692
682
680+680+680+680+680+680+692
690+687
686
681
680+680+682
694
683
681
680
702
698
699
698
697
697
696
693
692
687
687
680+684
681
Estate
Estate
Estates
Estates+lot+thr. fl. +orchard
Estate+vacant lot+garden
Slave Family
Estate+Vin+Slave Family
"House, complete"
Slave woman
Estate+Vin+Slave Group
Slave Group
Slave Family
Slave
Slave
Slave Group
Slaves
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave Family (13 n ZI.MES)
Slave Group with property
"Estate+house+thr.fl,etc. "
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave
Slave Group
Slave Family
Slave Family
Orchard
Slave
"Estate+house+thr.fl,etc. "
"House, complete"
Estate
Slave
Slave Group
Slave Family
"House, complete"
Slave woman
Storehouses in Nineveh
Estates
Slave Family
Slave woman
~
1*
Price
74MCu
2Hb
180M Cu
l00MCu
20MCu
"2· Tal Cu; 3 H,
6 st food"
30MCu
13 H
5 Sh Ag ,
2H
5 314M Ag
23 H
5MAg
Est.=80 H (=9 st.Cu)
"1,6H"
80MCu
"F,M,S"
3MAg
25MAg
"2 vins, 3 H, 7 people"
3MAg
1MAg
"50 H, 1 vin, 9 people"
6MAg
13 people
6112M Ag
1MAg
2 people
1112M Ag
prof.name given
boy
30MCu
20peoole
10MAg
1MAg
"2 peoole (F,M)"
20 people
8MAg
5 spans' height
112M Ag
"3 people (F,M,D)?"
4MAg
27 people
20MAg
6MAg
80 H + rest
"4 people(F,B,M,D)"
3MAg
9 ShAg
2MAg
son of seller
3 people
50 Sh Ag
"7 people SF,M, GM,2B,2Sis)" 2MAg
"7 people (F, 2M, 2S,2D)"
3MAg
5 ShAg
adult
32 Sh Ag
"5,2 H + rest"
1MAf!,
3213 M Ag
112M Ag
10 H
adult
30 ShAg
17 people
8112M Ag
3 people
3MAg
1MAf!,
adult
1 Tal eu
3
30 Sh Ag
5 + n H (fragm.)
20MCu
"10 people (F,3S,W,2D;B,2S)" 6MAg
adult
11/2M Ag
Text
SAA VI 201
SAA VI 202
SAA VI 217
SAA VI 219
SAA VI 227
SAA VI 228
SAA VI 229
SAA VI 244
SAA VI 246
SAA VI 250
SAA VI 253
Date
680
680
680+680+675
675+675
672
670+675+675+-
SAA VI 257
SAA VI 274
SAA VI 275
SAA VI 278
SAA VI 283
SAA VI 284
SAA VI 286
SAA VI 287
SAA VI 289
SAA VI 301
SAA VI 305
SAA VI 311
SAA VI 312
SAA VI 319
SAA VI 326
SAA VI 328
SAA VI 329
SAA VI 335
SAA VI 341
SAA VI 343
SAA VI 346
SAA VI 347
680
676
675
674
672
671
670
670
670
6,,70
669
666
666
665
665+663
660
660+660+660+660+660+-
NALKI
NALK6
NALK 10
NALK25
NALK26
NALK 71
NALK92
NALK98
NALK 100
NALK 104
NALK 107
NALK 113
NALK 116
<648
667
?
<648
?
?
?
?
?
<648
<648
?
?
CHART I
An Overview of the Major Archives (Nineveh, Nitm"11a,oVssur)
end 8th-end 7th cent B.C.
mSJl
!11sG
Details
Item
ioH"
8t-a>
Vineyard
liV"
8~0>
Vineyard
VEl2
8t-o>
32+nH
Estates
JOiV
8M>
adult
Slave
ioH"
8t-o>
boy
Slave
)H"
8t-o>
adult
Slave woman
8~>
"3 people:F,D,S:12
Slave Family
G1?3.
8t-o>
adult
Slave
\lBI2
8t.O>
adult
Slave
8t.O>
"M,D, Wom=,YIlI2
Slave family (no men)
8~0>
Estate3 +slave families
"60 H, 31 peot;Id~" n."
8t-o>
'lE123
wlil2
8t.O>
adult
Slave
/.1>12
8t-o>
adult
Slave
mI2
Qco
Estates (various measures)
ca.4OH
Qoo
35 H (H=9 st.)tsI2
Estate
40 H (with peltqtd8)
Estates (various measures)
~
lvsl2
Slave family (no adult men)
-+0\0
iG!:3
Slave woman
~'<OQo
.idult
IlliZ
Village
500H
8t-o>
vr;12
adult
Slave
8t-o>
Slave
8t.O>
P!of.name given 12
Slave
.pJof.name givcml2
8M>
"House, complete"
NBI2
in town
8t-a>
Slave Family
"5 people(=F~; ,2 S)" 8t-o>
80c)
Slave Family
"2 people (man:p1& m.)"
Village+ 6 pe_ople
"Vi1la~e= (fie~ nJ"
~
,jIJJ23
"House, complete"
in town
8t-o>
prof.name gi. .12
Vineyard+ slave
~
[[\
"50 H, 20rchlmB""
"Estate+house+thr. fl,etc. "
123"
30 people
~
Estate + people
mIl
\00
5 people
Slave Family
vBi2
800
Slave
adult
WEll
-+OC.O
Slave
adult
DliuH
'i'-+080
4 spans
Slave woman
'Giz3
8~0>
Slave
adult
vslZ
8t-a>
"House, complete"
"2,3 H (H=9st;¥-:12
8t.O>
Estate (redeemable)
boy (4 spans))'fGI2
Slave
~
'w£12
8~0>
Building plot
'llnz3
"Estate,thr.floor"
?H
'i'
Slave
son of seller
"Estate, bare ground, gard."
