This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the
University of Western Australia.
Morphology and Sentence Construction in Kurrama:
A Language of the Pilbara Region of Western Australia
Peter M. Hill
Discipline of Linguistics
School of Humanities
UWA
June 2011
i
DECLARATION
I certify that the research and writing of this thesis was carried out during my enrolment
as a Doctor of Philosophy student at the University of Western Australia. I also certify
that this Doctor of Philosophy thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement
any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in this University or any
other institution. All sources are acknowledged in this thesis and to the best of my
knowledge and belief this thesis does not contain any material previously published or
written by another person where due reference is not made in the text.
Signature: _______________________
Date: _______________________
ii
iii
ABSTRACT
This thesis addresses the nature of simple and complex sentence constructions in
Kurrama, an Australian Aboriginal language spoken in the Pilbara region of Western Australia.
Kurrama has only a few remaining older speakers. The data on which this research is based
consists of materials recorded by Alan Dench, in the 1980’s and 1990’s, with two Kurrama
speakers †Algy Paterson and †Judy July plus material collected by the author, in 2007, with the
assistance of Maudie Dowton and Thomas Cox.
Little research has been done previously on the Kurrama variety. O’Grady (1966)
classified Kurrama as a member of the Ngayarda subgroup of Pama-Nyungan, placing it in a
dialect relationship with Yindjibarndi. Dench (2009: 261-262) avoids a genetic classification
and has instead identified ‘three typologically distinct (and) geographically delimited groups of
languages’ in the Pilbara region: the Northern Pilbara languages, the Central Pilbara languages
and the Southern Pilbara languages. Kurrama is placed in the Central Pilbara group and like
other languages of this group features a consistent pattern of nominative-accusative case
alignment and an active-passive voice contrast in transitive and ditransitive clauses. As part of
the investigation in this study comparisons are made between the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi
dialects. However, the focus of this thesis is on Kurrama sentence construction.
The thesis addresses the following related research questions:
1. What are the differing types of simple and complex sentences used in Kurrama?
2. How are these simple and complex sentences constructed?
3. What are the salient characteristics of these sentences?
Chapters 2 to 5 focus on Kurrama morphology and identify the forms and functions of
the parts of speech that make up Kurrama sentences. Chapters 6 and 7 specifically address the
characteristics of Kurrama simple and complex sentences respectively. Chapter 8 examines the
various grammatical means by which clauses are linked to one another in Kurrama, following
the pattern of the papers collected in Dixon and Aikhenvald (2009).
Chapters 1 and 9 respectively introduce and conclude the discussion in this thesis.
Chapter 1 reviews previous research carried out on Kurrama, presents a brief overview of
Kurrama phonology, and introduces some preliminaries to the chapters that follow. Chapter 9
evaluates the project and assesses its success in answering the research questions.
Presented in the appendix is a narrative related by †Algy Paterson which was recorded
by Alan Dench in 1982. This narrative has served as a primary resource for the analysis
conducted in this project.
iv
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION .............................................................................................................. i
ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................ v
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................... ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................................................................... xi
ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS ............................................................... xii
1.
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................. 1
Background details of Kurrama ............................................................................... 1
Changing Times ....................................................................................................... 5
Kurrama Speakers in the Present Day ..................................................................... 5
Previous Linguistic Research and Publications ....................................................... 7
The Kurrama Corpus ............................................................................................... 8
The Research Questions ........................................................................................ 10
Kurrama Phonology and the Orthography Used in This Thesis ............................ 12
1.7.1
1.7.2
1.7.3
1.7.4
1.8
1.9
Consonants ............................................................................................................12
Vowels ...................................................................................................................18
The Kurrama and Yindjibarndi reflexes of liquid + stop clusters.........................20
Stress .....................................................................................................................23
Acknowledgement of the Sources of Examples Used in Thesis ........................... 26
Some Salient Features of the Examples Presented in This Thesis ........................ 26
1.9.1
1.9.2
Ellipsis within the Examples from the Payarrany Narrative.................................27
Glossing and Interpretation of the Kurrama Discourse Clitics ............................29
1.10 Theoretical Perspective .......................................................................................... 31
2.
2.1
2.2
NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY ............................................................................ 33
Introduction............................................................................................................ 33
Cases with a Core Clausal Function ...................................................................... 38
2.2.1
2.2.2
2.3
Nominal Suffixes with a Peripheral Clausal Function .......................................... 45
2.3.1
2.4
Genitive Suffix .......................................................................................................48
Comitative and Proprietive Suffixes ......................................................................51
Privative Suffix ......................................................................................................54
Associative Suffix...................................................................................................57
Dweller/Denizen Suffix ..........................................................................................58
The Specific Referent Marker (SPEC) and the Proper Name Inflections .............59
Number marking ....................................................................................................63
Nominal Suffixes That Have Local Functions ...................................................... 66
2.5.1
2.5.2
2.5.3
2.6
Instrumental Suffix ................................................................................................45
Nominal Suffixes That Have a Phrasal Adnominal Function ............................... 47
2.4.1
2.4.2
2.4.3
2.4.4
2.4.5
2.4.6
2.4.7
2.5
Nominative Case ...................................................................................................38
Accusative Case.....................................................................................................41
Locative Suffix .......................................................................................................67
Ablative Suffix .......................................................................................................70
Allative Suffixes .....................................................................................................73
Domain of Case and Nominal Suffixes ................................................................. 77
vi
2.7
2.8
2.9
2.10
Semblative Suffix or Semblative Clitic? ............................................................... 80
Comparison with Yindjibarndi Case Marking....................................................... 82
Multiple Case Marking .......................................................................................... 85
Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................. 87
3.
3.1
3.2
PRONOUNS AND DEMONSTRATIVES ........................................................ 89
First and Second Person Pronouns ........................................................................ 89
Demonstratives ...................................................................................................... 99
3.2.1
3.2.2
3.2.3
3.2.4
3.2.5
Singular Demonstrative Forms ........................................................................... 100
Dual Demonstrative Forms................................................................................. 108
Plural Nominative Demonstrative Forms ........................................................... 109
Other Case Forms of the Plural Demonstratives................................................ 113
‘Non-Visible’ Demonstratives ............................................................................. 114
3.3
3.4
Interrogative/Indefinite Pronominals and Locationals ........................................ 118
Brief Concluding Remarks .................................................................................. 122
4.
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
VERBAL MORPHOLOGY ............................................................................. 123
Introduction ......................................................................................................... 123
Ambitransitive Verbs ........................................................................................... 124
Conjugation Classes ............................................................................................ 125
Conjugation Classes and TAM Inflections .......................................................... 130
4.4.1
4.4.2
4.4.3
4.5
The Functions of the Kurrama Verb Inflections .................................................. 138
4.5.1
4.5.2
4.5.3
4.5.4
4.5.5
4.5.6
4.5.7
4.5.8
4.5.9
4.5.10
4.5.11
4.5.12
4.5.13
4.5.14
4.6
Present ................................................................................................................ 138
Past ..................................................................................................................... 140
Perfective ............................................................................................................ 141
Passive Perfective ............................................................................................... 144
Habitual .............................................................................................................. 145
Potential .............................................................................................................. 146
Imperative ........................................................................................................... 149
Purpose and Result ............................................................................................. 150
RELative.............................................................................................................. 153
Progressive ......................................................................................................... 164
Might ................................................................................................................... 167
Passive Might ...................................................................................................... 169
Irrealis mood....................................................................................................... 170
Short Conclusion to Functions of TAM Inflections............................................. 170
Verbal Derivations ............................................................................................... 171
4.6.1
4.6.2
4.7
Variation in Potential and Perfective Forms ...................................................... 132
Changes to Verb Stems When Inflected with Vowel Initial Suffixes ................... 134
Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda Verb Inflections ........................ 136
Collective ............................................................................................................ 171
Derivational Passive ........................................................................................... 175
Verbalising Derivations ....................................................................................... 179
4.7.1
4.7.2
4.7.3
Inchoative............................................................................................................ 179
Causative ............................................................................................................ 182
Psych – Inchoative .............................................................................................. 187
4.8
Concluding Summary .......................................................................................... 188
5.
5.1
5.2
5.3
PARTICLES AND CLITICS ........................................................................... 191
Emphatic Particle and Clitics .............................................................................. 192
Topicaliser Clitics ................................................................................................ 199
Temporal Clitics and Particles ............................................................................. 206
vii
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
Negative Particle .................................................................................................. 211
Dubitative Clitic, Truth Clitic, and Truth Particle ............................................... 214
Intensifier Particle and Clitic ............................................................................... 217
Order of Placement in a Clitic Sequence ............................................................. 219
Concluding Remarks ........................................................................................... 223
6.
6.1
SIMPLE SENTENCES ..................................................................................... 225
Non-Verbal Clauses ............................................................................................. 225
6.1.1
6.1.2
6.2
6.3
Copula Clauses .................................................................................................... 231
Active Declarative Clauses .................................................................................. 234
6.3.1
6.4
Some Further Examples of Passive Constructions ..............................................249
Case Frames in Ditransitive Passives .................................................................251
Passive Use in the Central Pilbara Languages..................................................254
Functions of Kurrama Passives ..........................................................................257
Imperative Clauses............................................................................................... 259
6.7.1
6.7.2
6.8
6.9
Properties of Kurrama Secondary Predications .................................................243
Types of Secondary Predication in Kurrama ......................................................244
Arguments That Control Secondary Predicates in Kurrama ..............................247
Passive Clauses .................................................................................................... 248
6.6.1
6.6.2
6.6.3
6.6.4
6.7
Are the Part NP and the Whole NP Separate Constituents? ...............................240
Secondary Predications ........................................................................................ 242
6.5.1
6.5.2
6.5.3
6.6
Constituent Order in Active Declarative Main Clauses ......................................236
Part - Whole Constructions.................................................................................. 238
6.4.1
6.5
Ascriptive Non-Verbal Clauses ...........................................................................226
Non-Verbal Clauses That Have Accusative Complements ..................................228
Case Frames in Ditransitive Imperatives ............................................................261
Instrumental marking in Imperatives ..................................................................263
Commands ........................................................................................................... 264
Questions ............................................................................................................. 266
6.9.1
6.9.2
The Interrogative Clitic .......................................................................................267
Interrogative Pronouns and Locationals ............................................................269
6.10 Collective Clauses ............................................................................................... 271
6.11 Reflexives ............................................................................................................ 275
7.
7.1
COMPLEX SENTENCES ................................................................................ 277
Relative Clauses................................................................................................... 279
7.1.1
7.1.2
7.1.3
7.2
Progressive Clauses ............................................................................................. 293
7.2.1
7.2.2
7.2.3
7.3
Purpose Clauses Formed with -(r)lu ..................................................................299
The Potential Inflection as a Purpose Marker ....................................................301
Result Clauses...................................................................................................... 303
7.4.1
7.5
7.6
The Morphology and Functions of the Progressive Suffixes ...............................295
An Alternate Context in Which the Progressive Is Used .....................................297
Concluding Remarks on the Progressive Clauses ...............................................298
Purpose Clauses ................................................................................................... 299
7.3.1
7.3.2
7.4
RELative Marked Clauses ...................................................................................280
Perfective and Passive Perfective NP-relative Clauses ......................................289
Subordination and the Adjoined Relative Clause in Kurrama ............................292
Further Comments on Purpose vs Result Clauses ..............................................304
Lest Clauses ......................................................................................................... 305
Clausal Complements .......................................................................................... 306
7.6.1
Clausal Complements of Perception Verbs .........................................................306
viii
7.6.2
7.6.3
7.6.4
7.6.5
Clausal Complements of Cognition Predicates .................................................. 308
Clausal Complements of Predicates Formed on the Stem ‘mirnu’ ..................... 309
Clausal Complements of Information Transfer Verbs ........................................ 310
Conclusion to Clausal Complements .................................................................. 311
7.7
Final Remarks ...................................................................................................... 312
8.
8.1
THE SEMANTICS OF CLAUSE LINKING ................................................. 315
Temporal Clause Linking .................................................................................... 321
8.1.1
8.1.2
8.2
Consequence Clause Linking .............................................................................. 326
8.2.1
8.2.2
8.2.3
8.2.4
8.3
8.4
Temporal Succession .......................................................................................... 321
Relative Time ...................................................................................................... 324
The Progressive Inflections and Consequence Linking in Brief ......................... 327
Purpose and Result Clause Linking in Brief ....................................................... 328
Cause Linking Relations Between Clauses ......................................................... 329
Other Morphology That Marks Consequence Relations..................................... 331
Possible Consequence Clause Linking ................................................................ 333
Addition Clause Linking ..................................................................................... 335
8.4.1
8.4.2
8.4.3
Elaboration Clause Linking ................................................................................ 336
Contrast Clause Linking ..................................................................................... 338
Contrast and Disjunction Alternatives Clause Linking ...................................... 339
8.5
8.6
8.7
Alternatives Clause Linking ................................................................................ 341
Manner Clause Linking ....................................................................................... 343
Concluding Remarks ........................................................................................... 345
9.
