GSTF Journal on Media & Communications (JMC) Vol.2 No.1, December 2014
Media Conglomeration and Political Intervention
In 2014-General Election of Indonesia
Masduki
Abstract- The role of media in Indonesia’s current
political system is always an interesting study. Media
conglomeration and political intervention done by their owners
are crucial issues in the mid of freedom of the press system. The
2014-Indonesian general election is perceived by academics as the
dynamic election in Indonesian history, and media play
significantly in shaping political participation as well as the
success of the political leader’s candidacy. This paper will explore
the Indonesian media content performance in 2014-General
Election, tendency of political intervention from mass media
owners to newsroom that limits editorial independence. This
paper is based on my research conducted in cooperation between
Yogyakarta Media Watch Society and Indonesian Press Council.
Jawa Pos, and the most popular weekly news magazine,
Tempo. Since 2006 up to 2014, there has been a significant
increase in Jakarta-based newspapers which are owned by the
prominent businessmen or political leaders.
According to Lim, some of the groups also take
control over digital pay-TV services and media related
businesses, such as telecommunications, information
technology, content production and distribution. Media
corporations, too, have expanded their businesses into
non‐media sectors and, thus, given their owners stronger
economic and political control. This paper attempts to describe
media conglomeration and the problems in its contents which
occur when media are used by the owners for practical
politics, based on field research.
Keywords- Conglomeration, Independence, Intervention,
General Election
Media Owners Go Politicians
What happens if media owners join as presidential
contestants? Will media remain independent? This question is
raised in public when many media owners in Indonesia
become the leaders of political parties. They are chairman of
National Democratic Party, Surya Paloh with Media Indonesia
Group (Metro TV, Media Indonesia, Tabloid Prioritas);
chairman of Golkar Party Aburizal Bakrie with Vivanews
Group (TVOne, ANTV, Vivanews.com); and chairman of
HANURA Party Hari Tanoesoedibjo with his MNC Group
(RCTI, Global TV, MNC TV, Sindo Network). Basically, media
independence in general election is a must. If media are not
independent during the election, what will be the cost of it? Of
course, the truth and the public will be disadvantaged. Is,
according to Bill Kovach, media’s loyalty only to the public
and truth? (Kovack, 2006).
The case of leaked footage of cooperation between
one national private television group and a political party for
political image building on the internet is an evidence of
broadcasting misuse as the media use public frequencies.
Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) investigated that
MNC media group broadcasted 11 news of Hanura party (the
party led by the media owner) in 2-15 April 2013. It means
that during the 14 days, only three days which were not used
for political advertisement by the Group. Another discovery
by KPI is TVOne broadcasted Aburizal Bakrie’s political
activities with more than ten news daily and 143 political
advertisements throughout April 2013 (Tempo, 2013).
A study conducted by Centre for Innovation Policy
and Governance (CIPG) Jakarta in 2012 confirmed that
conglomeration in national media groups had been used to
gain political advantage and business profit by the owners.
This study also revealed that two policies on national media
Introduction
The legislative and presidential elections in Indonesia
during 2013-2014 are considered by a lot of academics as the
most dynamic political event in the long political history of
Indonesia. Aside from high level of voters’ participation, mass
media was also an important factor in socializing, educating,
and influencing the political decision of the voters. According
to International Foundation for Electoral System (IFES)
report, more than 135 million voters from 33 provinces
participated in the election that marked as the best in
Indonesian’s history.
The problem is that, currently media industry in
Indonesia oligopolistic and owned by 13 large conglomerate
groups which are mostly politicians. Since the application of
liberal economic system of Indonesia by 1998, the acquisition
of local and national media operating as small-scale business
enterprises by big businessmen from different sectors of the
economy has made them part of the groups. Merlyna Lim in
her research entitled: The League of Thirteen, Media
Concentration in Indonesia explores, the media landscape in
Indonesia is dominated by only 13 groups: the state (with
public status, namely RRI and TVRI) and 12 other
commercial entities. The 12 media groups have control over
100% of national commercial television shares (10 out of 10
stations). These groups also own five out of six newspapers
with the highest circulation, four out of the four most popular
online news media, with a majority of Jakarta‐flagship
entertainment radio networks, and a significant portion of the
major local television networks (Lim, 2012). In printed media
sector, Indonesia’s printed media market is mainly dominated
by two Indonesian-language daily newspapers Kompas and
DOI: 10.5176/2335-6618_2.1.24
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GSTF Journal on Media & Communications (JMC) Vol.2 No.1, December 2014
(Law 40/1999 on Press and Law 32/2002 on Broadcasting)
were ignored because they harmed media industry. CIPG
revealed that nearly all media channels in Indonesia were
owned by 12 large media groups. CIPG concluded that the
concentration of media ownership in Indonesia had turned the
public into consumers and commodity (Laksmi, 2012).