.wsl2
808\\I8
')VB12
IQ\
Slave
adult
"House, complete"
lYBl2
eO\
Slave Family
5 people
Jvsl2
>OC\
Slave
L1oH"
adult
S:08
2*
jx~T
Price
31 SlII!.JtIJAV1
4 M(}tg )lJAV1
11 Sl\AJtIJAV1
1 112M XdAV1
30~~ JAV1
JAV1
112
30~~ JAVI
"A
20~ ~~AV1
1/2lQtA ~JAV1
2 Motif )lJAVI
1TallUln.M111
Ag S:£I )IJAV1
1 M fJ(Ji; )lJAV1
2 MQ(g )lJAV1
3 I/~N X~A V1
5M~ )lJAV1
10 MG:tWIJAV1
2M~g )lJAVl
50 SfllAgIJAV1
14M~WlJAV1
50 M.mvIJAIo1
1 1/11 Nil JIdAV1
1 MOC~ )lJAVl
4M~j )lJAV1
3 MtAlj )lJA1I1
1 M?A>i )JJAVI
17 1~ WWt-. V1
5 M rAi )lJAV1
4 M9li ){JA VI
10 MG{g)lJA~
30 M()'\g)lJAV1
5MI ~ )IJAVI
1M ~ ){JAVI
1M ~)tJAV1
s:s:t- ){JAVl
2 1/2 Sh Ag
1/2 MIll ~MIT
12 MS\I (MIT
12 ShW, ~MIT
1 MWgIXMIT
5 lI:tMI;(~IT
30 SIlfAlg{ MIT
16 Sh Ag
32 Sh Ag: AqD
1 M 7 St£i¥gID
:[n]+20 Sh AIjlD
50M CuQ AqO
1 M Agt:.I AqD
CHART I
An Overview of the Major Archives (Nineveh, Nimrud, Assur)
end 8th-end 7th cent B.C.
Text
NALK 118
NALK 119
NALK 120
NALK 121
NALK 122
NALK 123
NALK 124
NALK 127
NALK 129
NALK 130
NALK 131
NALK 132
NALK 133
NALK 136
NALK 146
NALK 149
NALK 165
NALK 179
NALK212
NALK214
NALK217
NALK219
NALK220
NALK222
NALK294
NALK295
NALK319
NALK331
NALK332
NALK353
NALK396
NALK400
NALK402
NALK407
NALK422
Date
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
659
669
7
670+690>?
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
668
7
<648
7
713
?
667
668
650+680+-?
Item
"House, complete"
"Vinyrd., people"
Slave woman
Vineyard
"House, complete"
"House, com~lete"
Slave woman
Estates
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave woman
Estate
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family {no men)
Slave Family
Estates
Slave Family
Esate+thr.fl. +house
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Fami!y_ (no adult men)
Slave
Slave Family (no women)
Slave
Slave Fami!y_
Estate
Estate
Slave woman
"Estate, thr.fl:"
"Estate,thr.fl., orchard,ox"
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
BuildingJ,lot
Details
in Nineveh
2 adults
for marriage
TIM XII
TIMXI2
TIM XI 3
TIM XI 14
TIM XI 15
TIM Xl 34
<648
<648
<648
?
<648
?
Estate
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave
Esate+thr.fl. +house
20H
12 people
adult
D of seller
3 spans height
112M Ag
10MAg
50Sh Ag
112M Ag
lOSh Ag
3 112M Ag
GPA2
GPA3
GPA4
GPA9
GPA14
817/808
791
769
750<
802
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave Group
"House, complete"
adult
brother of seller
D of seller
"3 men, 1 woman"
20MBr
8MCu
36MCu
150M Cu
40MCu
3*
in Nineveh
"in Nineveh, with well"
"d. of seller, in marriage"
"20 H, in one town"
"F,M,D=3 people"
3 spans height
"n H, 1 lot only"
"2 people=M,D"
"3 people=F,M,D"
"32 H, in one town"
"57 people (F,3S,lD)"
in one town; 8[+n] H
"d. of seller, in marriage"
"M,2S"
prof. name given
"F,B"
adult
"2 people (man, mother)"
"IS H, wells"
"1,2 H in town"
adult
11H
3 sQans height
adult
adult
in town
Price
3 M 30 ShAg
3MAg
1I2MAg
112M 6ShAg
112M Ag
2MAg
112M Ag
3MAg
112M Ag
1MAg
112M 4 ShAg
112M Ag
1I2MAg
1112 M Ag
1 M 8 ShAg
2MAg
11 Sh Ag
2M 10ShAg
200MCu
18 Sh Ag
35 Sh Ag
112M Ag
1MAg
1 M 30 Sh Ag
2M 10 Sh Ag
11/2M Ag
40MAg
10 Sh Ag
112M Ag
lOMAg
2MAg
9ShAg
112M Ag
1/2 M 5 Sh Ag
8MCu
CHART I
An Overview of the Major Archives (Nineveh, Nimrud, Assur)
end 8th-end 7th cent. B.C.
Text
GPA 17
Date
783
Item
Estate
Details
"60 H, in town"
GPA 19
GPA22
GPA23
GPA24
GPA25
GPA26
GPA27
GPA29
GPA30
GPA32
GPA33
GPA34
GPA43
GPA44
GPA 219
779
756
754
746
744
743
743
727
740+740+740+740+740+740+<648
Orchard
Workshop
"Estate, bldg. plot, orchard,etc"
Estate
Estate
Estate
Estate
Building plot
"Estate, thr.fl., orchard"
Estate
Estate
Estate
Estate
Building plot
Slave woman
"46 x 30 cubits, in town"
H=4
"H=O,5, in town"
"H=O,5, in town"
"H=O,2 in town"
"H=I, in country"
"30 x 14 cubits, in town"
"H=40, in town"
H=29
H=8
H=2
"H=2,4"
15 x 11 cubits
4 spans height
Price
2 M 2 Sh Ag 2 112 M
Cu
4MCu
1 Tal Cu
52MCu
17MCu
17MCu
12MCu
16MCu
lOMCu
2MAg
90MCu
8MCu
2MCu
50MCu
6MCu
5 ShAg
i'~
<648
?
<648
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave
Slave woman
adult
D of seller
S of sellers
adult
adult
D of seller (?)
35 Sh Ag
lOShAg
10ShAg
11/2M4 ShAg
1 M 5 ShAg
10 Sh Ag
<648
<648
657
<648
<648?
<648
<648
657
<648
<648
698
683
?
?
<648
<648
<648
<648
Slave Group
Slave
Slave woman
Building plot
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Building plot
Slave woman
"House, complete"
"House, complete"
Slave
Slave Family
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave
3 people
adult
3 spans height
1 M 5 ShAg
37 Sh Ag
10 Sh Ag
1 112M Ag
[112 M] 5 Sh Ag
1/2MAg
lOShAg
10 Sh Ag
12 Sh Ag
1112 MAg
1100 (M?) Cu
30Sh Ag
30ShAg
[1] 112 M 4 Sh Ag
[112] M 4 Sh Ag
3MAg
112 M 8 Sh Ag
1112 M Ag
TFS33
TFS36
TFS47
TFS48
TFS50
TFS 51
<648
<648
NATAPA34
NATAPA 76
NATAPA29
NATAPA35
NATAPA39
NATAPA41
NATAPA43
NATAPA55
NATAPA59
NATAPA61
NATAPA 73
NATAPA 75
NATAPA 77
NATAPA 78
NATAPA 103
NATAPA 109
NATAPA 124
NATAPA 129
1-
adult
adult
D of seller
age(?)