9.1
9.2
9.3
EVALUATION OF PROJECT ........................................................................ 347
Success in Addressing the Research Questions ................................................... 347
Comparisons Between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi .............................................. 350
Limitations of the Project .................................................................................... 353
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 355
APPENDIX: The Payarrany narrative ...................................................................... 359
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.1 The Pilbara languages and their received/standard classification................... 4
Table 1.2 Consonant phonemes used in the Kurrama corpus ....................................... 13
Table 1.3 Yindjibarndi consonant phonemes as reported by Wordick (1982: 10) ........ 13
Table 1.4 Reflexes of lateral proto-forms in Yindjibarndi and Kurrama ...................... 21
Table 1.5 Word forms containing differing reflexes of lateral + stop clusters ............. 22
Table 1.6 Word forms containing reflexes of rr + peripheral stop clusters ................. 23
Table 2.1 Inflections for nominals ending in a vowel ................................................... 34
Table 2.2 Inflections for nominals ending in a consonant ............................................ 35
Table 2.3 Headings under which the Kurrama nominal suffixes are discussed............ 37
Table 3.1 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi1 (Y) pronoun case forms ............................. 90
Table 3.2 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) alternate generation NOM pronouns .... 96
Table 3.3 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) singular demonstrative case forms ..... 100
Table 3.4 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi1 (Y) plural NOM demonstratives .............. 110
Table 3.5 The main interrogative/indefinite forms used in Kurrama.......................... 119
Table 4.1 Conjugation membership and transitivity of 135 Kurrama verbs ............... 124
Table 4.2 Conjugation membership and transitivity percentages of Kurrama verbs .. 127
Table 4.3 Conjugation membership and transitivity in Martuthunira and Panyjima .. 128
Table 4.4 Some Kurrama verb forms that belong to two conjugation classes ............ 128
Table 4.5 Frequencies of final vowel of verb in each conjugation class .................... 129
Table 4.6 Summary of Kurrama verb inflections in each conjugation class .............. 130
Table 4.7 Corresponding Yindjibarndi verb inflections in each conjugation class .... 131
Table 4.8 Some TAM inflections of zero conjugation verbs 1 .................................... 135
Table 4.9 Proto-Ngayarda TAM allomorphs (from O'Grady, 1966: 81) .................... 136
Table 4.10 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda TAM inflections ............. 137
Table 4.11 Subject reference of the Kurrama and Panyjima relative suffixes ............ 155
Table 4.12 Main and subordinate verb valency and the subject reference of –rnu .... 159
Table 4.13 Collective suffix and the transitivity of some Ø-class Kurrama verbs ..... 172
Table 4.14 Main functions of the Kurrama verb inflections ....................................... 189
Table 5.1 Some properties of the emphatic clitics from the test sample..................... 195
Table 5.2 Some properties of the topicaliser clitics from the test sample................... 200
Table 5.3 Relative order of clitics that are frequently used in a sequence .................. 219
Table 5.4 Clitics rarely used or used alone in the test sample .................................... 220
Table 5.5 Order of attachment of Yindjibarndi clitics ................................................ 222
Table 6.1 Constituent order in a sample of 100 active declarative main clauses........ 236
x
Table 6.2 Passive constructions in a Martuthunira text (M) and a Kurrama text (K). 255
Table 7.1 Main Properties of the Kurrama subordinate clause types ......................... 277
Table 7.2 Some properties of purpose marked clauses in the Payarrany story .......... 299
Table 8.1 Subcategories of clause linking used in the Payarrany narrative ............... 315
Table 8.2 Semantic relations between the FC and SC in each clause linking type .... 317
Table 8.3 Criteria determining the FC and the SC in each clause linking type .......... 318
Table 8.4 Summary of syntax used to form the Kurrama clause linking types ......... 319
Table 8.5 Summary of syntax used to form the Martuthunira clause linking types ... 320
xi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First I must thank my supervisor Professor Alan Dench. Alan has conducted
research on the languages of the Pilbara over a number of years and I am thankful for
his knowledgeable advice and patient guidance throughout this project. Alan has also
allowed me to have access to some Kurrama language materials that he recorded in the
1980’s and 1990’s with the elders Algy Paterson and Judy July. Algy and Judy had
passed away before I began my research but I feel I know them through their
recordings. I am thankful that Algy spent time with Alan Dench recording the
Payarrany narrative. This narrative has been a valuable resource for this project.
Without reservation I also thank Maudie Dowton and her family. Although I was
only another ‘whitefella’ asking questions, I was welcomed by Maudie and her family
when I first began my research in Onslow on the Pilbara coast. Over the short time I
was in Onslow, Maudie patiently taught me some of her language and culture. Maudie
was especially patient when answering the many questions that I asked during our time
together. I have lost contact with Maudie while I have been in Perth writing up this
thesis but I hope to visit her soon. Thanks Maudie.
I must also thank the examiners, Dr M. Laughren, Associate Professor J.
Simpson, and Associate Professor C. Bowern, for their thorough critique of this thesis
and their valuable advice. Thanks also to the Linguistics staff and postgraduate students
at UWA for their encouragement and support. Thanks also to my family who have
always stood by me.
xii
ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS
Abbreviations of names of consultants
AP
Algy Paterson
MD
Maudie Dowton
JJ
Judy July
TC
Thomas Cox
Phonological conventions
//
phonemic representation
N
nasal
[]
phonetic representation
V
vowel
C
consonant
Morphological conventions
–
morpheme boundary
Ø
zero marker/empty morpheme
-L
L-conjugation verb stem
-R
R-conjugation verb stem
-Ø
Ø-conjugation verb stem
Syntactic and semantic conventions
A
transitive subject
PN
proper name
CN
common nominal
S
intransitive subject
FC
focal clause
SC
supporting clause
NP
noun phrase
V
verb
O
transitive object
Nominal suffix abbreviations
ABL
ablative
ERG
ergative
ACC
accusative
FACE
facing
ALL
allative
GEN
genitive
ANDALL
and all
INSTR
instrumental
ASSOC
associative
LIKE
semblative suffix
COM
comitative
LOC
locative
comit
comitative
NEAR
near to
CONJ
conjunction
NOM
nominative
DIM
diminutive
OBJ
objective
DirectALL
direct allative
PL
plural number
DISTRIB
distributed
PRIV
privative
DUAL
dual number
PROP
proprietive
DWELL
dweller/denizen
SPEC
specific referent marker
xiii
Pronoun and demonstrative abbreviations
1
first person
DEF
definite
2
second person
dist
distal/far distance from speaker
3
third person
dist.aug
augmented distal
sg
singular number
mid.dist
mid-distance from speaker
du
dual number
near
near to speaker
pl
plural number
NV
not visible
excl.
exclusive (addressee excluded)
POSS
possessive
incl.
inclusive (addressee included)
Verb suffix abbreviations
BEC
causal
PASS
passive (derivational)
CAUS
causative
PAST
past
CM
conjugation marker
PERF
perfective
COLL
collective
PMIGHT
passive might
DEP
dependent imperfective
POT
potential
Do & Go
do verb action then go
PPERF
passive perfective
different subject switch reference
PRES
present
DS
FUT
future
PRF
perfective
HABIT
habitual
PROG
progressive
IMP
imperative
PSYCH
psych-inchoative
imperfSS
imperfective same subject
PURP
purpose
IMPF
imperfective
REL
relative
INCH
inchoative
RSLT
result
IRR
irrealis mood
SS
same subject switch reference
MIGHT
might/optative
usit
usitative
Particle and clitic abbreviations
ANA
anaphoric clitic
NOW
temporal clitic
CONTRA
contrast clitic
QUOT
quoting someone else (clitic)
DEIC
deictic clitic
SEMBL
semblative clitc
DET
determiner
SORT
categorial clitic
DUB
dubitative clitic
THEN
temporal clitic
EMPH
emphatic particle or clitic
TOP
topic clitic
TOP1-TOP7
topicaliser clitics 1 to 7
EMPH1-EMPH5
emphatic clitics 1 to 5
INTENS
intensifier clitic
TRUE
truth clitic
INTNS
intensifier clitic
TURN
sequence clitic
INTRRG
interrogative clitic
xiv
Other abbreviations
K
Kurrama
Proto-Ng
Proto-Ngayarda
L
L-conjugation class
R
R-conjugation class
N
N-conjugation class
TAM
tense, aspect & mood inflections
NG
NG-conjugation class
Y
Yindjibarndi
Ø
Ø-conjugation class
1
1. INTRODUCTION
In this introductory chapter I first discuss some background details and history
of Kurrama; including an overview of the limited previous linguistic research that has
been carried out on the language. I then outline the background details of the research
carried out in this study. This includes presentation of the questions that have guided the
research and description within this investigation, and further acknowledgment of the
language consultants who were vital to this work. Some further preliminaries, that are
also necessary to the following chapters, are then introduced. Kurrama phonology and
the orthography that I use is briefly discussed. Then I consider some notable features of
the Kurrama examples that are presented for analysis and discussion within this thesis.
These features include the frequent use of discourse clitics and the frequent occurrence
of ellipsis. Both of these features are especially apparent in clause and sentence
examples taken from the Payarrany narrative. The Payarrany narrative has been a
valuable resource for the analysis and description in this study; it is presented in
complete form in the appendix. I end this introductory chapter with some theoretical
considerations that are also relevant to the following chapters.
1.1
Background details of Kurrama
The name of the language has been represented by a number of different
spellings over time; these include: Gurama, Karama, Karima, Kerama. Korama and
Kurama plus others (Thieberger, 1993). The spelling ‘Kurrama’ is most often used in
the literature today. Kurrama is an Australian Aboriginal language of the Pilbara region
of north-west Western Australia. As described by the Guruma Elders Group the
traditional Kurrama lands extend from ‘the upper plateaus of the Hamersley Ranges,
north-east towards the sea past the upper reaches of Duck Creek, and (then) following
down the Robe River’ (Brehaut & Vitenbergs, 2001: 1). Von Brandenstein (1967: 3)
states that the name Kurrama (his spelling Kurama) translates as the ‘Highlanders’. The
approximate traditional location of Kurrama, in relation to the other Pilbara languages,
is shown on the map (Figure 1) on the following page.
As many as five named local groups have been reported as speaking varieties of
Kurrama in past times. Brehaut and Vitenbergs (2001: 3) quote the Guruma Elders
Group as stating that the Kurrama people used to be divided into the following groups:
2
“The Top End Guruma, Marntalkora, were up in the Ranges, and the Bottom End,
Punukunti, were down at Duck Creek. The Robe River Guruma, they call it
Nhamarrnhamarra, they’re down around Red Hill. The Guruma in the Robe River,
they’re joined with this mob at Duck Creek”. On a recording made with Dench in the
1980’s Algy Paterson (a Kurrama elder now deceased) names five differing Kurrama
varieties. These are: Yarnarri Kurrama, Yinyjiwarndi Kurrama, Mijarranypa Kurrama,
Ngamangamara Kurrama, and Marntartka Kurrama.
Nyangumarta
Ngarla
Kariyarra
Ngarluma
Nyamal
Yindjibarndi
Martuthunira
Palyku/Nyiyaparli
Kurrama
Nhuwala
Panyjima
Thalanyji
Jurruru
Pinikura
Purduna
Thiin
Yinhawangka
Jiwarli
Payungu
Tharrkari
Yingkarta
Wajarri
Malkana
Figure 1: Approximate traditional location of Kurrama and the Pilbara
languages 1
Kurrama has been classified as belonging to the Ngayarda subgroup of PamaNyungan by O’Grady et al (1966) and O’Grady (1966). However, Dench (2009: 261262) states that within the Pilbara region ‘it is useful to distinguish three typologically
distinct, geographically delimited groups of languages’. These are the Northern Pilbara
languages, the Central Pilbara languages and the Southern Pilbara languages. Kurrama
is part of the Central Pilbara group along with its neighbours: Ngarluma, Yindjibarndi,
Panyjima-Yinhawangka and Martuthunira. The Central Pilbara languages are most
1
Based on Dench (2001: 106; 2010: 6)
3
notable for their consistent nominative-accusative pattern of case alignment and the
active-passive voice contrast that is possible in transitive and ditransitive clauses.
Kurrama is phonologically, morphologically and syntactically very similar to
Yindjibarndi and the two varieties are most often said to stand in a dialect relationship.
Dixon (2002: 5) states that ‘if two modes of speech are mutually intelligible they are
said to constitute dialects of a single language’. O'Grady et al (1966: 90-91) report a
shared cognate density of 78 percent between Yindjibarndi and Kurrama (based on a
comparison of their core vocabularies) as evidence that the two varieties are mutually
intelligible and are in a dialect relationship. However, in the Pilbara community the two
varieties are generally considered to be distinct languages. They are seen as markers of
the political identity of two separate groups where each group is seen as having its own
language. In deference to this view I continue to call Kurrama a distinct language (or
variety) even though it shares a number of similarities with Yindjibarndi.
Dench (2001; 2010) compiled the following table which lists the classifications
and labels given to the Pilbara languages by various researchers. Table 1.1 includes the
regional labels used by Dench (2001; 2010); the genetic classifications proposed by
O'Grady et al (1966), O'Grady (1966), and Austin (1988); the language codes used by
Dixon (2002); and the Ethnologue codes listed in Lewis (2009). The classifications and
labels assigned to Kurrama are highlighted in yellow.
Overall, Dench (2001) states that it cannot be shown conclusively that the
languages of the Pilbara share a single common ancestor and determining definite
genetic groupings within the Pilbara region is problematic. The shared features of some
languages may be the result of diffusion from one language to another; either by direct
diffusion, through the borrowing of language forms, and/or by indirect diffusion,
through the borrowing of language patterns. The areal delineation of the Central Pilbara
languages as a group can be made based on a collection of features that the languages
share as a result of their historical realignment from split ergative case marking to
consistent nominative/accusative systems. However, Dench (2001) has shown that there
are a number of features/innovations that the Central languages do not share, and some
that they do share, to varying degrees, with some of the Northern and Southern Pilbara
languages. Dench (2001: 130-131) states in his study on language descent and diffusion
in the Pilbara region ‘On balance there is little evidence from this study to suggest
4
clearly defined linguistic areas within the region. Instead, we find that different
(language) features have different ranges’ across the region.