CIPG also noted that, media policies had failed to
regulate the media as an industry. Existing policies are
incapable of mitigating the excessively profit-driven logic of
the media. As such, policymakers and state officials have
failed to set an obvious restriction between monopoly and
oligopoly. The absence of a particular policy that
acknowledges the commercial aspects of media industry and
governs their activities is one of the enabling factors of their
rapid expansion. Although Broadcasting Law no. 32 inserts
limiting variables in the article 18 and prohibits cross
ownership, the lower Government Regulation fails to pick up
on the matter (Laksmi, 2012). This condition is then worsened
by the current shift of the media into convergence. Printed
media, radio, TV, and dotcom are combined into one
integrated service platform. As a result, new imaging spaces
for media owners’ various interests, particularly political,
expands.
There is a strong indication that the use of media for
personal branding of the owners who compete in politics has
reduced the independence of media editorial staffs.
Independent media refer to any form of media that is free from
the influence of the government or corporate interests. Media
now no longer uphold idealism as a mouthpiece of oppressed
communities but is a tool for the interests of political elites in
General Election 2014. Recently, Alliance of Independent
Journalist (AJI), one of the prominent journalist associations
of Indonesia, launched 2014-annual report that placed network
commercial televisions as ‘2014-enemy of the Indonesian
press freedom’ (AJI, 2014).
Another aim of this study is the creation of state regulations
that are able to enforce media independence in terms of
ownership, content, and journalist, particularly for General
Election.
The objects of this study were four national media
groups in Indonesia, namely Media Group ((Surya Paloh),
Vivanews Group (Aburizal Bakrie), CT Corp. (Chairul
Tanjung), and Jawa Pos Group (Dahlan Iskan). For the content
analysis, this research focused on political news and
advertisements, published during the preparation period of
General Election 2014. This research combined quantitative
and qualitative method. Quantitative approach was performed
for the content analysis on the media texts of the four media
groups to discover their partiality and independence
tendencies. Meanwhile, qualitative approach was performed
for the focus group discussion (FGD) to confirm, discuss, and
explore the findings of content analysis as well as to formulate
regulations in empowering media independence during the
election.
Moreover, this study leaned on the philosophical
assumption of critical paradigm, meaning that the media texts
and the production process, as the research objects, were
approached with the critical perspective. Based on the
paradigmatic foundation, this study had two basic
assumptions: First, political news in the media did not reflect
actual reality. The news publications were constructed by the
media producers which were influenced by various factors,
such as political, economic, and ideological affiliations of the
media owners, journalists’ ideology and beliefs, agenda setting
of media, power relations between actors involved in news
production, journalistic work routines, etc. Therefore, this
study analyzed the political news critically and performed
investigation on content performance of the news. Second, to
preserve the quality of this study, the researcher adopted
ethical commitment to media independence and impartiality
principles and used multi-level analysis.
To examine television media independence in terms of
content, quantitative content analysis was used. The television
samples were TVOne and Metro TV whose owners were
affiliated to certain parties and ran for presidents in General
Election 2014. Meanwhile, TransTV was taken as a sample in
which the owner did not significantly show affiliation to any
political party or presidential candidate.
The content
observation using a coding sheet was conducted on the stories
of the presidential candidates, legislative, political parties, and
implementation of 2014-Election broadcasted by three
national televisions on 4-10 November 2013.
To discover printed media independence, a sample was
taken from Rakyat Merdeka newspaper which is published in
Jakarta and under Jawa Post Group, and it was a
representation of the newspapers whose owners were not
directly affiliated to certain political parties or legislative
candidates. The newspaper which showed the owners’
affiliation to certain political parties/presidential candidacy
was Media Indonesia which belongs to the chairman of
National Democratic Party, Surya Paloh. The observed
political news included four election topics, namely
Methodology
The author and research team from Masyarakat Peduli
Media Yogyakarta with the support of Indonesian Press
Council conducted a research using media content analysis
method promoted by Asa Berger (Berger, 2000). The objects
were political news publications nearing General Election
2014 in four conglomeration media groups. The data resulted
from this research could be used as an input for the
improvement of media regulation in General Election.