"16 x 10 cubits, in town"
adult
many fixtures
adult
"2 people =M,D"
adult
adult
adult
adult
4*
O~dl
ild
Text
GPA2
GPA3
GPA4
GPA9
SAA VI7
~m
SAA VI2
SAA VI 21
Slave group
Work-contract: wages
5 men
6 men = 1 month
SAA VI6
SAA VI 34
SAA VI 118
SAA VI 126
SAA VI 127
SAA VI 130
SAA VI 103
SAA VI 138
SAA VI 85
SAA VI 86
SAA VI 151
SAA VI 88
SAA VI 89
SAA VI 177
713
709
698
697
697
696
694
693
692
690+687
687
686
684
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave
Estate
Slave
Slave Group
Slave
Slave Family
Slaves
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family (E n ZI.MES)
Slave Family
683
682
682
681
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family
"F,M,S,4D"
"F,M,S"
adult
10H
adult
17 people
son of seller
3p_eople
"2people (F,M)"
20 people
adult
5 spans' height
"3 people (F.M,D)?"
"10 people
(F,3S,W,2D;B,2S)"
3 people
SAA VI 109
SAA VI 45
I SAA VI 98
SAA VI 110
9t
ve L~ N
ve 1:>" I~
U
e
LI'\:
stl~ ......
.....
01"1
..-:) >- P.o
(10 ~ 1-
I~
N
k~
,...., 0
I~
~ ~l Cj!t ep
I~ i~ 1':1
N N
....- I,,,,,,
I,...., I~
.... .....
'" '"
-- - -
rftl ~
"'-
pl-: ~l ~
.£
....... .....
I:: I~
-.
~
:::L.
~"
IV
~
'" .....
=
SI ve
I
I
I~
.-,
"7 people (F,M,
GM,2B,2Sis)"
~
,] ri es pe ulJit
~e
Deta ai
ae ul ~ L-,,,,,
Jlf~ ~ 1::-
Date
817/8m
791
I>
769
750<
1740710+7407l0+737
734
SAA VI 3
i
C~H ~~ T
riJ ,g >y pa es It
V>
Nc eS:aJ1 ~s :>e( fi ati r>n
Prie ~, @un t
0
~ ~M r
~ I!"
~
lid
'II:
~
~ i~ ~,~ ~ ';'
!~I~
- ! ..
"
t::
t::
c: t:: t:: It
,v IV v
.' -
llv IU It) I~ ~
'- I~..
I~ I-~ I~ ~~ I~ 3: I:=: In.
.... ~
>-
IV
;Q
IV V>
-
co to IV)
,":~
I"
~ I b!"'81 lv C
74MCu
"2 Tal Cu;3 H, 6 st
food"
180MCu
3MAg
32 Sh Ag
1I2MAg
30ShAg
8 112M Ag
"'j...
2MAg
3MAg
IMAg
8MAg
1 Tal Cu
112M Ag
4MAg
6MAg
@man=74/5
@day=14400/30/6;36/3
0/680
perh.90+30+20+4x 10
M = Karkemish
"ifM=60, then"
"if M=60, then"
must be M =60
50ShAg
IMAg
9ShAg
2MAg
~I
- " -.i:.
ID
=
0
t;p
I~
8
M ~u
MCu
MCu
MCu
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
M = Karkemish
25.7
1
0.53
0.33
0.5
0.5
2
1
0.5
0.4
60
0.5
0.75
0.6
MCu
MAE
MAg
MAg
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
M = Karkemish
"if M =30 Sh, then"
M = Karkemish
0.56
1
0.3
0.3
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
"if M=60, then"
,
1
c
""
'
1::-
:===
14
80
M = Karkemish
M =king
M =king
I
.ttl Br
~ Ie I~ ~ It:;M ~
IV
1:>" I .... 'Kif ~
m
cy
:td eu
,t::
It I:: v
=
~i b
1
r:: t::
.g ~e
MA~
MAg
MA~
MA~.
:
1
5* (1)
Text
SAA VI 91
SAA VI 197
SAA VI 55
SAA VI 219
SAA VI 56
SAA VI 96
SAA VI 53
SAA VI 52
SAA VI 57
SAA VI 257
SAA VI 111
SAA VI 274
SAA VI 250
SAA VI 228
SAA VI 227
SAA VI 229
Date
681
681
680+680+680+680+680+680+680+680
680
676
675+675+675
675
Item
Slave Group with property
Slave woman
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave GrouQ
Slave Group
Slave
Slave Family
Slave
Slave family (no men)
Slave woman
Slave
Slave Family
SAA VI 244
SAA VI 284
SAA VI 246
NALK 179
SAA VI 301
SAA VI 286
SAA VI 305
NALK 149
NALK295
NALK402
NALK6
NALK400
SAA VI 312
SAA VI 319
672
671
670+670+670
670
669
669
668
668
667
667
666
665
Slave
Slave family (no adult men)
Slave
Slave Family
Slave
Slave woman
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave Family
CHART II
Orderin2 bv Dates. I
Details
Price
27 people
20MAg
adult
1112MAK
prof.name given
1112~Ag
adult
1 112M Ag
30MCu
bo~
"4~eople(F,B,M,D)"
3MAg
2 people
IMAg
6112M Ag
13~eople
20 people
10MAg
adult
IMAg
"7 people (F, 2M, 2S,2D)" 3MAg
adult
2MAg
"M,D, Wom=3"
2MAg
adult
112M Ag
30 Sh Ag
bo~
"3 people:F,D,S"
30 ShAg
Notes and specifications Pricel x @ unit
M = Karkemish
0.75
1.5
1.5
M =king
M = Karkemish
1.5
30
M=merchant
0.75
0.5
M = Karkemish
0.5
0.5
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
1
0.43
M = Karkemish
2
0.67
M = Karkemish
0.5
0.5
mustbeM=60
"if M=30, then @=
0.33
Currency
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg_
MCu
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
10/30"
adult
adult
"51 people (F,3S,ID)"
prof. name given
adult
prof. name given
"3 _people=F,M,D"
"2people (man, mother)"
adult
adult
3 spans height
"5~eople(=F,M,D1,2 S)"
"2 people (man, worn.)"
20 Sh Ag
't).