However, it is generally accepted that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi can be seen as
being in a dialect relationship. In this thesis I will not only discuss the language features
of Kurrama but I will also briefly discuss some of the features of Yindjibarndi as
reported by Wordick (1982). It will be shown that although the two varieties are very
similar there is some variation.
Table 1.1 The Pilbara languages and their received/standard classification
Language
Regional Label
Nyamal
Ngarla
Northern Pilbara
O’Grady (1966) Dixon (2002)
Nyiyaparli
WHc8
nly
nlr
nad
Panyjima
WHc3
pnw
Yinhawangka
WHc3
—
Yindjibarndi
WHc4
yij
WHc4
vku
Ngarluma
WHc5
nrl
Martuthunira
WHc2
vma
Jurruru
WHc7
tju
Thalanyji
WHb2
dhl
WHb1
bxn
WHb1
bxj
WHa
dhr
WHa
djl
WGd
yia
WGa1
wbv
Kurrama
Central Pilbara
Purduna
Payungu
WHc9
WHc10
Ethnologue
Ngayarta
Kanyara
Southern Pilbara
Tharrkari
Mantharta
Jiwarli
Yingkarta
Wajarri
After Dench (2001: 107; 2010: 10)
Kardu
5
1.2
Changing Times
The early days of European settlement markedly changed the lives of the
Kurrama and the other Pilbara language groups. These changes are documented in a
number of sources. Foremost is the published literature that records the Aboriginal
perspective of these times. A brief overview of life in the Pilbara before and during the
early days of European settlement is presented by Wangka Maya PALC & Karijini
Aboriginal Corporation (1996: 6-9). Other sources which document the Aboriginal
perspective of Pilbara history include the personal histories and stories related by
varying Panyjima, Kurrama and Yinhawangka elders in Olive (1997) and by Kurrama
elders in Brehaut and Vitenbergs (2001). Many of these elders have since passed away
but their contributions to these publications is beyond value as was their contribution to
the lives and history of all in the Pilbara. Olive (1997) also contains some contributions
by younger community members who speak about their lives and history in more recent
times.
As stated earlier, a narrative titled Payarrany is presented in the appendix. This
narrative was related in Kurrama by Algy Paterson and was recorded by Alan Dench (in
1982). This narrative tells the story of an old Kurrama woman, named Payarrany or
Sarah, who was said to be the last of the Kurrama to follow a traditionally oriented life
travelling on foot in the bush and living on bush foods. This story documents, in
Kurrama, the times of change in people’s lives when Europeans first began to move
onto the Kurrama lands and the Kurrama people began to settle on stations or in towns.
This story is not only a contribution to Kurrama history but has also been the resource
for much of the grammatical analysis and description of Kurrama presented in this
thesis.
1.3
Kurrama Speakers in the Present Day
Kurrama is an endangered variety with a limited number of fluent older
speakers. In 1966 O'Grady et al (1966: 91) stated that Kurrama had only a few dozen
speakers, while in 1967 von Brandenstein (1967: 19) listed Kurrama as having no more
than 50 speakers. Thieberger (1993) states that in 1977 Wordick reported less than 50
Kurrama speakers living in Roebourne, Wittenoom and Onslow.
In personal
communication with Thieberger in 1990, Dench reported less than 20 speakers living in
either Roebourne or Onslow. The number of fluent older speakers of Kurrama would be
6
far less than 20 today. During my research in Onslow in 2007 it was my experience that
Kurrama was rarely spoken. Most of the Kurrama youth seemed to use English in their
interactions and when I asked them about Kurrama they deferred to the knowledge of
the older speakers. The middle aged do claim to know something of Kurrama but again
defer to their elders. However, younger generations may have acquired more of
Kurrama than they are purported to know. As older speakers pass on the younger
speakers may come forward with their knowledge. As Evans (2001: 262) states (for the
Australian situation in general) the death or absence of recognized speakers may ‘alter
community perceptions of who has the right to give information about a language’ and
may ‘lead to certain speakers stepping forward who had previously been silent, or
reluctant to speak, about their abilities’.
In 2007 when first approached by Alan Dench and myself with the idea of
working on Kurrama the Onslow community at large designated Maudie Dowton (MD)
as the person to contact. Consequently most of the Kurrama material that I collected
during my research in Onslow was provided by MD. However, Thomas Cox (TC) did
contribute in some recording sessions when he was visiting from Tom Price. Also,
while working at MD’s home other members of the family would occasionally
contribute details or observations on Kurrama. The data that I recorded with MD and
her family is complemented with data recorded by Alan Dench (in the 1980’s and
1990’s) with Algy Paterson (AP) and Judy July (JJ). Both of these elders have since
passed away. AP’s recordings include not only the Payarrany narrative but also other
short stories and language details that he presented either unprompted or in answer to
elicitation by Dench. JJ’s recordings involve mostly elicitation of Kurrama lexical
items.
I have also accessed a much earlier source of Kurrama data collected by Ken
Hale in 1959. Hale’s (1959) unpublished ‘Gurama field notes’ contain examples of
Kurrama lexical items and sentences, written in phonetic script, that Hale collected with
(a much younger) Algy Paterson and two other speakers, Tumbler and Ruby
Woolhouse. Some of the examples from this collection are presented in the following
chapters. These examples have been rewritten in the orthography that I use for Kurrama
in this study.
7
1.4
Previous Linguistic Research and Publications
Dench’s (1991; 1995) published works on Panyjima and Martuthunira, along
with Wordick’s (1982) work on Yindjibarndi, were the starting point for my early
grammatical analysis of Kurrama. The observations of Dench and Wordick on these
related languages provided insights into what I could test as being possible, or not
possible, in Kurrama. Indeed, Wordick’s (1982) grammar of Yindjibarndi, along with
the Yindjibarndi dictionary (Wangka Maya, 2003), provided a guide to my early
attempts at translation and analysis of Kurrama and allowed me to gain some early
understanding of what I was observing in Kurrama grammar. From these beginnings I
was then able to identify instances of difference between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi.
The brief description of Yindjibarndi phonology and morphosyntax provided by
O’Grady et al (1966) was also helpful. Their summary of Yindjibarndi, in simple terms,
helped me to recognize morphological and grammatical patterns that are also apparent
in Kurrama.
The Kurrama Wordlists and Sketch Grammar booklet (Wangka Maya, 2001)
has also been a valuable resource. This publication had input from both the Kurrama
Elders Group and a number of associated professionals and linguists working for the
Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre. Vicki Webb compiled the sketch
grammar in this publication and my early research was especially informed by her work.
The main source for Webb’s sketch grammar was Algy Paterson’s Payarrany narrative
which has also been a major resource for my work. Webb’s sketch grammar is made up
of 27 pages of abbreviated but salient grammatical details and observations that are
illustrated with examples from the Payarrany narrative. From these beginnings I have
been able to provide a wider and more detailed description of Kurrama grammar.
However, it should be noted that I do not present a Kurrama wordlist in this thesis. The
Wangka Maya Aboriginal Language Centre has compiled, and is continuing to compile,
wordlists and dictionaries for both Kurrama and Yindjibarndi; I need not replicate, nor
intrude on, this ongoing work. Albert Burgman (2006) has produced an updated version
of the Kurrama dictionary since the original 2001 wordlist edition.
Also, in his 1966 project on ‘Proto-Ngayarda’ phonology, O’Grady (1966)
provides a comparative wordlist of seven languages from the ‘Ngayarda’ subgroup. This
wordlist includes lexical items from Kurrama. In his analysis of the phonology of the
8
Ngayarda subgroup O’Grady couples Yindjibarndi and Kurrama together as dialects of
the one language but does note the different, and similar, pronunciation of lexical items
within the two dialects (along with the differences and similarities in the other Ngayarda
languages). During my research I have turned to these wordlists when trying to
determine the meaning of Kurrama lexical items that I cannot determine elsewhere.
1.5
The Kurrama Corpus
The main source of data used for analysis and description in this thesis comes
from the recordings of the field sessions I conducted with Maudie Dowton and the
recordings made by Dench with Algy Paterson. The recordings made with Judy July and
Thomas Cox have also provided some useful data. Overall, the corpus comprises just
over thirty hours of recordings, which includes: elicitation of lexical items; elicited and
unelicited sentences and stories; and explanations of language and cultural details. In
all, Dench recorded thirteen hours (13 hours 9 minutes) of Kurrama data with AP and
just short of an hour (56 minutes) with JJ. These recordings include AP’s narration of
the Payarrany story which runs for nearly an hour (54 minutes). The sessions with MD
comprise some seventeen hours (17 hours 5 minutes) of recordings which includes an
hour (56 minutes) with both MD and TC together 2.
Nearly all of the examples presented in this thesis are taken from these
recordings (but some are from Hale (1959)). Examples, where possible, are taken from
unelicited texts but do include examples from elicited data. AP’s Payarrany narrative is
the best source of lengthy unelicited language use and has provided a standard against
which elicited data can be tested. Although there are examples of reported speech on the
recordings there is no freely occurring conversational data. The language material that
was recorded was collected by the following means:
The early collection of language data by both Dench and myself involved the
elicitation of lexical items and simple sentences. This involved asking the language
consultants for Kurrama translations of English words and sentences. As part of this
process the language informants also provided unelicited examples to illustrate an
alternative, to provide extra details, or to provide a context for the elicited lexical items.
2
The recordings made with MD (and TC) are to be archived at the Wangka Maya Pilbara
Aboriginal Language Centre.
9
In later recordings I attempted to partially construct sentences to test apparent syntactic
patterns and rules with MD. As part of this process MD provided grammatical
corrections or provided other unelicited examples to illustrate a point she was making.
AP and Dench had worked together prior to their work on Kurrama, mainly on
Martuthunira, and their recordings reveal an easy rapport between them where AP both
instructs on language use and readily provides long and short illustrative examples.
The recording of AP’s account of the Payarrany narrative was instigated by AP
and was not elicited. One has the impression that AP felt that this story should be told
because Old Sarah was an important character in his life and the lives of others in the
Pilbara. MD was also keen to tell stories that she valued. However, there was a
misunderstanding between us that remained throughout our recording sessions. While I
was keen for MD to tell stories in Kurrama, MD was justifiably concerned with the
content of what she was relating and in her concern that I understand this content she
would most often use English so that I could clearly comprehend. Consequently, I have
no stories narrated completely in Kurrama by MD.
Further, as stated earlier, there is no conversational data in the Kurrama corpus.
Within the stories told by MD and AP there are some examples of reported dialogue.
This speech is understood as taking place in an extra-linguistic context and makes use of
some deictic categories that would be evident in conversation but are generally not used
in the narrative reporting of events (which relies more on linguistic devices to track
reference and to maintain cohesion). However, reported speech does not truly represent
actual conversation and this is an inadequacy within the Kurrama corpus.
There are also other limitations in the data that I collected. Elicitation although a
useful tool ‘to get things started’ has many limitations. The way in which I requested a
Kurrama translation of an English word or sentence, and the grammar that I used, did at
times appear to influence the response given by MD and TC. For instance, MD would at
times misunderstand the English terms that I used when asking a question, or would not
know the meaning of the English terms that I used, and subsequently would struggle to
find a Kurrama translation. Equally, I would sometimes misunderstand what MD was
expressing in Kurrama and would consequently leave her perplexed with my response.
10
My construction of Kurrama sentences to test their grammaticality with MD also
had pitfalls. Foremost, was MD’s reluctance to correct me when I was wrong. She
would sometimes politely agree with something I said, or just leave something
unanswered, rather than disagree and appear to offend me (see §6.6.2 for an example of
this). It has been my experience living and working in Aboriginal communities that
situations like this occur in ‘white’ and Aboriginal cross-cultural interaction and are at
times difficult to avoid. However, the longer that MD and I worked together the less this
took place.
1.6
The Research Questions
When first deciding on a topic for research, in the early days of my candidature,
I decided I would work on one of the languages of the Pilbara that had not yet been fully
described. This would complement the work of Dench, Wordick, Austin and others who
have shown that there is a rich tapestry of language use in the Pilbara. My original
intention was to extend the work done by Wordick (1982) on Yindjibarndi. Yindjibarndi
is a viable language that is still spoken by a community of speakers in the Pilbara
(mainly in the Roebourne region); so recording more language materials would be
possible. Also, while Wordick’s (1982) description of Yindjbarndi phonology and
morphology is comprehensive there is room for further research into Yindjibarndi
syntax. To seek to fill this gap, I decided I would research the syntax of clause and
sentence construction in Yindjibarndi. However, despite my best intentions, after a year
of negotiations I was unable to gain final permission from Yindjibarndi community
organisations to carry out this work.
As an alternative, after discussion with my supervisor (Alan Dench), it was
decided that I would address the same topic in Kurrama. Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are
closely related and Dench had already recorded some Kurrama materials with Algy
Paterson and Judy July; including AP’s lengthy Payarrany narrative. However, there
are limitations to the study of an endangered language which made the study of
Kurrama more problematic than an investigation of Yindjibarndi would have been. I
was limited in the range of language materials that I could record on Kurrama. Although
Thomas Cox did help out for a short while, I was essentially restricted to the one
language consultant, Maudie Dowton; and as already stated, we were unable to record
any conversational data or any lengthy text materials related solely in Kurrama. I have
11
retained the original intended focus of my research, but rather than address clause and
sentence construction in Yindjibarndi, I have focused on clause and sentence
construction in Kurrama. However, because of the limitations of the Kurrama data, this
study is a hybrid between a sketch description of Kurrama morphology and a slightly
more detailed examination of clause and sentence level syntactic patterns.