The formulations of problems answered in the study
were: how is the media independence over their owners which
is affiliated to political parties and not affiliated to political
parties? What is the impact of media ownership by politicians
on the media contents and journalist practice? What kind of
regulation is required to guarantee media independence in
terms of ownership, contents and journalist’ professionalism?
They were elaborated from several aspects including
ownership, content, and journalist, between the media whose
owners were formally affiliated to certain political parties or
presidential/vice presidential candidacy and the media whose
owners were not affiliated in any parties and candidacy.
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GSTF Journal on Media & Communications (JMC) Vol.2 No.1, December 2014
presidential/vice presidential candidates, legislative, political
parties, and implementation of General Election 2014
published on 1-15 November 2013.
To analyze the journalist independence level, Focus
Group Discussion (FGD) was conducted by inviting
journalists from the studied media and other media which
were considered to be able to give input on independence
issue by revealing their perception, understanding, and
empirical experience while working on field to cover
preparation
of
Indonesian
2014-General
Election.
Additionally, to improve analysis, the field data findings were
combined with the result of documentation study on media
ownership and independence issues.
To address the type of regulation required to guarantee
media independence, media documentation study, secondary
data analysis and focus group discussion involving local
journalists in Central Java were performed. FGD participants
were selected from local journalist representations to reveal
the context of central-local relationship in editorial policy
making as well as the recommendation of applicative
regulations for local reporting strategies in the future.
(Lim, 2012)
A book
which plainly describes
global
conglomeration is Media Monopoly by Ben Bagdikian which
has been revised many times to keep the data on the
development of media ownership in the United States up to
date. Bagdikian noted that the number of media owners in
America in 1983 was 50 companies. However, 20 years later,
in 2003 to be precise, 50 media companies had been acquired
by five large companies which monopolized media industry in
America, i.e. AOL-Time Warner, Disney, Viacom, The News
Corporation, and Bertelsmann. The five media giants, plus
Vivendi and Sony Columbia, control major film studios in
America, nearly all American television networks, 80-85%
world music market, a large number of worldwide broadcast
satellites, book and magazine publications, commercial cable
television channels, etc. (Bagdikian, 2003). Theoretically,
according to James Lull, the powers of conglomerates who
own media industry come from the ownership of the media
itself (Lull, 1995).
What are the impacts of media conglomeration to
public? Obviously, these conglomerates make media a large
business to collect as many profits as possible within the work
areas. The implications of media conglomeration are not only
in business but also in politics. In the United States as well as
in Indonesia, lobbies of media giants to politicians are
effective, especially if their political opponent is the powerless
public. On this issue, Robert McChesney stated,”....it makes
the media giant’s particularly effective political lobbyists at
the national, regional, and global levels. The media giants
have had a heavy hand in drafting laws and regulations, and
the public tends to have little or no input.” (Chesney, 2011).
Media conglomeration also has very fundamental
influences in shaping news coverage. Coverage bias is also
evident in the loss of critical power of media in front of the
capital owners. Media tend to cover issues from the
perspective in line with the interests of the major media
holders, and to choose issues not opposed to the interests of
their holders (Haryanto, 2004). The clearest example is the
bias of capital owners’ interests in Murdoch’s support through
The Sun and The Times of London for Thatcher’s campaign in
1998 and support through New York Times for Reagan.
Another example is Norman Chandler’s offer for Los Angeles
Conglomeration and Media Independence
One of the latest phenomena in the global media
industry is media conglomeration in which a media group has
a rather large number of media companies, starting from
television,
radio,
newspaper,
online
media,
etc.
A conglomerate is understood as a large company composed
of smaller companies engaged in seemingly related or
unrelated businesses.
McChesney said, that media convergence and
consolidation are the order of the day (Chesney, 2011).
According to the 2013 Fortune 500 list, the Walt Disney
Company is the US’ largest media conglomerate in terms of
revenue, with News Corp, 21st Century Fox, Time
Warner, CBS Corporation, and Viacom completing the top
five. For Indonesia, the best example of media conglomerate is
Bakrie group. It is led by prominent businessman, Golkar
party chairman, and the former coordinating minister for
people’s welfare, Aburizal Bakrie. He owns two national
television channels: ANTV and TVOne (formerly Lativi) and
also has coal mining, plantation, oil, property, and
telecommunication interests.