2MAg
112M Ag
2M 10 ShAg
1 112M Ag
50 ShAg
IMAg
2MAg
1 112M Ag
112M Ag
112M Ag
9ShAg
3MAg
IMAg
6* (2)
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
"if M=30 I M=60, then" "0,43/0,47"
MAg
M=king
1.5
MAg
mustbeM =60
0.83
MAg
M = Karkemish
1
MAg
0.67
M = Karkemish
MAg
0.75
M =king
MAg
M = Karkemish
0.5
0.5
MAg
M=king
"if M =30 Sh, then"
0.3
MAg
MAg
0.6
M = Karkemish
~--~-- J.1 Ag ____
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
M = Karkemish
-
~-------.--~--~~
0.67
1
0.5
----
I
CHART II
-
------~D
---:L -
-~
--7 -
-----7 -
- - - - - _.1.-:- - -
Text
SAA VI 346
SAA VI 347
SAA VI 343
NALK 146
NATAPA29
NATAPA55
Date
660+660+660+659
657
657
Item
Slave
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family (no men)
Slave woman
Slave woman
Details
adult
adult
5 people
"2 people=M,D"
3 spans height
age(?)
Price
IMAg
IMAg
5MAg
1 M 8 ShAg
10ShAg
10 Sh Ag
NALK407
NATAPA39
TIM XII
NATAPA 109
NALK294
NATAPA 129
NALK 104
NALK220
NATAPA 103
NATAPA 76
TIM XI 15
NALK 130
NALK219
NALK222
650+<648?
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
Slave woman
Slave woman
Estate
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family (no adult men)
Slave Family (no women)
adult
adult
20H
adult
adult
adult
adult
prof.name given
adult
adult
3 spans height
"F,M,D=3 people"
"M,2S"
"F,B"
112M 5 ShAg
[1/2 M] 5 Sh Ag
112M Ag
3MAg
2M 10ShAg
1112M Ag
1 M 7 ShAg
IMAg
[1/2] M 4 Sh Ag
37 Sh Ag
10 Sh Ag
IMAg
112M Ag
1 M 30ShAg
TIMXI2
NATAPA34
TFS48
NALK 136
NATAPA61
TIM XI 3
NATAPA 124
NALK 131
NALK214
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
Slave Group
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
12 people
3peoQle
adult
10M A!5
1 M 5 ShAg
1112M 4 ShAg
1112M Ag
1112M Ag
50 Sh Ag
112M 8 ShAg
112M 4 Sh Ag
18 Sh J\g
adult
adult
adult
3 spans height
"d. of seller, in marriaze"
7* (3)
------
Notes and specifications
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H
barley"
"if M=60, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
M = Karkemish
M =[ Karkemish] ?
"if M =30 Sh, then"
M = Karkemish
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"if M =60 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
M =[ Karkemish] ?
M = Karkemish
(M=60?!)
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
M = Karkemish
"if M =60 Sh, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
Price! x
@
unit Currency
1
1
1
1.26
0.33
0.33
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
0.58
"0,6610,58"
0.5
3
2.33
1.5
1.23
1
"0,63/0,56"
0.61
0.33
0.33
0.16
0.75
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
0.83
"0,3810,36"
"1,6311,56"
1.5
1.5
0.83
"0,76/0,63"
0.63
0.6
MAg
MAg
MAg.
MAg.
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
Text
NALK217
TFS33
NALK 120
NALK 124
NALK 129
NALK 133
NATAPA41
Date
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
Item
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
TFS 36
TFS 51
NATAPA43
<648
<648
<648
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
GPA 219
NALK1
NALK 100
NALK92
<648
<648
?
?
Slave woman
Slave woman
"Estate, bareNound, gard."
"Estate,thr.fioor"
TFS50
NALK26
NALK 116
NALK98
NATAPA 77
NALK 113
NATAPA 78
NALK332
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave woman
TIM XI 14
TFS47
?
?
Slave woman
Slave woman
CHART II
Orderinf! bv Dates. Items. Prices Der unit
Notes and s~cifications
Details
Price
35 Sh Ag
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
"if M =60 Sh, then"
adult
35 Sh Ag
for marriage
112M Ag
"d. of seller, in marriage"
112M Ag
112M Ag
112M Ag
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H
adult
112M Ag
barley"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
10 Sh Ag
D of seller
"if M =30 Sh, then"
10 Sh Ag
D of seller (?)
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H
D of seller
10 Sh Ag
barley"
4 spans height
5ShAg
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
4 spans
2112 Sh Ag
32 ShAg
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
30ShAg
M= 1/2 M Ag ;i.e. M =
?H
"tl30
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
adult
1 M 5 Sh Ag
boy (4 spans)
1MAg
IMAg
adult
M =[ Karkemish]
"if M =30 Sh, then"
16 Sh Ag
son of seller
30 Sh Ag
"if M =60 Sh, then"
adult
5 people
50MCu
M=[x x]
[1] 1/2 M 4 Sh Ag "if M=30 I M=60, then"
"2 people =M,D"
adult
112M Ag
M = Karkemish
(M=60?!)
112M Ag
D of seller
S of sellers
10 Sh Ag
"M =king (if M=30,
then-»"
8* (4)
Price! x @ unit Currency
MAh
0.58
MAg
0.58
MAg
0.5
MAg
0.5
MAg
0.5
MAg
0.5
0.5
MAg
0.33
0.33
0.33
MAg
MAg
MAg
0.17
0.08
1.06
1
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
"1,1611,08"
1
1
0.53
0.5
10
0.81/0.78
0.5
MAg
MAK
MAK
MAK
MAg
MCu
MAg
MAg
0.5
0.33
MAg
MAg
I
I
Text
SAA VI7
SAA VI3
SAA VI 151
SAA VI 289
GPA9
GPA4
SAA VI 56
SAA VI6
GPA2
SAA VI2
NALK 113
GPA3
NATAPA 109
NALK294
SAA VI 103
SAA VI 274
SAA VI 55
SAA VI 219
SAA VI 301
NATAPA 129
SAA VI 197
NALK 136
NATAPA61
NALK 146
NALK 104
TFS50
NATAPA39
NALK 100
NALK92
SAA VI 257
SAA VI 305
SAA VI 346
SAA VI 347
NALK220
NALK26
Date
740-710+740-710+687
670
750<
769
680+713
817/808
737
7
791
<648
<648
694
676
680+680+670
<648
681
<648
<648
659
<648
7
<6487
7
7
680
669
660+660+<648
7
Item
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave
Slave GrouI:>
Slave woman
Slave
Slave Family
Slave
Slave group
Slave Family
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family (no men)
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
"Estate, bare ground, gard. "
"Estate,thr.floor"
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
--
-
CHART III
Orderin2 bv Price Der Unit and C
Details
Price
l00MCu
2Hb
adult
1 Tal Cu
adult
50MCu
"3 men, 1 woman"
150M Cu
D of seller
36MCu
boy
30MCu
"F,M,S,4D"
180MCu
adult
20MBr
5 men
74MCu
5 people
50MCu
brother of seller
8MCu
adult
3MAg
adult
2M 10ShAg
son of seller
2MAg
adult
2MAg
prof. name given
1112 M Ag
adult
1 112 MAg
prof. name given
1 112M Ag
adult
1112 M Ag
adult
1112 M Ag
1112MAg
adult
I 112 M Ag
"2 people=M,D"
1 M 8 ShAg
adult
1 M 7 ShAg
adult
1 M 5 ShAg
adult
[112 M] 5 Sh Ag
32 ShAg
7H
30Sh Ag
adult
IMAg
prof.name given
IMAg
adult
IMAg
IMAg
adult
prof.name given
IMAg
IM)\g
b9Yf4sp~s)
----
-
----
9* (1)
-
-
Notes and specifications
PrJx
2 Hb=80MCu
"if M=60, then"
100
80
60
@
unit
~urrency
MCu
MCu
MCu
I
I
I
perh.90+30+20+4x 10
@man=74/5
M=[x xl
M =[ Karkemish] 7
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M =king
M = Karkemish
M =king
M = Karkemish
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M=30 1 M=60, then"
"if M=30 1 M=60, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
M= 1/2 M Ag;i.e. M = 30
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
--
-
----
..