The questions that guided the research and description in this investigation are:
1. What are the differing types of simple and complex sentences used in Kurrama?
2. How are these simple and complex sentences constructed?
3. What are the salient characteristics of these sentences?
In seeking to answer these questions I have followed several fundamental steps.
Chapters 2 to 5 focus on Kurrama morphology and identify, as much as is possible, the
forms and functions of the differing parts of speech that make up Kurrama sentences.
Then, the characteristics of Kurrama simple sentences are examined in Chapter 6 and
the characteristics of Kurrama complex sentences are discussed in Chapter 7. Chapter 8
extends this inquiry further and examines the differing grammatical means by which
clauses and sentences are linked to one another in Kurrama. These various clause and
sentence linkages are categorized by a set of semantic relations that Dixon et al (in
Dixon & Aikhenvald, 2009) have identified as occurring commonly crosslinguistically.
The discussion in Chapter 8 mainly uses data from Algy Paterson’s Payarrany
narrative. The Payarrany story is a good source of lengthy unelicited language use, and
allows an insight into the ‘natural’ means of clause and sentence linking used in
Kurrama. The examples presented in Chapters 2 to 5, which illustrate the morphology
of the various parts of speech that make up Kurrama sentences, are taken from the wider
Kurrama corpus but include a number of examples from the Payarrany narrative. The
examples in Chapters 6 and 7, which illustrate the characteristics of simple and complex
sentence constructions, are also from the wider Kurrama corpus but do include a
number of examples from the Payarrany narrative.
To help overcome some of the gaps in the Kurrama data, I have, at times, used
examples from the neighbouring Central Pilbara languages to indicate what may be
possible in Kurrama. In this thesis I have drawn comparisons between the related
12
dialects Yindjibarndi and Kurrama to aid both in the understanding of what may occur
in Kurrama and also to ascertain how closely related the two varieties are. When the
differing aspects of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama morphology and syntax are compared it
will be seen that there are differences as well as similarities between these related
dialects. The source I use for information on Yindjibarndi is Wordick (1982).
1.7
Kurrama Phonology and the Orthography Used in This Thesis
In this section, I briefly discuss Kurrama phonology and the orthography used to
represent this phonology. Wordick (1982) has described Yindjibarndi phonology in
detail and I have found that Kurrama phonology varies only a little from this. Thus, I do
not attempt to fully characterize Kurrama phonology in this section. Instead, I provide a
a brief overview that allows the reader to follow the Kurrama examples, and supporting
discussion, presented in this study. However, in §1.7.3, I briefly discuss some instances
where the phonotactic patterns in Kurrama and Yindjibarndi differ. In short, Kurrama
and Yindjibarndi phonological histories show different patterns of simplification of
liquid + stop consonant clusters to avoid the mixing of manners of articulation across
these clusters.
The orthography that I use in this thesis is consistent with that used in the
literature to represent the other Pilbara languages. For instance, Dench (1991, 1995)
applies the same orthography in his representations of Panyjima and Martuthunira.
There are slight differences in the orthography that Wordick (1982) employs for
Yindjibarndi but overall the orthography that I use for Kurrama allows a straightforward
comparison with Yindjibarndi.
1.7.1 Consonants
In the following Table 1.2, I list the consonant phonemes used in the Kurrama
corpus and the orthography that I use to represent these phonemes. There are six points
of articulation for the stop and nasal consonants, four points of articulation for the
laterals, two points of articulation for the rhotics, and three points of articulation for the
glides.
In Table 1.3, I list the consonant phoneme inventory that Wordick (1982: 10)
reports for Yindjibarndi. It is presented for comparison with the Kurrama consonants in
13
Table 1.2. The Yindjibarndi consonant matrix contains only two points of lateral
articulation. Also, I favour the orthographical representation j for the Kurrama laminopalatal stop while Wordick selects ty for Yindjibarndi.
Table 1.2 Consonant phonemes used in the Kurrama corpus
bilabial
apicoalveolar
apico- postalveolar
laminodental
laminopalatal
dorsovelar
stop
p
t
rt
th
j
k
nasal
m
n
rn
nh
ny
ng
lateral
l
rl
lh
ly
rhotic
rr
r
yh
y
glide
w
Table 1.3 Yindjibarndi consonant phonemes as reported by Wordick (1982: 10)
bilabial
apicoalveolar
apico- postalveolar
laminodental
laminopalatal
dorsovelar
stop
p
t
rt
th
ty
k
nasal
m
n
rn
nh
ny
ng
lateral
l
rl
rhotic
rr
r
yh
y
glide
w
Wordick (1982: 12) states explicitly that Yindjibarndi lacks a set of laminal
laterals even though these are present in Panyjima and Ngarluma. Further, Wordick
(1982: 12) makes the earnest entreaty that the lamino-palatal lateral in Panyjima and
Ngarluma not be represented with the form ly. He states this would not be correct as this
represents a cluster of the alveolar /l/ plus the laminal glide /y/ which is observable in
Yindjibarndi. Yet, presented below are some examples from the Kurrama corpus which
do involve laminal laterals. The numbers of examples of both the lamino-dental lateral
and the lamino-palatal lateral are low in the corpus. I would suggest that these represent
14
borrowings probably from the neighbouring Central Pilbara languages or possibly from
neighbouring Southern Pilbara languages.
Most of the words that contain a laminal lateral, in the corpus, were provided by
Algy Paterson; so they may well be borrowings or influences from Martuthunira. AP
also worked with Dench on Martuthunira so it is likely that his use of Martuthunira and
Kurrama overlapped now and then. However, JJ and MD have also provided lexical
items that contain a laminal lateral. The examples provided by AP, MD and JJ follow. It
should be noted, however, that none of these lexical items are present in the
Martuthunira wordlist provided by Dench (1995: 327-355); and only pilyaku is listed in
Dench’s (1991: 232-243) Panyjima wordlist. The Martuthunira and Panyjima term for
‘nose’ is mulha so it is possible that mulhaarti may be derived from this. JJ presented
mutha as the Kurrama word for ‘nose’.
The following nominals provided by AP contain a medial lamino-dental lateral:
pulha ‘head’
yilhirr ‘spindle’
The following nominal provided by JJ contains a medial lamino-dental lateral:
mulhaarti
‘bone that goes through nose’
The following verb and its collective derivation, which were presented by MD, also
contain a medial lamino-dental lateral (collective derivation is discussed in §4.5.1).
waalhu-L ‘to farewell’ waalhu-nmarri ‘to hug and farewell each other’
The following nominals used by AP contain a lamino-palatal lateral:
pilyaku ‘pink and grey galah’
walyurn
‘old’
Also, of interest is the following dual kin term provided by MD which is formed
by the addition of the suffix –yarra onto mukul ‘aunty (father’s sister)’. The resultant
term mukulyarra ‘two aunties together’ contains a medial consonant cluster, made up of
the alveolar /l/ plus the laminal glide /y/. However, under assimilation the resultant
pronunciation of this cluster takes the form of a lamino-palatal lateral.
15
There are three examples of lexical items containing a laminal lateral in Hale’s
(1959) fieldnotes. However, these uses of the laminal laterals are again probably
influenced from outside. The frequency of laminal lateral use is very low when
compared with the frequent articulation of the apical laterals within the lexical items
recorded by Hale (1959). The lamino-dental lateral occurs in two nominals in Hale’s
fieldnotes; mulhurra ‘colon’ (Hale, 1959: 11) and pulha ‘head’ (Hale, 1959: 28). Note
that pulha was also presented by AP in his later work with Dench (see above). The third
lexical item is a place name that contains a lamino-palatal lateral. The spelling of this
place name is not clear in Hale’s fieldnotes; it is either Jalyiyarnu or possibly
Jalyiwarnu (Hale, 1959: 15).
In Tables 1.2 and 1.3 it can also be seen that the somewhat unusual laminodental glide /yh/ is used in both Kurrama and Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 12) states
that the articulation of this glide ‘resembles a very fronted y’ where the ‘edges of the
tongue often rub the inner sides of the cheeks during its production’. There are a number
of lexical items, in the corpus, that incorporate this glide. For instance, the verb puyhu-Ø
‘to meet’ contains the lamino-dental glide, as does the number ‘two’ kuyharra and the
nominals kuyhi ‘bone’ and payhurru ‘flood’. Also, when naming a number of bush
foods AP lists two types of fruit tree whose Kurrama names contain the lamino-dental
glide; these are: payhaa and miyhiliny. The minimal pair muyhu ‘winter/cold’ and muyu
‘same’ illustrate the contrast between the lamino-dental glide and the lamino-palatal
glide. I could not find an example of a minimal pair illustrating a contrast between the
lamino-dental glide and the lamino-palatal stop /j/.
The following minimal pairs illustrate the apical contrast evident in the Kurrama stop
and nasal consonants:
janta ‘crippled, lame, sore’
jarnta ‘female kangaroo’
kuta ‘short’
kurta
‘older brother, very’
mita ‘separation ground for initiates’
mirta
‘not, no’
yinti ‘to go down’
yirnti
‘forehead
The following minimal pairs illustrate the laminal contrast in the Kurrama stops and
nasals:
jampa ‘moment’
thampa ‘just’
16
nyaa
‘to see’
nhaa
‘this.(near)’
jurtu
‘flowers.(generic)
thurtu
‘elder sister, truth’
nhanti
‘husband’
nyanti ‘eyebrow’
The following minimal pairs illustrate the apical lateral contrast:
kulu ‘head lice’
kurlu ‘hot’
thula ‘to bark.(dog)’
thurla ‘eye’
wala ‘don’t, that.(mid.distance)’
warla ‘heel’
The following minimal pairs illustrate the rhotic/stop contrast between r/rt :
mara ‘hand’
marta ‘blood’
mari
marti
‘mark’
martu
‘back’
‘younger sister’
maru ‘mob, many’
The following minimal pairs illustrate the rhotic/stop contrast between rr/t.
kurra ‘dance ornament’
kuta ‘short’
mirra ‘to call out’
mita ‘separation ground for initiates’
As in many Australian languages, there is no voicing contrast in Kurrama and
Yindjibarndi. However, Wordick (1982: 11) states that, in Yindjibarndi, stops are
voiced in medial position in a word but are voiceless in the peripheral positions.
Overall, in the Kurrama recordings both AP and MD tend to voice stops between
vowels but articulate voiceless stops in the peripheral positions of a word or following a
nasal. However, there is some variation. Both /p/ and /k/ are often articulated without
voice in intervocalic position and the apical stops tend to be voiced following a nasal.
All stops are articulated without aspiration.
The Kurrama apico-alveolar rhotic tends to be articulated as a tap or short trill in
intervocalic position but is articulated as a longer trill when preceding a consonant or
when in final position. For example, on the recordings, AP pronounces /rr/ in thurra
‘firelight’ and yirrama ‘to sing’ with a tap, or short trill, but uses a longer trill in
manpurr ‘knee’ and wirrwi ‘wind’. Overall, MD tends to articulate the apico-alveolar
with a longer trill than AP. She extends this trill before a consonant or in final position,
and shortens it a little in medial intervocalic position. Also, both AP and MD tend to
17
articulate the apico-post-alveolar stop /rt/ as a single retroflex flap when it occurs
intervocalically and the apico-alveolar stop /t/ as a single tap when it occurs
intervocalically.
When discussing the apical consonants in Yindjibarndi, Wordick (1982: 12)
states that: ‘It is often extremely difficult for the native English speaker to hear the
difference between corresponding alveolar and retroflex (post-alveolar) sounds, even
though the two are structurally distinct’. The Kurrama apical articulations are often
difficult to identify because they tend to vary within the environment of differing
vowels. That is, the Kurrama high front vowel /i/ and the high back vowel /u/ tend to
influence the articulation of preceding or following apical consonants. When in the
environment of the high front vowel /i/ the articulation of an apico-post-alveolar
consonant tends to be fronted more towards an apico-alveolar, especially when it
follows the high fronted /i/ 3. Alternatively, when in the environment of the high back
vowel /u/ the articulation of an apico-alveolar consonant tends to be backed to a postalveolar. The presence of a velar consonant in the environment of an alveolar (and the
vowel /u/) can also back an apical alveolar articulation towards a post-alveolar; as, for
example, in ngunta ‘ceremony/corroboree/meeting’, kuta ‘short’, and kunkurr
‘downhill’.
Clusters containing two consonants do occur medially between vowels in
Kurrama. A consonant cluster can be positioned medially within a single word, or may
be articulated across a stem and suffix boundary or a host and clitic boundary. In
Kurrama medial homorganic nasal + stop consonant clusters are common. Of note here,
is the orthography that I use to represent the homorganic apico-post-alveolar nasal +
stop cluster, and the homorganic lamino-dental nasal + stop cluster. Wordick (1982)
represents these combinations, in Yindjibarndi, with -rnrt- and –nhth- respectively.
However, I represent them with –rnt- and –nth- respectively. There are no instances of
the non-homorganic combinations /rn/ plus /t/, or /n/ plus /th/ in the Kurrama corpus; so
it is possible to represent the homorganic clusters in this manner. In §1.7.3 I will discuss
consonant clusters that are reflexes of earlier liquid + stop combinations.
3
This property has repercussions for the determination of the verb conjugation classes within
Kurrama; see §4.4.