In October 2008, Bakrie groups launched news
portal: VIVANews, through a holding company, PT. Visi
Media. Bakrie group also had interest in a local television
station, Arek TV, in Surabaya which started broadcasting in
August 2008, and also revived Surabaya Post daily newspaper
(Piper, 2009). Merlyna Lin of Arizona State University,
researcher explained in details about Indonesian media
concentration as follows:
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GSTF Journal on Media & Communications (JMC) Vol.2 No.1, December 2014
Times to be Nixon’s campaign media during his political
career.
In the case of huge mudflow disaster in May 2006 in
Sidoarjo, East Java, that involved Bakrie-owned company PT.
Lapindo Brantas Inc, Bakrie-owned media outlets had been
used to promote a positive image of the handling of the
mudflow disaster, with TVOne’s popular Negeri Impian
program in September 2009, featuring mudflow victims who
had recovered from the case.
Politically, media, in critical point of view, are
considered as an ideological battlefield of various groups and
classes in the society. Various ideological devices, as
discourse entities, are covered and strengthened by mass
media, given legitimacy, disseminated persuasively -often
conspicuously- to the public. In this process, ideas of certain
ideologies, including personal political orientation, will be
presented repeatedly until they get attention and significant
public reception, and their meanings are strengthened and
accepted.
However, in the ideological battles, media are not a
neutral means which displays various ideologies and groups as
they are. Instead, media are a subject with views, interests, and
ideological partiality. As Tony Bennett states, in the liberal
and free market press system, media are a social construction
agent which defines reality based on their interests (Bennet,
1982).
In most countries in the world, communication media
such as newspapers, television, and others tend to be owned
by members of upper class who are expected to run the media
for their own class’ interests. Furthermore, Janet Woollcott
and David Barrat emphasize the view of Marxist theorists that
the dominant ideologies will appear in media (Barrat, 1994).
Media tend to expose big political groups, to spread their
ideologies whilst controlling and marginalizing outside group’
discourses and political standpoint.
Shoemaker and Reese in their book: Mediating the
Message, state that theoretically there are five things which
influence media contents. Of those five things, two points
clearly shade media contents in Indonesia, i.e. journalists and
media owners. Three other things which influence media
contents are: (1) media routines, including news production
processes and mechanisms, (2) external factors of media,
including news sources, businesses, government, and media
environment (culture), and (3) ideology. This theory states that
business interests of media owners can be important factor in
formulating media contents. However, aside from business
interest, political interest of media owners is one of the basic
factors which determine media contents (Shoemaker, 1991).
Of journalist work, Indonesian media observer
Haryanto said that the pressures from ownership could lead to
journalists simply “telling lies to the public”. Journalists are
pressured only to look at one side of the story. Journalist on
field cannot count on people with heavy conflict of interests to
produce good journalism. In 2009, PhD student Hendrato
Darudoyo conducted a survey with 82 journalists on six major
newspaper publications. He found that 76% of journalists
surveyed stated that they had experienced owner’s
interference, and 71% said that decisions on the content might
be changed because of the owners influence, even if the owner
seldom attended the editorial meetings (Darudoyo, 2009).
Finally, the increasing concentration of media
ownership is a source of considerable, and warranted, concern
to media observers. The increasing homogenization of the
media as well as the growing number of powerful business
conglomerates that have entered the market since the postSoeharto era, have negative implications for media
independence and press freedom. Sadly, -according to Piper-,
the efforts of media owners to influence the editorial policy
which are, always a concern in any country, are already
evident (Piper, 2011). Until 2014, the prevailing media
regulations, such as Law 32/2002 and Law 40/1999 are still
relatively weak and, unable to solve the tendency of using
media and public space for the interests of media owners who
are active in politics.
How Indonesian government regulates this issue?
There are some existing regulations. Basically, Indonesian
Constitution 1945, article 28 F states that everyone has a right
to communicate and gets information to develop oneself and
one’s social environment. The article also mentions
everyone’s right to search, obtain, own, process, and store
information using available channels. In that context, the main
press’ role is its journalistic function to control the political
power. This ideal function plays a large part in the
democratization process in Indonesia, especially after the
collapse of the New Order.
What should be noted and adopted by media
practitioners is that working for media should be based on
newsroom independence, free of intervention and coercion
from anyone. This is formally contained in Law no. 32/2002,
but there is no detail explanation of how to implement it.