-.---~------
-
37.5
36
30
25.7
20
14
10
8
3
2.33
2
2
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.26
1.23
"1,1611,08"
"0,6610,58"
1.06
1
1
1
1
1
1
_1~ _____
MCu
MCu
MCu
MCu
MBr
MCu
MCu
MCu
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg.
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
M_~ __
,
I
!
I
I
I
I
CHARTllI
-
Text
NALK 116
SAA VI 34
SAA VI 138
SAA VI 343
SAA VI 284
SAA VI 45
TIMXI2
SAA VI 286
TIM XI 3
NATAPA 78
NATAPA 124
SAA VI 96
NALK295
SAA VI 89
NALK222
SAA VI91
SAA VI 244
NALK 149
SAA VI 250
NATAPA 103
NALK 131
NATAPA 76
SAA VI 177
SAA VI 312
NALK214
NALK407
NALK217
TFS 33
SAA VI 109
SAA VI 118
NALK98
SAA VI 127
SAA VI 227
SAA VI 246
NALK6
NATAPA 77
Date
?
709
693
660+671
682
<648
670
<648
?
<648
680+668
686
<648
681
672
669
675+<648
<648
<648
684
666
<648
650+<648
<648
683
698
?
697
675
670+667
?
Item
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave family (no adult men)
Slave woman
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave Family (E2 n ZI.MES)
Slave Family (no women)
Slave Group withJ~roperty
Slave
Slave Family
Slave family (no men)
Slave
Slave woman
Slave
Slave FamilY
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Group
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
-----'- -
-
---- y--
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - _ .. _",
Details
adult
"F,M,S"
Price
IMAg
3MAg
3MAg
3Qeo~le
5MAg
5 peo~le
2MAg
IMAg
12 people
lOMAg
adult
50 Sh Ag
adult
50 Sh Ag
"2 people =M,D"
[1] 112 M 4 Sh Ag
adult
1/2 M 8 Sh Ag
"4 people(F,B,M,D)"
3MAg
"2 people (man, mother)"
1 112 M All.
"3 people (F,M,D)?"
4MAg
"F,B"
1 M 30 Sh Ag
27 people
20MAg
adult
20 Sh All.
"3 people=F,M,D"
2MAg_
"M,D, Wom=3"
2MAg
adult
[1I2J M 4 Sh Ag
3 spans height
1/2 M 4 Sh Ag
adult
37 Sh All.
"10 people (F,3S,W,2D;B,2S)" 6MAg
"5 people(=F,M,D?,2 S)"
3MAg
"d. of seller, in marriage"
18 Sh Ag
adult
112M 5 ShAg
35 Sh Ag
adult
35 Sh Ag
3people
50 Sh Ag
adult
32 Sh Ag
son of seller
16 Sh A~
adult
30 ShAg
30 ShAg
bo~
adult
1I2MAg
adult
112M All.
adult
30ShA~
10* (2)
Notes and ~ecifications
M =[ Karkemish]
M = Karkemish
M=king
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
must be M =60
"if M =60 Sh, then"
"if M=30 1 M=60, then"
"if M=30 1 M=60, then"
M=merchant
M=king
M = Karkemish (M=60?!)
M = Karkemish
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
"if M=30 1 M=60, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M=60, then"
"if M =60 Sh, then"
"if M =60 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"if M=60, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
mustbeM=60
mustbeM=60
M=kinA
"if M =60 Sh, then"
Pr.l x
@
unit
1
1
1
1
1
1
0.83
0.83
0.83
0.8110.78
"0,76/0,63"
0.75
0.75
0.75
0.75
0.75
0.67
0.67
0.67
"0,63/0,56"
0.63
0.61
0.6
0.6
0.6
0.58
0.58
0.58
0.56
0.53
0.53
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
urrency
MA.E_
MAA
MA.E
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
M A-.&
MA-.&
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAZ
MAh
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAZ
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAA
CHART III
bv Price oer Unit
and CPrice
Details
"2 people (F,M)"
IMAg
2 people
IMAg
IMAg
"2~oQle (man, worn.)"
81/2M Ag
17 Qeople
13 people
6112M Ag
20 people
10MAg
5 spans' height
112M Ag
adult
112M Ag
adult
112M Ag
for marriage
112M Ag
"d. of seller, in marriage"
112M Ag
112M Ag
112M Ag
adult
112M Ag
adult
112M AA
112M Ag
D of seller
"7 people (F, 2M, 2S,2D)"
3MAg
8MAg
20J~~ople
3 people
1 M 5 ShAg
lOSh Ag
3 sQans hei-.&ht
"3 Qeople:F,D,S"
30Sh Ag
"F,M,D=3people"
1MAg
3 sQans height
10 Sh Ag
age(?)
10Sh AR
lOSh Ag
D of seller
D of seller (?)