18
1.7.2 Vowels
Kurrama has three short vowels and three long vowels. The short vowels are: the
high front unrounded /i/, the low /a/, and the high back rounded /u/. The long vowels are
extended versions of these short vowels which I represent with: /ii/, /aa/, and /uu/. The
short vowels occur far more often than the long vowels in the corpus, but there are some
minimal pairs that indicate a contrast between corresponding short and long vowels.
jarru ‘marchfly’
jarruu ‘slow
kaya ‘older brother’
kayaa ‘sun’
minyma-L ‘to collect’
miinyma-R ‘to look after by providing for’
yathu ‘shelter
yathuu ‘tongue’
marla ‘type of yam’
marlaa ‘road’
kurturn ‘grouped together’
kuurturn ‘spotted dove’
marra
marraa ‘younger brother’
‘wing’
Although I have not measured the pronunciation of the long vowels there
appears at times to be a medial volume decrease or trough in their articulation, which
suggests a phonetic sequence of two vowels, but there is never a complete medial
separation. However, the long vowels cannot be considered to be a sequence of two
short vowels at the phonological level; they are single phonemes in their own right that
influence different stress placement and morphophonemic alternation. This is illustrated
by the accusative suffix allomorph that is selected by the common nominal thaa
‘mouth’.
Thaa contains a long vowel that is not considered to be a sequence of two short
vowels. It is made up of one syllable, not two syllables, and will select an accusative
allomorph that differs to that selected by disyllabic common nominals, such as pawa
‘water’. In Kurrama, the syllable length of a common nominal often influences the case
and nominal suffix allomorph that it selects. The accusative allomorph selected by
monosyllabic common nominals containing a long vowel 4 differs from the accusative
allomorphs selected by disyllabic common nominals. In Table 2.1, in Chapter Two, it
can be seen that the accusative allomorph selected by thaa is –wu while the accusative
4
In Table 2.1, in Chapter Two, it can be seen that a monosyllabic nominal containing a long
vowel actually selects the same accusative allomorph as do trisyllabic (or longer) common
nominals.
19
allomorph selected by the disyllabic nominal pawa is –yi. Thereby, it can be argued that
long vowels are single phonemes forming a single syllable and are not considered to be
a sequence of two short vowels forming dual syllables.
Overall, the consonant environment in which a vowel occurs influences the
pronunciation of that vowel, and alternatively the vowel environment in which a
consonant occurs influences the pronunciation of that consonant. Nearby nasal
consonants influence some nasalization of vowels. When pronouncing wangka ‘to
speak, talk’ both AP and MD nasalize the first /a/ but not the final /a/. Yet, when
pronouncing wanka ‘raw, unripe’ they do not nasalize the first /a/ as much. Of all of the
nasals, the nasal /ng/ has the most influence in nasalizing vowels in its environment;
more so when the vowel precedes it. In the pronunciation of mungkaangu ‘red ochre’
AP especially nasalizes the first /u/ more than the final /u/. The first /u/ in mungkaangu
is not only influenced by the following /ng/ but is also affected by the preceding bilabial
nasal /m/. Whereas, the articulation of the final /u/ in mungkaangu is only influenced by
the preceding nasal /ng/.
In all, the articulations of short vowels are influenced more by their consonant
environment than are the long vowels. Short vowels before a post-alveolar consonant
may be articulated with some retroflexion. This occurs in both MD and AP’s
articulation of /u/ in mangkurla ‘child’. However, as was noted earlier, the preceding
high back vowel /u/, in mangkurla, also influences the articulation of the following
retroflex consonant /rl/, in turn, by tending to draw back its apical articulation further
into post-alveolar position. Yet, as also reported by Wordick (1982: 19) for
Yindjibarndi, the vowel /i/ is less likely to be coloured by nearby retroflex consonants in
Kurrama. Instead, as noted earlier, the high front vowel /i/ tends to front the articulation
of a following post-alveolar consonant towards an alveolar articulation.
One might therefore ask, for instance, whether the distinction between /irn/ and
/in/ is becoming lost? Both sequences do occur in the Kurrama data but there are more
instances of the use of the sequence /in/ than /irn/. Out of a sample of 75 Kurrama
words that contain either /irn/ or /in/ I found that 53 words contain the sequence /in/
while 22 contain the sequence /irn/. However, the differing phonological environments
that surround these sequences may also influence these differences. I was only able to
locate the verb yinti ‘go’ and the nominal yirnti ‘forehead’ to illustrate an apparent
20
contrast between the sequences /in/ and /irn/; however these words are not strictly
minimal pairs, yinti contains the apico-alveolar sequence /n/ and /t/ while yirnti contains
the apico-post-alveolar sequence /rn/ and /rt/. I could not find any minimal pairs in
which the sequences /in/ and /irn/ are followed by a vowel or are placed word final.
Perhaps the distinction is becoming lost?
Alternatively, a short vowel before a laminal consonant is most often articulated
with a short high front vowel off-glide. That is, a high front off-glide is articulated as
movement is made away from the vowel in preparation for the (high) laminal consonant
articulation. This occurs in MD and AP’s pronunciation of wanyja ‘dog’. The
articulation of the short vowel /a/ is especially influenced in this way when followed by
the lamino-palatal glide /y/. For instance, in the pronunciation of ngayi ‘1sg.NOM’ the
off-glide transition from /a/ to /y/ is almost diphthong-like. However, this pronoun is
disyllabic and not monosyllabic with a dimoric count. That is, there is a medial syllable
division in this word and the transition from /a/ to /y/ does not form a long diphthong
vowel. Yet as Wordick (1982: 18) states for Yindjibarndi, ‘When a occurs before the
single consonant y in intervocalic position, it very obviously sounds like a diphthong,
because y is pronounced as if it were geminate in this position, with syllable division
separating the two parts’.
1.7.3 The Kurrama and Yindjibarndi reflexes of liquid + stop clusters
In 1966 O’Grady reconstructed the proto-Ngayarda forms for a set of vocabulary
items collected from seven Pilbara languages. As part of his 1966 investigation
O’Grady reconstructed the phonological changes that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi have
undergone. Dench (1987b: 519-533; 2001: 114-118) has also discussed the
phonological histories of the Pilbara languages and has noted some of the diachronic
changes that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi have undergone. Although the phonological
histories of Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are similar in many respects both O’Grady and
Dench propose some differences. Most noticeable are the differences in the Kurrama
and Yindjibarndi reflexes of earlier lateral consonant forms. The Table 1.4, on the
following page, summarises the changes that have affected these earlier laterals in both
Yindjibarndi and Kurrama.
21
O’Grady (1966: 83 & 88-69) proposes four points of articulation for the protoNgayarda laterals; both the laminal and the apical articulations. He also reports that both
Yindjibarndi and Kurrama have only two points of articulation for laterals; only the
apical articulations. In Kurrama the laminal laterals have merged with the corresponding
homorganic stops, in all phonological environments, and are not present within the
native Kurrama consonant inventory (recall my earlier statement that the laminal
laterals in my ‘Kurrama’ corpus are likely to be borrowings). The apical laterals, in
Kurrama, remain unchanged in intervocalic position but are merged with the apical
stops in syllable final and word final positions (Dench, 1987b: 528). However, the
Kurrama present inflection for L-conjugation verbs -lku does retain the apical lateral
(conjugation marker) when it precedes /k/ immediately following a morpheme
boundary; but the apical lateral (conjugation marker) is realized (most often) as /t/ in an
almost similar environment in the L-conjugation class potential and perfective verb
inflections –tkayi and –tkaayi (see §4.4).
Table 1.4 Reflexes of lateral proto-forms in Yindjibarndi and Kurrama
Environment
Lateral proto-form
Kurrama reflex
Yindjibarndi reflex
V ____ V
l
rl
ly
lh
l
rl
j
th
l
rl
j
th
____ #
l
rl
ly
t
rt
j
t
rt
j
____ p
l
rl
ly
t
rt
j
t
r
j
____ k
l
rl
ly
t
rt
j
rr / Ø
r
y
From Dench (1987: 529)
The Yindjibarndi pattern is a little different. In Yindjibarndi all laterals have
merged with the corresponding homorganic stops in word final position; and the
alveolar and palatal laterals have merged with the homorganic stops before the
22
consonant p. However, the lateral l is either deleted or reflected as the rhotic rr before
the consonant k. That is, if the alveolar lateral is placed immediately after a morpheme
boundary, but precedes k, it is deleted. Otherwise, if it does not follow a morpheme
boundary, but precedes k, the alveolar lateral surfaces as the rhotic rr. Alternatively, the
lateral ly before k is always reflected as the glide y, in Yindjibarndi, while the retroflex
lateral rl becomes the rhotic glide r before all consonants (Dench, 1987b: 528).
In short, the reflexes of clusters involving a lateral + stop differ somewhat in
Kurrama and Yindjibarndi. The following word list illustrates some of these differences.
The corresponding Panyjima equivalents are also presented below; they retain the
original lateral + stop cluster.
Table 1.5 Word forms containing differing reflexes of lateral + stop clusters
Panyjima
Kurrama
Yindjibarndi
Translation
jirlpa
jirtpa
jirpa
‘ashes’
jurlpin
jurtpin
jurpin
‘grey’
pulka
putka
purrka
‘spinifex resin/wax’
jalkarran
jatkarran
jarrkarran
‘frog’
parlkarra
partkarra
parkarra
‘plain’
mirtka
mirka
‘fork of tree/ groin’
mirlka
Examples of the reflexes of ly + k are more difficult to find. Although I could
not locate the Panyjima equivalent, Wordick (1982: 308) lists the Yindjibarndi term for
‘mountain gum’ as maykan and the Kurrama term as majkan. The reconstructed protoform would be malykan.
There are also some differences in the reflexes of clusters involving the apical
rhotic trill and peripheral stops in Yindjibarndi and Kurrama. The following word list
illustrates this.
23
Table 1.6 Word forms containing reflexes of rr + peripheral stop clusters
Panyjima
Kurrama
Yindjibarndi
Translation
tharrpa-
tharrwa-
tharrwa-
‘enter’
wirrpi
wirrwi
wirrwi
‘wind’
parrka
parrwa
parra
‘leaf’
warrku
warrwu
warru
‘joey’
The peripheral stops are lenited to the glide /w/ after the apical trill in Kurrama,
and are either deleted or are also lenited to /w/ in Yindjibarndi. Again the Panyjima
word form retains the original cluster. However, there are some exceptions to the
Kurrama pattern. Within the Kurrama R-conjugation present, potential and perfective
verb inflections (-rrku, -rrkayi and –rrkaayi) the peripheral stop /k/ is retained when it
follows the apical rhotic trill immediately after a morpheme boundary (see §4.4). It
could be said that the retention of /k/ after /rr/ in the R-conjugation present, potential
and perfective verb inflections represents a frozen morpheme boundary.
Dench (2001: 117) proposes that the changes in liquid + stop clusters are
motivated by an ‘apparent conspiracy to ‘simplify’ clusters consisting of consonants
with distinct manners’. The comparisons presented here illustrate that there is more than
one means of approaching this simplification. Overall, the examples presented above
illustrate that although the phonologies of Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are similar in
many repects their phonotactic patterns do diverge.
1.7.4 Stress
The following is not a detailed study of stress patterning in Kurrama; more work
(than has been possible in this project) is still required. However, some general rules of
stress placement can be stated. Disyllabic morphemes are assigned stress on the first
syllable. Morphemes of more than two syllables are assigned stress on the first syllable
and then on following alternating syllables except the final rightmost syllable which is
not stressed. Consider the following examples (stress is indicated by underlining).
kurri
‘young.girl’
mirta ‘not/no’
24
majarra ‘sick/sore’
pilarna
‘cloud’
kakarlurlu ‘crested.pigeon’
ngatharntangu ‘lower grindstone’
kayawuluyungu ‘coppertail snake’
karlawirturtura ‘dragonfly’
When morphemes of two or more syllables are attached, to construct a word,
stress is still placed on the first syllable of each morpheme. Alternating syllables that
intervene between these stressed syllables are also stressed except when this would
result in adjacent stressed syllables. The final syllable in a word is not stressed.
For instance, in the following examples stress falls in a uniform alternating
pattern across the attached morphemes.
karra-nyungu
‘scrub/bush-DWELL’
Yarrarlurlu-warta
‘Yarraloola (location)-ALL
walawanti-nyjarri-ngu
‘look.back-COLL-REL’
However, in the following sequences of attached morphemes, some of the
intervening syllables between the stressed first syllables in each morpheme do not fall
within an alternating pattern and are not stressed.
thanuwa-ngarli
‘food-PL’
kamungu-nguli-ngumarnu
‘hungry-PSYCH-PROG’
muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu
‘run-COLL-PROG’
Attached monosyllabic morphemes are stressed if they fall within an alternating
sequence of stressed syllables across morpheme boundaries.
manku-lu-wa
‘get-PURP-TOP1’
wangka-nguli-ngu-yu
‘call-PASS-REL-EMPH4’
wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu
‘return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4’
However, monosyllabic morphemes will not be stressed when they do not fall
within an alternating sequence of stressed syllables between morphemes.
jurntat-ku-warnu
‘like.that-ACC-EMPH5’
25
nhungu-mpa-wurtu
‘here-TOP2-EMPH3’
There are exceptions to these patterns. Even though it is monosyllabic, the
causative morpheme -ma-L will often attract stress in a morpheme sequence. In the
following causative constructions the stress patterning within the stems is as expected.
However, stress is assigned to the attached monosyllabic causative morpheme and not
the first syllable in the disyllabic habitual and result inflections.
mirnu-ma-nmarta
‘know-CAUS-HABIT’
murlimurli-ma-langu
‘wrap-CAUS-RSLT’
Yet this is not always so. If stress on the causative morpheme would result in a
following sequence of three unstressed syllables the causative is not stressed. Instead
stress is retained on the first syllable in the following morpheme (if disyllabic or
longer).