Furthermore, Code of Journalism Ethics or KEWI describes
independence principle as covering events or facts in
accordance with conscience, without intervention and coercion
from other parties, including owners of press companies.
Independence can be seen and should manifest not only on
cognitive level (opinion and attitudes), but also on operational
level (actions). Application of media independence principles
should normally be expressed at news contents and the
practice of reporting.
Political Intervention to Newsroom
Based on the data findings resulting from the content
analysis, FGD, and the result of literature study, this research
concludes that there is independence crisis in the newsroom of
media groups affiliated to politicians as follows:
1. Of news content in three television stations, which are
Trans TV, Metro TV, and TVOne, the research found
differences in topic choices between media whose owners
were
affiliated
to
political
parties/presidential
candidates/vice presidential candidates and those who
were not affiliated. News on General Election 2014 on
TVOne mentioned that Golkar party and ARB
presidential candidacy were more than other political
parties. Similarly, Metro TV showed more sources of
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GSTF Journal on Media & Communications (JMC) Vol.2 No.1, December 2014
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
National Democratic Party and Presidential candidacy of
Surya Paloh. When TVOne reported the activities of the
Presidential candidacy of Aburizal Bakrie (ARB), it
sounded up showed special treatment upon him. The same
thing was done by Metro TV, while TransTV’s broadcasts
generally did not show partiality to any political party and
politician.
In terms of time usage in daily programming, TVOne
significantly gave the largest portion to ARB. In fact, on 9
November 2013, TVOne gave very large time portion
(more than one hour) to ARB as the single source in
cultural talk show called Ayuk Rembug Bareng (ARB).
Meanwhile, the time portion for presidential candidates
from other parties barely existed. The same was done by
Metro TV which often showed the activities of
Presidential candidate Surya Paloh, complete with sound
insert, whereas other presidential candidates from other
parties had minimum portion of time. That tendency did
not occur on TransTV.
Aside from the happening news, the political
advertisements showed similar tendency. On November
2013, TVone and Metro TV broadcasted political
advertisements of their respective owners in high
frequency. In average, on TVOne two versions of ARB
advertisements were broadcasted no less than 15 times per
day. The same thing was found in Metro TV. In
November, in the average Metro TV broadcasted the
political advertisements of Surya Paloh no less than 20
times per day. While in the same period TransTV did not
broadcast any political advertisement related to the
General Election issues.
The result of the content analysis of the General Election
coverage in Koran Rakyat Merdeka (RM) and Media
Indonesia (MI) newspapers showed the similarity with
one on the television. Of 94 news items on General
Election 2014 in Media Indonesia, there was a tendency
for positive the coverage of National Democratic Party
and very critical attitude to the performance of General
Election Commission (KPU). Meanwhile, RM gave
dominant news portion to Dahlan Iskan (the owner of the
RM and later becomes media man turned-in to political
performer). Essentially, MI and RM tended to be partial
to both owners.
Through focus group discussion, it was discovered that
there was a difference in the perception on the concepts
and attitudes related to journalists and newsroom
independence, especially when facing partisan events.
There were many differences of empirical experiences
among journalists in terms of how to cover local and
national General Election ethically.
Journalists’ views on the concept and principles of
independence varied. Some could not differentiate among
independence, neutrality, and impartiality. The majority
of them stated that independence was defined as just
giving the same space to all legislative member
candidates, political parties, and presidential candidates.
This view showed simplification of the concept of
independence and equating it to newsroom impartiality
principle.
7. Furthermore, journalists had contrasting opinion about the
media position in terms of political reporting area.
Majority of the journalists stated that they and their media
should be independent, while others understood that since
their media was owned by a political candidate, the media
should be engaged to it.
8. When journalists revealed their personal experiences of
covering General Election, the following empirical data
were discovered:
a. During the news coverage on field, at local/regional
level there was freedom to determine topics, news
angles, and other aspects in journalistic activities, but
they could not be sure whether the news would be
printed
or
not,
broadcasted
or
not.