10 Sh Ai,
10 Sh Ag
D of seller
10 Sh Ag
S of sellers
"7 people (F,M, GM,2B,2Sis)" 2MAg
9 ShAg
3 spans height
9 ShAg
5 ShAg
4 s.Qans height
"M,2S"
112M Ag
2112 Sh Ag
4 spans
-
Text
SAA VI 85
SAA VI 53
SAA VI 319
SAA VI 130
SAA VI 52
SAA VI 57
SAA VI 88
SAA VI 228
NALK402
NALK 120
NALK 124
NALK 129
NALK 133
NATAPA41
NALK332
TIM XI 14
SAA VI III
SAA VI 86
NATAPA34
TIM XI 15
SAA VI 229
NALK 130
NATAPA29
NATAPA55
TFS36
TFS 51
NATAPA43
TFS47
SAA VI 110
SAA VI 98
NALK400
GPA219
NALK219
NALKI
Date
692
680+665
696
680+680+687
675+668
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
?
?
680
690+<648
<648
675
<648
657
657
<648
<648
<648
?
681
682
667
<648
<648
<648
Item
Slaves
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave Group
Slave Group
Slave Group
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave Group
Slave Group
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave Family (no adult men)
Slave woman
-
-
-
-
-
11 * (3)
Notes and specifications
M =king
M = Karkemish
PrJx
@
unit
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
M = Karkemish
0.5
0.5
0.5
M = Karkemish
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
"in year 1 Sh::O,1 H barley" 0.5
0.5
M = Karkemish (M=60?!)
0.5
0.43
0.4
"0,38/0,36"
"ifM=30 I M=60, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
0.33
"ifM=30, then @= 10/30" 0.33
0.33
"if M =30 Sh, then"
0.33
"in year 1 Sh::O,l H barley" 0.33
0.33
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
0.33
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H barley" 0.33
"M=king (ifM=30, then-»"
0.33
0.3
M = Karkemish
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
0.3
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
0.3
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
0.17
0.16
M =[ Karkemish] ?
"if M =30 Sh, then"
0.08
~urrency
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg.
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAZ
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
_1
I
I
I
I
Text
Date
Item
SAA VI7
740-71O+- Slave
SAA VI3
740-710+- Slave
SAA VI 289
670
Slave
SAA VI56
680+Slave
GPA2
817/808
Slave
GPA3
791
Slave
NATAPA 109 <648
Slave
NALK294
Slave
<648
SAA VI 103
694
Slave
SAA VI 274
676
Slave
SAA VI 55
Slave
680+SAA VI 219
Slave
680+SAA VI 301
670
Slave
NATAPA 129 <648
Slave
NALK 104
Slave
<648
TFS50
?
Slave
SAA VI 257
Slave
680
SAA VI 305
Slave
669
SAA VI 346
660+Slave
xSAA VI 347
Slave
660+NALK220
Slave
<648
NALK26
?
Slave
NALK 116
?
Slave
SAA VI 244
672
Slave
NATAPA 103 <648
Slave
NATAPA 76
Slave
<648
SAA VI 118
698
Slave
NALK98
?
Slave
SAA VI 127
697
Slave
SAA VI 227
675
Slave
SAA VI 246
670+Slave
NALK6
667
Slave
NATAPA 77
?
Slave
TIM XI 15
Slave
<648
CHART IV
Prices of Male Slaves
Price
Notes and s~cifications
Details
100M Cu
2Hb
2 H b=80M Cu
50MCu
adult
boy
30MCu
20MBr
adult
brother of seller 8MCu
adult
3MAg
M =[ Karkemish] ?
2M 10ShAg
adult
son of seller
2MAg
M = Karkemish
adult
2MAg
M = Karkemish
.prof.name given 1112 MAg
M =king
adult
11/2M Ag
M = Karkemish
prof.name given 11/2 MAg
M =king
11/2M Ag
adult
1 M 7 ShAg
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
adult
1 M 5 ShAg
adult
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
IMAg
adult
M = Karkemish
.prof.namegiven IMAg
M = Karkemish
adult
IMAg
M = Karkemish
IMAg
adult
M = KarRemish
prof.name given IMAg
M = Karkemish
boy (4 sp_ans)
IMAg
adult
M =[ Karkemish]
IMAg
adult
20Sh Ag
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
adult
[1/2J M 4 Sh AE. "if M=30 I M=60, then"
adult
37 Sh Ag
"if M =60 Sh, then"
adult
32 Sh Ag
"ifM=60, then"
son of seller
16 Sh Ag
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
adult
30 Sh Ag
mustbeM =60
boy
30 ShAg
mustbeM =60
112M Ag
adult
adult
112M Ag
M =king
adult
30ShAg
"if M =60 Sh, then"
10 Sh Ag
3 spans height
"if M =30 Sh, then"
12*
Price! x
100
80
@
unit
30
20
8
3
2.33
2
2
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.23
"1,1611,08"
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0.67
"0,63/0,56"
0.61
0.53
0.53
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.33
Currency
MCu
MCu
MCu
MBr
MCu
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAA
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAA
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MA..&.
MAg
.
I
I
Text
SAA VI 151
GPA4
SAA VI 197
NALK 136
NATAPA61
NATAPA39
SAA VI 45
SAA VI 286
TIM XI 3
NATAPA 124
NALK 131
NALK214
NALK407
NALK217
TFS33
SAA VI 88
SAA VI 228
NALK402
NALK 120
NALK 124
NALK 129
NALK l33
NATAPA41
NALK332
TIM XI 14
NATAPA29
NATAPA55
TFS36
TFS 51
NATAPA43
TFS47
SAA VI 98
NALK400
GPA 219
NALKI
Date
687
769
681
<648
<648
<648?
682
670
<648
<648
<648
<648
650+<648
<648
687
675+668
<648
<648
<648
<648
<648
?
?
657
657
<648
<648
<648
?
682
667
<648
<648
Item
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
CHART V
Price of Female Slaves
Details
Price
adult
1 Tal Cu
o of seller
36MCu
adult
1 112 M Ag
1112M Ag
...
adult
1112M Ag
[112 M] 5 Sh Ag
adult
IMAg
adult
50ShAg
adult
50 Sh Ag
adult
112M 8 ShAg
112 M 4 Sh Ag
3 spans he!ght
"d. of seller, in marriage" 18 Sh Ag
adult
112M 5 ShAg
35 Sh Ag
adult
35 ShAg
5 spans' height
112M Ag
112M Ag
adult
adult
112M Ag
for marriage
112M Ag
"d. of seller, in marriage" 112M Ag
112M Ag
112M Ag
112M Ag
adult
adult
1I2MAg
D of seller
112M Ag
3 spans height
10 ShAg
age(?)
10Sh Ag
10 Sh Ag
D of seller
D of seller (?)