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-ngu
‘wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL’
mirnu-ma-rnumarnu
‘know-CAUS-PROG’
Long vowels also introduce some variability. There is some apparent breaking of
the long vowel (/a.a/) across morpheme boundaries where the long vowel is the result of
a suffix initial /a/ in a disyllabic morpheme. In such cases, the second of the two
adjacent vowels is stressed. This is consistent with the general pattern that the initial
syllable of a disyllabic morpheme is stressed. Examples are:
pawa-arta
‘water-ALL’
ngarrka-ayi ‘eat-PERF’
marnta-arta ‘hill-ALL’
murna-arri- ‘close-INCH-’.
However, there are some other cases that cannot be explained in this way. In the
following the long vowel does not span a morpheme boundary but these forms also
exhibit the same vowel breaking on some occasions.
ngunhaatu ‘that one/that’s it’
ngunhaana ‘that one’
wantaawa ‘later/somewhere/Well!’
That is, the breaking seems to occur when the long vowel is part of the second
syllable of a trisyllabic word and thus produces what is effectively a four syllable word
26
with stress on the first and third syllables. This, however, is not a firm analysis and the
stress patterning of long vowels requires more study than has been possible in this
project.
1.8
Acknowledgement of the Sources of Examples Used in Thesis
The Kurrama examples presented in the following chapters are mainly taken
from Algy Paterson’s Payarrany narrative and from the recordings made with Maudie
Dowton. The Payarrany narrative is presented in its entirety in the appendix. In the
following chapters the source of each Kurrama example is acknowledged at the end of
each example. If the example is from the Payarrany narrative then the code which
numbers its position in the Payarrany narrative is cited. Otherwise, if not from the
Payarrany story, the initials of the consultant who provided the example are cited.
Examples taken from Hale’s (1959) field notes are acknowledged in the conventional
manner with citation of the page number on which they occur. Hale (1959) did not
acknowledge the source of each example in his field notes, but most were provided by
Algy Paterson with some input from Tumbler and Ruby Woolhouse. Examples from
Yindjibarndi and other languages are also acknowledged in the conventional manner.
It should be noted that the number codes of each section of text in the Payarrany
narrative, presented in the appendix, has no real significance. The sections of text were
first numbered during my first early attempts at translation and have subsequently
remained unaltered during further work. Dench was first to translate the narrative (after
recording it with AP) but his numbering differs from the numbering that I use. Dench
worked through the narrative with AP to draw up the original draft of glosses and free
translations. My later work changed some of the glosses and translations based on
comparative data from the wider Kurrama corpus. Subsequent changes have also been
made as suggested by the examiners, listening to the recording again, and on discussion
with Professor Dench.
1.9
Some Salient Features of the Examples Presented in This Thesis
In the description and analysis of Kurrama in the following chapters I provide as
many Kurrama examples as possible. There are two features of these examples that
require some preliminary discussion. These features are, the extensive use of ellipsis
within AP’s examples, and his wide use of discourse enclitic marking.
27
As stated earlier, the majority of the examples presented in this thesis are taken
from AP’s Payarrany narrative. The Payarrany narrative is not elicited and provides a
natural presentation of Kurrama use. It will become evident that AP does not always
make direct reference to the participants in his narrative and as such there is frequent
ellipsis of reference to these participants within the clauses and sentences that make up
his narrative. This is discussed in §1.9.1 below.
Also, AP makes extensive use of discourse clitics within his story telling. I have
not been able to determine the full range of functions and meanings that are associated
with some of these clitics. Thereby, the reader will have some queries about the glosses
and translations that I make for some of the Payarrany examples. This is discussed
briefly in §1.9.2. Further detail on the Kurrama clitics is presented in Chapter 5.
1.9.1 Ellipsis within the Examples from the Payarrany Narrative
In Australian Aboriginal texts the ellipsis of reference to a participant often
follows the prior mention of the participant in preceding text. The protagonist is
understood from the context of the preceding text. Yet, overt reference will be made to
new participants and often to those acted upon, or affected by, the ellipsed referent.
Changes in the plot of a narrative may require the re-introduction of reference to a
participant when they have not been part of the narrative for a stretch, or they do
something novel, or something happens to them that would not be recoverable, or
understood, if direct reference to them is not made.
These patterns of ellipsis occur in languages with and without bound
pronominals (that aid in referent tracking). In the Payarrany narrative AP often does not
use overt referring expressions for the main character (the old lady Payarrany) in long
stretches of text that describe her actions. Also, in other instances, overt references to
other participants in the narrative are also absent once they have been introduced at the
beginning of a stretch of text. This ellipsis does not lead to a loss of grammaticality nor
the loss of the ability of a Kurrama listener to understand what is being conveyed.
The following extract, from the beginning of the Payarrany narrative, illustrates
AP’s omission of overt reference to the old lady Payarrany after he has first introduced
her to the story. The extract is presented in the same format as it is in the appendix. In
P.002 to P.004 the old lady is introduced, but then in P.005 to P.013 overt reference to
28
the old lady is omitted in the sentences that describe her actions, thoughts, and
experiences. Note that the statement, made in P.005 to P.007, that the old lady’s
husband was wrapped in a sheet by ‘whitefellas’ implies that he was killed by
‘whitefellas’.
P.002 Mangkala-la-yu
nhungkat parna-ayi
Red Hill-LOC-EMPH those
stay-PERF
nhuwamalingka-wari.
spouse.group-COM
'Those ones had been staying at Red Hill with the husbands and wives.'
P.003 Ngayu
yarukal thurlajinkarri Yithirltany-nguyharntu,
1sg.ACC aunty
poor.fellow
name.of.person-GEN
karra-nyungu-yu
parni-marta
wangka-nguli-marta.
scrub/bush-DWELL-EMPH live/stay-HABIT tell/say-PASS-HABIT
'That poor old Aunty of mine was Tithirltany's daughter, the old lady who used
to live in the scrub, she used to be called Karranyungu, scrub dweller.
P.004 Ngunhaa ngaarta palangku parni-nha
Mangkala-la-yu
that
person those
live/stay-PAST Red Hill-LOC-EMPH
‘These people and that one (the old lady) were at Red Hill.’
P.005 Ngarti
then/next
P.006
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu
see-COLL-PROG-EMPH
warrungkamu-l
one.morning-THEN
P.007 kaliku-la-wa
sheet-LOC-TOP1
nhuwa-yi
spouse-ACC
ngarti-yu
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu
then/next-EMPH wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
walypala-ngarli-lu.
whitefellow-PL-INSTR
‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet
(killed) by whitefellas.’
P.008 Wantaawa!
Well!
P.009 Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
waa-wa
karra-ngka-wa.
fear/frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1
‘Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.’
P.010 Munti-yaa
True/truly/really-SEMBL
jurntatma-rnaarnu-la,
like.that-CAUS-PPERF-LOC
jurntat-karlaa.
like.that-PROP
29
P.011 jurntat-ku-warnu
like.that-ACC-EMPH
nhawa-ayi.
see-PERF
‘(She) really believed it had happened like that, (she'd) seen how it happened.'
P.012 Yanku-nha
go-PAST
wantaawa
somewhere
marnta-ka-wa
mountain/hill-LOC-TOP1
P.013 muyirri-nha wantawanta-rri-ngu.
kurtawurtu.
run-PAST mad/crazy/silly-INCH-REL true.enough
'So (she) went off somewhere into the hills, ran away, getting crazy alright.'
As ellipsis is common in the examples taken from Payarrany story, the reader
can determine their context (if they need) from the relevant sections contained within
the complete narrative presented in the appendix. The examples provided by MD, that
are presented in the following chapters, generally do not utilize extensive ellipsis; they
are usually isolated elicited clauses and sentences that are mostly ‘self contained’.
1.9.2 Glossing and Interpretation of the Kurrama Discourse Clitics
The wide range of clitics used in Kurrama are discussed in Chapter 5. However,
some of these clitics require some preliminary discussion here. I have not been able to
determine the full range of meanings and functions associated with a number of the
Kurrama clitics. In particular, those that I label the topicaliser clitics and the emphatic
clitics cause the most concern. Under each of these labels are a number of differing
morphemes that may have a number of differing meanings and functions that I have yet
to distinguish. I have identified seven clitics that I group together as topicalisers and
five clitics that I group together as emphatics.
In broad terms the topicaliser clitics appear to be employed to indicate the main
topic of the clause in which they occur; while the emphatic clitics place emphasis on the
host word to which they are attached within a clause. However, as stated, I have not
been able to distinguish the differences (or shades) of meaning and function within each
group. So, rather than force an interpretation I have decided to simply number each
clitic within each group. That is, I gloss the five emphatic clitics as EMPH1 to EMPH5
and gloss the seven topicaliser clitics as TOP1 to TOP7. Each of the differing clitic
morphemes that are glossed with these categories and numbers are presented in §5.1
and §5.2 respectively.
30
It will be seen that two of these clitics are homophonous with two accusative
case allomorphs. The full range of Kurrama accusative allomorphs are presented in
Tables 2.1 and 2.2. The topicaliser clitic –yi, which I gloss as TOP4, has the same form
as the accusative allomorph that is added to disyllabic common nominals that end in /a/.
The emphatic clitic –wu, which I gloss as EMPH2, is homophonous with the accusative
allomorph that is added: a) to monosyllabic common nominals that end in a long vowel,
and b) to trisyllabic or longer common nominals that end in any vowel. However, the
distinct clitic and case functions of these forms can be determined from the contexts of
their use in the Payarrany narrative. That is, it is usually quite clear from the context in
which they are used as to whether –yi is acting as an accusative suffix or acting as a
topicaliser clitic, and whether –wu is acting as an accusative suffix or acting as an
emphatic clitic. Even though the functions of the clitics may not be fully understood the
functions of the accusative suffix are better understood and can be differentiated from
the clitics. The functions of the accusative suffix are dicussed in §2.2.2.
The reader will find that it is not uncommon for the same clitic to occur on more
than one host within a clause or sentence from the Payarrany narrative; as shown in the
following examples 1.1 and 1.2. While this might resemble the distribution of case
marking across a constituent this clitic marking is not agreement marking; each use of
the clitic acts independently (as is evident in the following example 1.2 where EMPH4
marks two separate pronouns). Also, as shown in examples 1.3 to 1.5, it is possible for
more than one clitic to be attached to a single host. However, this is not the same as a
series of case markers on a single nominal stem. A series of clitics on a host form a
‘flat’ structure where each of the clitics has scope over the same syntactic unit and their
order of placement on the host does not really matter, even though there is a preferred
order (see §5.7). Conversely, the order of a series of case suffixes on a stem does have
meaning; an outer suffix has scope over the preceding suffixes and the stem (see §2.9).
1.1
Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
waa-wa
frightened-TOP1
karra-ngka -wa
scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1
'Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.'
1.2
Kantharri
Daughter's.chld
nyinta-yu
2sg.NOM-EMPH4
'Granny you might hit me!'
(P.118)
(P.009)
ngayu-yu
ngarra-rtpunta.
1sg.ACC-EMPH4 hit-MIGHT
31
1.3
Purri-tkaayi-wa-yu
cleanem-ma-rnu ngurnu,
pull-PERF-TOP1-EMPH clean-CAUS-REL that.ACC
pawurta-wu-yu,
powder-ACC-EMPH
ngarrarnmarta-la-wa-yu.
rifle-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
'(You) pull it through and it cleans that powder out of the rifle.' (P.308)
1.4
Nyinta
parni-i
nhungu, kamungu-nguli-ngu-yu
2sg.NOM stay-POT here
hungry/empty-PSYCH-REL-EMPH
nyinta
2sg.NOM
parni-i nhaa-mpa
be-POT this-TOP7
pirntu, nyinta
food 2sg.NOM
nyinku
2sg.ACC
yurntaa-wayhu-yu-warnu
flour-DIM-EMPH4-EMPH5
kampa-rrkayi nhurnu.
cook-POT
this.ACC
‘You stay here. If you get hungry this is a little bit of flour for you, you can cook
this.’
(P.493)
1.5
..kartpa kankala-wurtu-yu
go.up on.top-EMPH3-EMPH4
parntaya-nmarri-nha … ngani-ngarli
find-COLL-PAST
what-PL
ngunhungku … karrwanyji-wu
those
pigeon-ACC
pirtuwu-la
karri-yangu-wa
boulder-LOC stand-REL-TOP1
walu-ngarli-la
boulder-PL-LOC
marnta-ngarli-la.
rocks-PL-LOC
‘..(This fella) was going up along the top and found some…what-ya-call
these?... pigeons standing on top of some boulders, on some rocks.'
(P.115)
The Kurrama topicaliser and emphatic clitics are discussed further in Chapter 5
along with the other clitics that are employed within the Kurrama corpus. In all, the
topicaliser and emphatic clitics mostly occur in examples from the Payarrany narrative
where they are freely used by AP within the flow of his story telling. Most of the
examples provided by MD were elicited and rarely contain the discourse clitics.
1.10 Theoretical Perspective
This thesis is not based on a specific single theoretical framework. Instead this
study is underpinned by several theoretical approaches; but, overall, I adopt a
conservative position. This conservative position mainly rests on the limitations of the
Kurrama corpus at hand. Most of the unelicited language data comes from one
narrative, the Payarrany story, and further supportive data was gained mainly by
elicitation with one speaker. Secondly, in the short time that I spent with this consultant
32
we found it difficult to test theoretical hypotheses. Thus only a relatively conservative
approach can be applied to the analysis and description of the limited language
materials in this study. For instance, I was unable to determine a definite pattern of case
marking of the arguments of passive ditransitive verbs in my work with MD; even
though Wordick (1982) does delineate a specific pattern for Yindjibarndi (see §6.6.2).