Printing/broadcasting authority laid on the central
newsroom editors. In this situation, the owner’s
intervention seemed to happen in the newsroom of
central offices, not in the local newsroom.
b. Journalists’ experiences when covering the activities
of their media owners who were political party
administrators and involved in corruption cases
showed that they covered the stories but chose the
angles which benefited the media owners due to
ewuh-pekewuh/psychological relations.
c. Journalists admitted that there were instructions from
the central offices, mostly in Jakarta, to cover the
activities of the presidential candidate who owned the
media. Interestingly, local reporters even had to wear
special media attributes identifying their job. The use
of the attributes was to ensure the media owner’s
comfort in making political statements so that if other
media tried to twist the statements, their media could
make it balanced.
d. Finally, another strategy done by the editorials to
promote the activities of the politician, political party,
legislative candidate, presidential candidate or vice
presidential candidate managed by the media owners
is political ads and advertorial, spaces that cannot be
controlled by the journalists.
Conclusion
Based on the above findings, in short we can say that
there is a systematic intervention from the media owners cum- politicians to newsroom as well as to journalists
reporting the activities. There is also a lack of knowledge of
independence values among the journalists, particularly on the
General Election reporting, that needs to be solved. This
research has also shown that in the mid of powerless
regulation, Indonesian newsroom and journalists find their
professionalism hindered, and their autonomy limited, in order
to give passage the political or business interests of the owner.
I agree with Tapsell’s current analysis that Indonesian
journalists still struggle to report freely and openly in their
professional practices. If they are to fulfill the vital function of
a Fourth Estate in a democracy-to comment on and criticize
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GSTF Journal on Media & Communications (JMC) Vol.2 No.1, December 2014
(3)
the rich and powerful, they need autonomy to be able to do so
without fear of being pressured, reprimanded, or fired by their
owners (Tapsell, 2010). Of this issue, the author proposes
recommendations:
1. Both media regulators: Indonesian Press Council and
Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) should
immediately formulate and strictly enforce new media
regulations to ensure equality of news and ads for all
political candidates and political parties. The new
regulation should particularly cover the equal time
allocation of all types of broadcasts. Moreover, both
institutions should work together to make regulations and
enforce rules of maximum limit for the political
advertisements of each political party both in printed and
electronic media.
2. Press Council and KPI should initiate the regulations
which require the media owners and workers to be nonactive/withdrawn from the media management or works
when running for political positions. The owners of printed
and broadcasting media should remove their ownership
when becoming politicians. Global convention of the
media ownership limitation can be adopted.
3. Media
institutions
and
professional
journalism
organizations in Indonesia should improve the journalists’
knowledge and ability in media independence principles.
The reporters and editorial staffs should understand the
media position ethically and can clearly differentiate the
neutrality and impartiality values.
4. In the journalism sector, Press Council as the independent
regulator should make technical rules under Laws no.
40/1999 which protect journalism profession from the
pressure of media owners who affiliate to certain political
parties or become presidential candidates/vice presidential
candidates. With those rules, editorial staffs and reporters
could easily avoid the owners’ pressure to cover their
political activities. At the same time, media should show
their editorial position clearly and openly in advance when
covering election events so that public can judge the level
of independence of the media.
5. Finally, international journalist associations and global
media advocacies, such as South East Asian Press Alliance
(SEAPA), International Federation of Journalist, RSF, and
Freedom House, and global academic community should
be actively involved in addressing and accelerating the
regulatory reform of Indonesian media system, mainly to
adopt the limitation of media ownership regulation and the
absence of political intervention to newsroom in one side,
and to promote independence values within journalists in
other side through various forms, such as seminars, public
campaign, training, research, and so forth.
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
(12)
(13)
(14)
(15)
(16)
(17)
(18)
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Jakarta: Tempo, 23 July 2013
AUTHOR’S PROFILE
Masduki is a lecturer of Communications Department, Faculty of Psychology,
Social and Cultural Sciences, Indonesian Islamic University, Yogyakarta,
Indonesia. Formerly he was a Program and Production Director of Radio
Republik Indonesia (2010-2012), the biggest and nationwide public service
radio in Indonesia. He was also a radio reporter and Chairman of The Alliance
of Independent Journalist (AJI) Yogyakarta Chapter (2002-2004); Researcher
and Vice Chairman of Yogyakarta Media Watch Society (2004-Now) and a
fellow of SEAPA investigative journalism course. His two master degrees
come from the Communications Department at Sebelas Maret University,
Surakarta (2004), and The Department of Communications, Faculty of Social
Sciences at the Ateneo De Manila University, Philippines (2006).
REFERENCES
(1)
(2)
Alliance of Independent Journalist, Annual Report-2014, Jakarta:
Alliance of Independent Journalist, 2014
Bagdikian, Ben, The New Media Monopoly, Boston: Beacon Press,
2003
© 2014 GSTF
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