10Sh Ag
10 Sh Ag
D of seller
S of sellers
10ShAg
9ShAg
3 spans height
9 ShAg
4 spans height
5 ShAf!.
4 spans
2112 ShAg
13*
Notes and specifications
"if M=60, then"
M = Karkernish
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
M = Karkernish
mustbeM =60
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM=60, then"
"if M =60 Sh, then"
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
M =Karkemish
(1-.
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H barley"
M = Karkemish (M=60?!)
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H barley"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"in year 1 Sh::O,1 H barley"
"M =king (if M=30, then-»"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
Price! x
60
36
1.5
1.5
1.5
@
unit
"0,66/0,58"
1
0.83
0.83
"0,76/0,63"
0.63
0.6
0.58
0.58
0.58
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.3
0.3
0.17
0.08
Currency
MCu
MCu
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAh
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
Text
NATAPA 109
NALK294
SAA VI 274
SAA VI 55
SAA VI 219
SAA VI 301
NATAPA 129
SAA VI 197
NATAPA61
NALK 104
TFS50
NATAPA39
SAA VI 257
SAA VI 305
SAA VI 346
SAA VI 347
NALK220
NALK 116
SAA VI 286
TIM XI 3
NATAPA 124
SAA VI 244
NATAPA 103
NATAPA 76
NALK407
TFS 33
SAA VI 118
SAA VI 127
SAA VI 246
NALK 6
NATAPA 77
SAA VI 228
NALK402
NATAPA41
NALK332
Date
<648
<648
676
680+680+670
<648
681
<648
<648
1
<6481
680
669
660+660+<648
1
670
<648
<648
672
<648
<648
650+<648
698
697
670+667
1
675+668
<648
1
Item
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
CHART VI
Prices of individual adult slaves, in silver
Details
Price
Notes and specifications
M =[ Karkemish] 1
adult
3MAK
adult
2M lOShAK
M = Karkemish
adult
2MA~
prof. name given 1112M Ag
M =king
M k Karkemish
1112M Ag
adult
prof.name given 1112M Ag
M =king
1112M Ag
adult
11/2M Ag
adult
11/2M Ag
M = Karkemish
adult
adult
1 M7 ShAg
"if M =30 Sh, then"
adult
1 M 5 ShAg
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
[1/2 M] 5 Sh Ag "if M=30 I M=60, then"
adult
adult
1MAg
M = Karkemish
prof. name given 1MAg
M = Karkemish
1MAg
M = Karkemish
adult
1MAg
adult
M = Karkemish
prof.namegiven 1MAg_
M = Karkemish
M =[ Karkemish]
adult
1MA~
50 Sh Ag
mustbeM =60
adult
50 Sh Ag
"if M =60 Sh, then"
adult
112M 8 ShAg
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
adult
adult
20 Sh Ag
"if M =30 Sh, then"
[1/2] M 4 Sh Ag "if M=30 I M=60, then"
adult
"if M =60 Sh, then"
adult
37 Sh Ag
112M 5 ShAg
"ifM=6O, then"
adult
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
adult
35 Sh Ag
32Sh Ag
"ifM=6O, then"
adult
30 Sh Ag
adult
mustbeM=60
112M Ag
adult
112M Ag
adult
M=king
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
adult
30 Sh Ag
112M Ag
adult
adult
112M Ag
M = Karkemish
"inyear 1 Sh=O,l H barley"
adult
112M Ag
adult
112M Ag
M = Karkemish (M=601!)
14*
Price/ x
3
2.33
2
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.5
1.23
@
unit
"1,16/1,08"
"0,66/0,58"
1
1
1
1
1
1
0.83
0.83
"0,76/0,63"
0.67
"0,63/0,56"
0.61
0.58
0.58
0.53
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
Currency
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAK
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAA
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
MAg
I
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAK
MAg
MAg
MAA
MAg
I
Text
SAA VI 176
TFS47
NALK71
SAA VI 42
GPA30
NALK 10
SAA VI 142
SAA VI 55
SAA VI 301
SAA VI 138
NALK295
SAA VI 85
NALK6
NALK222
NALK332
SAA VI 311
SAA VI 275
SAA VI 335
SAA VI 119
SAA VI 103
SAA VI 274
SAA VI 219
NATAPA61
SAA VI 34
SAA VI 45
Date
680+?
?
692
740+?
692
680+670
693
668
692
667
<648
?
666
675
660+699
694
676
680+<648
709
682
Item
Estates
Slave woman
BuildinJ;!; plot
"House, complete"
"Estate, thr.fl., orchard"
"House, complete"
"House, complete"
Slave
Slave
Slave Family
Slave Family
Slaves
Slave
Slave Family (no women)
Slave woman
"House, complete"
Estates (various measures)
"Estate+house+thr.fl,etc. "
"Estate+house+thr.fl,etc. "
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave woman
Slave Family
Slave woman
Chart VII
Varieties of the mina
Price
Details
5 + n H (fraJ;!;m.)
20MCu
10Sh Ag
S of sellers
5 112M Ag
3MAg
"H=40, in town"
2MAg
12MAg
IMAg
prof.name given
1112M Ag
II/2M Ag
prof.name given
3MAg
3 people
"2 people (man, mother)"
11/2MAg
"2 people (F,M)"
IMAg
112M Ag
adult
1 M 30 ShAgr.
"F,B"
112M Ag
adult
4MAg
in town
31/2M Ag
ca.40H
"50 H, 2 orchards"
10MAg
IMAg
"5,2 H + rest"
2MAg
son of seller
2MAg
adult
adult
II/2M Ag
adult
11/2 MAg
"F,M,S"
3MAg
IMAg
15* (1)
Notes and specifications
M=landlmountain
"M =king (if M=30, then-»"
M=king
M=king
M=king
M=king
M=king
M =king
M=king
M =king
M =king
M =king
M =king
M = Karkemish (M=60?!)
M = Karkemish (M=60?!)
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
Price! x @ unit
20MCu
0.33
5112MAg
3MAg
2MAg
12MAg
IMAg
1.5
1.5
1
0.75
0.5
0.5
0.75
0.5
4MAg
3 1/2M Ag
lOMAg
IMAg
2
2
1.5
1.5
1
1
Currency
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MA~
MA~
MAg
MA~
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
Text
SAA VI 257
SAA VI 284
SAA VI 305
SAA VI 346
SAA VI 347
SAA VI 343
NALK220
SAA VI91
SAA VI 250
NALK 149
SAA VI 177
SAA VI 312
SAA VI 53
SAA VI 57
NALK402
TIM XI 1
SAA VI 110
NATAPA 109
NALK219
NALK 116
NALK92
NALK 113
NATAPA41
NATAPA55
NATAPA43
NATAPA 73
Date
Item
680
Slave
671
Slave family (no adult men)
669
Slave
660+- Slave
660+- Slave
660+- Slave Family
<648
Slave
681
Slave Group with property
675+- Slave family (no men)
669
Slave Family
684
Slave Family
666
Slave Family
680+- Slave Family
680+- Slave Group
668
Slave woman
<648
Estate
681
Slave Family
<648
Slave
<648
Slave Family (no adult men)
?