Therefore, a full ‘picture’ of Kurrama passive use cannot be drawn nor explained by
reference to a defining theoretical perspective.
It is assumed, in this study, that each Kurrama verb root comes with a lexical
specification for the argument types that it selects and the types of case marking that
these arguments receive. For example, because I was unable to delineate an overall
pattern of marking for ditransitive passives it can only be assumed that each ditransitive
verb comes with its own lexically specified argument case frames. Also, in §4.2, I
discuss a group of verbs that I describe as being ambitransitive. In some contexts these
ambitransitives act as intransitive verbs and do not select an object argument but in
other circumstances act as transitive verbs and do select an object argument. This
patterning of the ambitransitives is lexically specified. These verbs cannot easily be
categorized as being either transitive or intransitive.
In Kurrama, case and nominal suffix marking is not assigned to arguments by
virtue of the argument’s structural position in a clause. For example, in §4.5.7 and §6.7,
it is shown that the object arguments of imperative marked transitive verbs are not
assigned accusative marking; even though object arguments are typically assigned
accusative marking in other active transitive constructions.
Yet, it can be argued that there are some general ‘patterns’ or ‘templates’ into
which semantically comparable verbs and their arguments can be slotted. For instance,
the various simple and complex sentence types examined in this study could be
considered as ‘templates’ into which various verbs and their arguments can be inserted.
However, as will be shown in the following chapters, there are variations within the
patterning of the Kurrama sentence types. I take a conservative view and maintain that
these variations are lexically specified. That is, each verb and the arguments that it
selects behave in their own way within the patterning of each sentence type.
33
2. NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY
2.1
Introduction
Kurrama, like many Australian languages, does not use prepositions or
postpositions and the function of a NP in a clause or phrase is indicated, instead, by a
system of case and nominal suffix marking. Case and nominal suffix marking in
Kurrama is a dependent marking system where case and nominal suffix inflections are
usually distributed among all the constituents of a NP to indicate the relation of that NP
to the syntactic head of a clause or phrase. In the Kurrama corpus I have identified 13
separate groups of case and nominal suffix allomorphs that encode 13 different
groupings, or categories, of function. The selection of an allomorph from a case or
nominal suffix group is often determined by the lexical category of the nominal to
which it is attached as well as the phonological and syllabic structure of that nominal.
In Table 2.1, presented on the following page, are listed the case and nominal
suffixes (in bold) that are selected by common nominals and proper names that end with
a vowel. In Table 2.2 are listed the case and nominal suffixes selected by common
nominals and proper names that end with a consonant. The consonant or vowel ending
of a common nominal may determine the case or nominal suffix allomorph that a
common nominal will select. The syllabic structure of a vowel final common nominal
may also influence the inflection that it selects. So, in Table 2.2 the inflections assigned
to consonant final common nominals are presented under final consonant divisions, and
in Table 2.1 the inflections assigned to vowel final common nominals are listed under
syllabic structure and (sometimes) final vowel divisions. If the final vowel of a common
nominal does influence the selection of an inflection then this is indicated in the relevant
division in Table 2.1. However, if the final vowel has no influence then only a single
representative common nominal is listed in the relevant division in Table 2.1
For instance, the same comitative allomorph is assigned to every vowel final
common nominal regardless of its syllabic and final vowel configuration. Yet, while
CVV and CVCV dimoric common nominals are assigned the same instrumental
allomorph the longer structures CVNCV and CV(C)VCV are not. And, while the type
of vowel ending in a CVNCV common nominal does influence the instrumental
allomorph that is assigned to it, the vowel endings in the other syllabic structures do not.
Table 2.1 Inflections for nominals ending in a vowel
34
Table 2.2 Inflections for nominals ending in a consonant
35
36
It should be noted that in Table 2.1 the division CVV represents a common
nominal made up of a consonant plus a long vowel and not a consonant plus two short
vowels. That is the CVV structure represents a monosyllabic nominal with a dimoric
count and not a disyllabic nominal with a dimoric count.
Overall, the corresponding Yindjibarndi common nominal and proper name
inflections pattern the same as the Kurrama inflections listed in Tables 2.1 and 2.2.
Wordick (1982: 58) does use the label objective case, where I use accusative case, but
the same allomorphs of this inflection do occur in the same phonological environments
in both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama.
In Tables 2.1 and 2.2 it can be seen that the assignment of case and nominal
suffix allomorphs to proper names is not as complex as common nominal inflection. In
each case or suffix category all vowel final proper names select the same allomorph
regardless of their syllable and final vowel configurations. Consonant final proper
names also often select the same allomorph in each case or nominal suffix division
regardless of their final consonant. However, in some instances consonant final proper
names behave like consonant final common nominals. That is, in some case or nominal
suffix categories the consonant final proper names select the same allomorphs as do
common nominals with the same consonant ending. For example, locative marking of
consonant final proper names is the same as locative marking of consonant final
common nominals: if a proper name and a common nominal end in /n/ they are inflected
with –ta; if they end in /ny/ they are inflected with –tha; and if they end in /t/ or /rr/ they
are inflected with –a etc.
The reader will have observed that only eleven categories of the Kurrama case
and nominal suffix divisions are presented in Tables 2.1 and 2.2. I have only a limited
number of examples of the two remaining categories, dweller/denizen and indirect
allative, so I cannot provide a representative list of their allomorphs. However, the
functions of these categories are briefly discussed in this chapter. Also, the case forms
of the Kurrama pronouns are not listed in Tables 2.1 and 2.2. The pronouns have a
different morphology to that of nominal suffixes and are presented in Table 3.1 in
Chapter Three. Yet, some examples of pronominal case are presented in this chapter to
illustrate instances of case function.
37
Table 2.3 Headings under which the Kurrama nominal suffixes are discussed
Lowest syntactic level of operation
Case or nominal suffix type
core clausal function
nominative, accusative
peripheral clausal function
instrumental
phrasal adnominal function
genitive, comitative, proprietive, privative,
associative, dweller/denizen and specific
referent marker
local function
locative, ablative, direct and indirect allative
Dixon (2002: 132 - 143) divides Australian case and nominal suffixes into four
categories based on their (lowest) syntactic level of operation; these are: core clausal
functions, peripheral clausal functions, phrasal functions, and local functions (which can
operate at both a phrasal and/or a clausal level). Yet, like those that have a local
function, a range of case and nominal suffixes, in many Australian languages, operate at
more than one syntactic level. Dench and Evans (1988) delineate four levels of function
for Australian nominal suffixes, which are also found in Kurrama; these are: adnominal,
relational, referential and complementiser functions.
The adnominal function of Kurrama nominal marking operates at the phrasal
level and serves to relate ‘NPs to NPs within the one NP constituent’. The relational
function of Kurrama nominal marking serves to indicate the role of NPs within a clause
where arguments are related to predicates. The referential function operates within a
Kurrama clause and relates a secondary predicate to its controller (which is an argument
of the primary predication). The complementiser function, in Kurrama, indicates the
relations between clauses and indicates ‘that one clause is an argument of another .. or
that certain coreference relationships exist between two clauses’ (adapted and quoted
from Dench & Evans 1988: 2).
In the following examination of the Kurrama case and nominal suffixes each
suffix is discussed under one of Dixon’s (2002) categories. The category under which a
suffix is placed represents the lowest syntactic level at which it operates; as summarized
in Table 2.3 above. The higher levels at which a suffix may also operate are then
examined within the discussion of each individual suffix. For example, accusative
38
marking is discussed under the heading ‘core clausal function’, and not under the lower
‘phrasal function’ level, but the discussion of this case marker also includes an
examination of its possible referential and complementiser functions.
2.2
Cases with a Core Clausal Function
A simple verbal clause, in Kurrama, most often contains an intransitive verb or a
transitive verb, although ambitransitive and ditransitive verbs are also possible (see §4.1
and §4.2). At its simplest, when there is no ellipsis, an intransitive verb will select a
subject argument S, while a transitive verb will select a subject argument A and an
object argument O (Dixon, 2002: 132). In Kurrama, the case marking of A, S and O
arguments in active verbal clauses follows a nominative-accusative pattern. NPs with
either S or A functions select nominative case while O arguments select accusative case.
Nominative case marking is first examined in the following section and then
accusative marking is discussed. Other situations where nominative and accusative
marking are used, beyond marking the A, S or O arguments of a verbal active clause,
are examined within each section.
2.2.1 Nominative Case
In Kurrama there is no overt nominative case marker for common nominals, and
NPs with either an A or S function in a verbal clause are left unmarked. The following
examples illustrate this. Examples 2.1 to 2.3 illustrate zero 5 nominative marking of core
arguments with an A function, and examples 2.4 and 2.5 illustrate zero nominative
marking of core arguments with an S function.
2.1
Warlipi-Ø
boy-NOM
nhawu-nha wanyja-yi
see -PAST dog-ACC
‘The boy saw the big black dog.’
2.2
Mangkurla-Ø ngalhi
child - NOM cry.PRES
jilirra-wu warru- u.
big-ACC black-ACC
(MD)
ngangka-yi
mother-ACC
piwi-i
purtpi.
breast-ACC want
'The child is crying for mother, (she) wants breast/milk.'
5
(MD)
For the purposes of illustration the examples of nominative marking are shown with a zero
marker in this section. In the sections that follow the zero marker is not used and instead
nominative NPs are left unmarked.
39
2.3
Nhawu-Ø
man - NOM
nhawu-nha
see-PAST
'The man saw the girl.'
2.4
Wirrwi-Ø
wind-NOM
kurri-i.
young.girl-ACC
(MD)
muyhumuyhu-Ø parraa-rrku.
cold-NOM
blow-PRES
'A cold wind is blowing.'
2.5
Warlipi-Ø
Boy-NOM
(MD)
pangkarri-nha
go-PAST
'The boy went to the wide river.'
wuntu-warta
thampi-yarta.
river/creek-ALL wide-ALL
(MD)
Nominative marking also occurs in other contexts beyond the coding of
arguments with an A or S function in an active verbal clause. The subject arguments of
nonverbal predications also select nominative case, as is shown in examples 2.6 and 2.7.
Further, in passive constructions and imperative clauses, the arguments that have a
patient, goal or recipient role may also select nominative case; as is shown in examples
2.8 to 2.12.
2.6
Kari-Ø
Grog-NOM
maru-Ø
paja
nyinku.
mob/many-NOM no.good/not.right 2sg.ACC
'Too much grog is bad for you.'
2.7
Nhaa
this.NOM
karnti-Ø
tree-NOM
malu-u
wapa.
shade-ACC good
‘This tree is good for shade.'
2.8
Kupija-Ø
baby-NOM
(MD and TC)
kartpa-nguli-nha
take-PASS-PAST
(MD)
ngurra-yi
camp-ACC
ngangka-lu.
mother-INSTR
'The baby was taken home/camp by (her/his) mother.'
2.9
Nhawu-Ø yungku-nguli-nha
man-NOM give-PASS-PAST
(MD)
pungkanyu-lu
martumirri-wu
woman-INSTR bread/damper-ACC
'The man was given damper by the woman.'
(MD)
40
2.10
Nganila-Ø
thing-NOM
parni
be.PRES
janka-rnaarnu
tie-PPERF
kurtan-ma-rnaarnu
bag-CAUS-PPERF
ngunhat
thatDEF
martkurra-ma-rnaarnu purntura-Ø
good-CAUS-PPERF
rolled.up-NOM
(P.224)
'That thing had been tied up into a bag, had been made neatly and rolled up.'
2.11
Karnti-Ø
stick-NOM
manku-ma
get-IMP
karla-ma-rrkayi
fire-CAUS-POT
'Get sticks and make a fire!'
2.12
(TC)
Waama-nma
wanyja-Ø
scare/frighten-IMP dog-NOM
wangka-ma,
tell/say -IMP
'Scare the dog away tell (it), “Go!”’
“pangkarri!”
go
(MD)
In Kurrama, a secondary predicate is marked in agreement with the case
marking assigned to its controller. So, a secondary predicate will be left unmarked if it
has a nominative controller. This is illustrated in example 2.10, above, where the
secondary predicate purntura ‘rolled up’ selects zero marking in agreement with its
nominative controller nganila-Ø.
In example 2.13, below, the secondary predicate
kupiyarri ‘small (plural)’ also selects zero marking in agreement with its nominative
controller mangkurlarra-Ø. Secondary predication in Kurrama is discussed in §6.5.
2.13.
Mangkurlarra-Ø
child.PL-NOM
Paparrathalu-la
Wyloo-LOC
nhungu-mu
here-THEN
parni-ngu
stay-REL
yalaa
now
kupiyarri-Ø -mu
small.PL-NOM-THEN
'(He and his) children were here then, staying now at Wyloo Station, (they were)
little then.’
(P.395)
I was unable to find a definite example of nominative complementiser marking
in the Kurrama corpus. The following bracketed clause in example 2.14 is much like
one would expect of a nominative NP-relative but is more likely to be an independent
parenthetical comment rather than a dependent clause. That is, the bracketed clause in
example 2.14 has the initial appearance of a NP-relative clause that is controlled by one
argument of the main clause subject, ‘the old man’, and thereby could be seen as
selecting zero nominative complementiser marking in agreement with this nominative
41
controller. However, it is more likely that the demonstrative ngunhu has a pronominal
function in the bracketed clause (see §3.2.1), and thereby the bracketed clause is an
independent clause (with a complete set of arguments) that is inserted into example 2.14
as a qualifying comment (about the old man’) that expresses ‘that.one/he used to kill
dingoes’; rather than acting as the modifying NP-relative ‘that used to kill dingoes’.