Slave
?
"Estate,thr.fioor"
?
Slave Family
<648
Slave woman
657
Slave woman
<648
Slave woman
698
"House, complete"
Chart VII
Varieties of the mina
Details
Price ..
adult
1MAg
2MAg
1MAg
prof.name given
adult
1MAg
adult
1MAg
5 people
5MAg
prof. name given
1MAg
27 people
20MAg
"M,D, Wom-3"
2MAg
"3 people-F,M,D"
2MAg
"10 people (F,3S,W,2D;B,2S)" 6MAg
"5 people(-F,M,D?,2 S)"
3MAg
2 people
1MAg
20 people
10MAg
adult
112M Ag
20H
112M Ag
"7 people (F,M, GM,2B,2Sis)" 2MAg
adult
3MAg
"M,2S"
112M Ag
1MAg
adult
?H
30 Sh Ag
5 people
50MCu
adult
112M Ag
agee?)
10Sh Ag
D of seller
10 Sh Ag
many fixtures
1100 (M?) Cu
16* (1)
lj.
Notes and specifications
M = Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M = Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M - Karkemish
M -[ Karkemish] ?
M -[ Karkemish] ?
M -[ Karkemish]
M= 112 M Ag ;i.e. M 30
M=[xx]
"in year 1 Sh=O,l H barley"
"in year 1 Sh=O,l H barley"
"in year 1 Sh=O,l H barley"
"in year 1 M Cu=O,2 H barley"
=
Price! x @ unit
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0.75
0.67
0.67
0.6
0.6
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.3
3
0.16
1
1
10
0.5
0.33
0.33
1100 (M?) Cu
Currency
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
j•
MAg
J
]
MAg
]
MAg
MAg
1
MAg
1
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
1
MAg
MAg
1
MAg
1
MAg
MCu
MAg
MAg
MAg
I
CHARTVllI
Intemlav between the Shekel
Details
Price
adult
1 M5 ShAg
adult
[1/2 M] 5 Sh Ag
"2 peOple -M,D"
[1] 112 M 4 Sh Ag
adult
112 M 8 ShAg
adult
[112] M 4 Sh Ag
"5? people (F,3S,ID)"
2M 10 ShAg
3 people
1 M5 ShAg
adult
2M 10ShAg
"2 people=M,D"
1 M 8ShAg
adult
1 M7 ShAg
32 Sh Ag
?H
30Sh Ag
adult
50ShAg
adult
50 ShAg
"F,B"
1 M 30 ShAg
20Sh Ag
adult
3 spans height
1I2M4ShAg
adult
37 Sh Ag
"d. of seller, in marriage" 18 Sh Ag
35 Sh Ag
adult
35 Sh Ag
·111;
Text
TFS50
NATAPA39
NATAPA 78
NATAPA 124
NATAPA 103
NALK 179
NATAPA 34
NALK294
NALK 146
NALK 104
NALK 100
NALK92
TIM XI 3
SAA VI 286
NALK222
SAA VI 244
NALK 131
NATAPA 76
NALK214
NALK217
ITFS 33
Date
Item
?
Slave
<648? Slave woman
?
Slave Familv
<648
Slave woman
<648
Slave
670+Slave Family
<648
Slave Group
<648
Slave
659
Slave Familv (no men)
<648
Slave
?
"Estate, bare 2I'ound, gard. "
?
"Estate,thr.floor"
<648
Slave woman
670
Slave woman
<648
Slave Family (no women)
672
Slave
<648
Slave woman
<648
Slave
<648
Slave woman
<648
Slave woman
<648
Slave woman
17* (1)
Notes and specifications
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"if M=30 1 M=60, then"
"if M=30 1M=60, then"
"if M=30 1M=60, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
"if M=30 I M=60, then"
>
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
M= 112 M Ag ;i.e. M = 30
"if M =60 Sh, then"
mustbeM =60
M - Karkemish (M=60?!)
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
"if M =60 Sh, then"
Price! x @ unit
"1,1611,08"
"0,66/0,58"
0.8110.78
"0,7610,63"
"0,63/0,56"
"0,43/0,47"
"0,3810,36"
2.33
1.26
1.23
1.06
1
0.83
. 0.83
0.75
0.67
0.63
0.61
0.6
0.58
0.58
Currency
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAh
MAg
Text
NALK407
SAA VI 109
SAA VI 118
NALK98
SAA VI 127
SAA VI 227
NATAPA 77
TIM XI 15
SAA VI 229
TFS36
NATAPA29
TFS 51
NATAPA55
NATAPA43
TFS47
SAA VI 98
NALK400
GPA 219
NALK 1
Date
650+683
698
?
697
675
?
<648
675
<648
657
<648
657
<648
?
682
667
<648
<648
Item
Slave woman
Slave Group
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave
Slave Family
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
Slave woman
-~-
--
CHART VIII
The Interolav between the Shekel
Details
Price
adult
112M 5 ShAg
3 people
50 ShAg
adult
32 ShAg
son of seller
16 Sh Ag
adult
30ShAg
boy
30 Sh Ag
adult
30Sh Ag
3 spans height
10 Sh Ag
"3 people:F,D,S"
30 ShAg
D of seller
10 Sh Ag
3 spans height
10 Sh Ag
D of seller (?)
10 Sh Ag
;_
agee?)
10 Sh Ag
D of seller
10ShAK
S of sellers
10 Sh A~
9 ShAg
3 ~ans height
9 ShAg
4 ~ans height
5 ShAg
))12ShAg
__
'1 ~ans
--
18* (2)
Notes and s~ecifications
"ifM=60, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"ifM=60, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
mustbeM =60
mustbeM =60
"ifM =60 Sh, then"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M=30, then @= 10/30"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"in year 1 Sh=O,1 H barley"
"in year 1 Sh=O,l H barley"
"M =king (ifM=30, then-»"
"ifM =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
"if M =30 Sh, then"
)f1vt==30 $ I:!. !hen"
Price! x @ unit
0.58
0.56
0.53
0.53
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.33
0.3
0.3
0.17
0.08
Currency
MAg
MAg
MAE
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg
MAg