2.14
Ngunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta
those
policeman-PL three
policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG
[ngunhu-mpa-yu
that.NOM-TOP2-EMPH4
yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu],
dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4
jarrwurti ngunhangkat jurlu-wa,
three
those
all-TOP1
kartpa-rna
carry-PAST
yaayu-warri-ngu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC
‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose,
[that used to kill dingoes] / [he used to kill dingoes], and all three of those
policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’.
(P.520)
The corresponding nominative marker of common nominals, and NPs, in
Yindjibarndi is also the zero inflection. The common nominal subjects of the same
range of clause types, as are found in Kurrama, are also left unmarked in nominative
case in Yindjibarndi. Secondary predication and complementiser agreement in
Yindjibarndi can be made with the zero nominative (even though it is not visible).
2.2.2 Accusative Case
The modern accusative markers in the Central Pilbara languages have evolved
from an earlier dative marker (see Dench 1982a; 2001; 2006). However, following
Dench (1991: 139) I choose to label these markers as accusative inflections rather than
as dative inflections. Dench (1991: 139) argues for Panyjima that ‘because the main
function of the modern (accusative) suffix is to mark transitive objects and because
something of the semantics of direct-objecthood adheres to all uses of the morpheme’
he prefers to label the suffix as an accusative marker rather than as a dative. To retain
some consistency with the descriptions of Panyjima, and the other languages in the area,
I label the Kurrama marker in question as an accusative suffix, and not a dative, but
recognize that although it is used mainly as direct object marker it does have other
functions (see below). Note that Wordick (1982) chose to use the classification
‘objective’ case marker for the corresponding suffix in Yindjibarndi.
42
In Kurrama, the main function of the accusative suffix is to distinguish an
argument with an O function from the unmarked nominative subject argument A in a
transitive clause. However, as Kurrama does not employ a distinct dative case marker,
the accusative is used to mark both the direct and indirect object arguments in an active
ditransitive clause, and can mark an optional beneficiary or goal NP which can be added
to most clause types. An ambitransitive clause may or may not contain an accusative
marked argument (see §4.2). The accusative suffix can also mark non-subject
complements in nonverbal clauses. For example, the nominal predicates mirnu ‘know’
and purtpi ‘want’ can select accusative complements, as can a range of common
nominals that act as predicates which ascribe a property to the subject of a clause. This
was shown in the earlier examples 2.6 and 2.7 where the property ascribed to the subject
is relative to the perspective of the referent of the accusative marked complement.
The following example 2.15 illustrates an ambitransitive verb that can either
select or not select an accusative argument.
2.15
Wirrwi parraa-rrku
,
wirrwi
wind blow.(wind)-PRES , wind
parraa- rnu
jurli-i
blow.(wind)-REL sand-ACC
'The wind is blowing, the wind is blowing the sand.'
(MD)
The following examples 2.16 and 2.17 illustrate the accusative marking of
complements of the nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’. The earlier example 2.2 illustrated
an accusative marked complement of the nominal predicate purtpi ‘want’.
2.16
Ngayi
mirnu ngurnu
1sg.NOM know that.ACC
ngurra-yi
camp-ACC
mirnu kurta Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu.
know very Yalyarra -ACC where.at-ACC
wanthila-wu
where.at-ACC
(P.167)
'I knew where that camp was. (I) knew where it must be at Yalyarra.'
2.17
Nyinta
2sg:NOM
mirnu ngayu.
know 1sg.ACC
'You know me.’
(MD)
43
The following examples 2.18 and 2.19 illustrate the accusative marking of
arguments of the ditransitive verb yungku ‘give’. In these examples both the theme and
the recipient are marked accusative.
2.18
Nhawu yungku-nha ngayu
murla-yi.
man
give-PAST 1sg.ACC meat-ACC
'The man gave me meat.’
2.19
Ngayi
wanyja-yi
1sg.NOM dog-ACC
(MD)
yungku-nha murla-yi
give-PAST meat-ACC
‘I gave the dog the meat.’
(MD)
In a Kurrama ditransitive passive construction one of the arguments of the
passive marked ditransitive verb will select accusative marking. Typically the patient or
theme is marked accusative in a ditransitive passive construction while the beneficiary
or recipient is marked nominative; as was illustrated by the earlier example 2.9. Yet, in
the following example of a ditransitive passive the recipient/beneficiary argument is
assigned accusative marking. However, this example is problematic and is discussed in
further detail in §6.6.2.
2.20
Martumirri
bread/damper
yungku-nguli-nha
give-PASS-PAST
ngayu
pungkanyu-lu
1sg.ACC woman-INSTR
‘Damper was given to me by the woman.'
(MD)
In the passive construction in example 2.8 a goal argument is marked accusative.
In Kurrama it is possible to add an optional accusative marked goal to a number of
differing clause types. Optional accusative marked beneficiaries can also be added to
Kurrama clauses. For instance, in example 2.21, below, an accusative beneficiary is
added to a transitive clause, and in example 2.22 an accusative beneficiary is added to a
nonverbal clause. In effect, in these examples the Kurrama accusative retains the
function of the ancestral dative of earlier times. That is, in the split ergative systems, of
many Australian languages, the dative is used to not only mark the peripheral
complements of predicates that are not transitive verbs (such as the second argument of
intransitive or ‘middle’ verbs such as ‘cry for’, ‘laugh at’ or ‘be sorry for’) but is also
used to mark beneficiary adjuncts in transitive and intransitive clauses, as well as
marking the recipient or beneficiary arguments of ditransitive verbs. (Dixon, 2002:
134). As stated, these functions are covered in Kurrama by the accusative inflection.
44
2.21
Ngunhu pungkanyu kampa-rrkayi murla-yi
ngaliwumpurruu
that
woman
cook-POT
meat-ACC 1pl.inc.ACC
'That woman will cook meat for us.'
2.22
Nhaa-mpa
this.(near)-TOP7
nyinku
2sg.ACC
‘Here's water for you.’
(MD)
nyila-yi
water-TOP4
(P.488)
Accusative case marking agreement (or case copying) can be used in both
secondary predications and subordinate clauses in Kurrama. In the following examples
2.23 and 2.24 the accusative marking of the secondary predicate indicates that it is
controlled by the accusative marked argument of the primary predication (see §6.5)
2.23
Nhaa
this.(near)
nhawungarra-rna
look.after-PAST
ngayu
majarra-wu.
1sg.ACC sick/sore-ACC
'This one looked after me when I was sick.'
2.24
Pajila-wu
caper.bush.fruit-ACC
ngarrka
eat.PRES
(MD)
kampaayi-wu.
ripe-ACC
'(You) eat the caper fruit (when it is) ripe.'
(MD)
Accusative complementiser marking of a subordinate clause indicates a coreferential link between the subordinate clause and an accusative marked argument of
the matrix clause; as the following example of an accusative marked NP-relative
illustrates. This example is the Kurrama equivalent of a Panyjima finite relative clause
presented by Dench (1991: 198). I used English, and not Panyjima, to elicit this
response from Maudie Dowton.
2.25
Ngayi
purri-rna mangkurla-wu [ pawa-ngka-wu
pungka-ayi-wu].
1sg.NOM pull-PAST child-ACC
water-LOC-ACC fall.down-PERF-ACC
‘I pulled out the child who had fallen in the water.'
(MD)
Wordick (1982: 66-68) uses the term objective case for the corresponding
Yindjibarndi accusative. This Yindjibarndi objective case marker behaves the same as
does the Kurrama accusative. However, Wordick (1982: 54) classifies the Yindjibarndi
objective case as a clitic because ‘nouns which have been inflected with them become
indeclineables’. Wordick (1982: 78) uses the classification ‘indeclineables’ to refer to ‘a
class of words which resemble nouns, but do not decline. They will accept clitics, but
not suffixes’. I consider the Kurrama accusative to be a nominal case suffix but it must
45
be said that a Kurrama nominal once inflected with the accusative is blocked from
receiving further case or nominal suffix marking. It can, however, receive clitic marking
(see §2.6).
2.3
Nominal Suffixes with a Peripheral Clausal Function
In his summary of case and other nominal suffixes in the Australian languages,
Dixon (2002: 133-134) identifies five possible categories of nominal suffix that may
have peripheral clausal functions; these are; purposive, dative, instrumental, causal and
aversive. These are described by Dixon (2002: 133) has having ‘non-core functions at
the clause level’. Dixon sets these apart from suffixes with local functions which may
act at a phrasal level as well as at a peripheral clausal level (see §2.5). The instrumental
suffix is the only category of nominal suffix that could be identified as having ‘a noncore clausal function’ in Kurrama. I have not identified purposive, causal and aversive
nominal suffixes in the Kurrama corpus and, as already stated, there is no distinct dative
suffix in Kurrama.
The instrumental suffix occurs most often in passive constructions in Kurrama.
The instrumental suffix can be said to have a non-core function in a passive clause
because emphasis is taken away from an agent argument in a passive construction by
placing it in peripheral instrumental function (or by omitting it altogether).
Alternatively, non-agent arguments are placed into prominence in a passive clause by
placing them in core nominative function (see §6.6.4).
2.3.1 Instrumental Suffix
In many Australian languages that have an ergative system for marking core
arguments with an A function, the instrumental suffix has the same form as the ergative
marker. In Kurrama (and in the other nominative-accusative marking Central Pilbara
languages)
the
modern
instrumental
suffix
has
evolved
from
an
earlier
ergative/instrumental case marking form. Today, the main function of the instrumental,
in Kurrama, is to mark the agent or instrument argument of a passive verb, but it can be
used to mark instruments in active declarative clauses, and can also mark secondary
predicate and complementiser agreement. The instrumental inflection is also used to
mark the body part of an ellipsed subject in an imperative clause where the body part
acts as an instrument. This contrasts with the marking of body parts in active declarative
46
sentences where a body part is left unmarked if it belongs to the nominative subject of
the sentence (see §6.4).
The following example illustrates instrumental marking in an active declarative
clause where it indicates the use of an instrument (other than a body part) within the
performance of an action. Although it should have been relatively straightforward to
elicit other examples of this use of instrumental marking in active declarative clauses
this is the only example that I have. One could expect, for instance, that external (nonbody part) instruments could also be used in actions such as: wanpi ‘hit/beat’, yurra
‘dig’ and kartaa ‘poke’.
2.26
Ngayi
tharni-rna
kaju-ngku.
1sg:NOM chop-PAST axe-INSTR
'I chopped (it) with an axe.'
(Hale 1959, ex: 38)
Examples 2.27 to 2.30 illustrate the use of the instrumental in passive
constructions. In 2.27 and 2.28 the agent selects the instrumental marker whereas in
2.29 it is an instrument that selects the marker. In 2.30 both the agent and the
inalienably possessed body part/instrument are marked as instrumental.
2.27
Murla mangkurla-lu kampa-rnaarnu
meat child-INSTR cook-PPERF
'The meat was cooked by the child.'
2.28
Murla nhuwa-ngku
ngayarntu-lu
kampa-rnaarnu
meat
spouse-INSTR 1sg.GEN-INSTR cook-PPERF
'The meat was cooked by my wife.'
2.29
(MD)
Warrapa nhaa
spinifex this
ngarra-nnguli
chop-PASS.PRES
pirntu
food/seed
marnta-ku
rock-INSTR
(MD)
manku-yangaarnu
get-PPERF
pirlin-ta
flat.rock-LOC
(P.403)
'This spinifex seed is collected and pounded on a flat rock, with another rock.’
2.30
Wanyja wanpi-nguli-nha
dog
hit-PASS-PAST
nhawu-ngku
man-INSTR
‘The dog was hit by the man with his hand.’
mara-ngku
hand-INSTR
(MD)
47
In the following example 2.31 the manner secondary predicate winimarnu
‘quickly’ is marked instrumental in agreement with its instrumental marked controller
pungkanyu-lu. In example 2.32 the imperative inflected clause contains a body part
marked as an instrument, as also does the potential inflected command in example 2.33
(see also §6.7.2 and §6.8).
2.31
Martumirri
karpa-nguli-nha
winimarnu-lu 6
bread/damper bring-PASS-PAST quick(ly)-INSTR
'The bread was brought quickly by the woman.'
2.32
(MD)
Mara-ngku
manku-ma
hand-INSTR get/grab-IMP
‘Get it with (your) hand!’
2.33
pungkanyu-lu
woman-INSTR
(MD)
Mara-ngku
wanpi-kayi
wanyja-yi
Hand-INSTR hit/strike-POT dog-ACC
'Hit the dog with (your) hand.'
(MD)
Examples where the instrumental marker functions as a complementizing suffix
are relatively rare in the Kurrama corpus. However, some examples of instrumental
complementiser marking of subordinate clauses are presented in §7.1.1.3. The
corresponding Yindjibarndi instrumental case marker has the same range of functions as
does the Kurrama instrumental suffix.
2.4
Nominal Suffixes That Have a Phrasal Adnominal Function
Included in this category are those nominal suffixes that have an adnominal
function; they relate an NP to another NP within the one NP constituent. In Kurrama
this includes genitive, comitative, proprietive and privative marking. I will discuss each
of these in turn, and then briefly examine the associative, and denizen/dweller suffixes
which also have adnominal functions. I then discuss the specific referent marker (SPEC)
which is used to mainly mark proper names. I end this section with an examination of
dual and plural number marking of nominals.
Manner secondary predication is discussed in §6.5.2.3 and also in §6.5.3. It is somewhat
problematic as to whether winimarnu-lu does actually form a secondary predicate in this
situation.
6
48
In §2.2 and §2.3 we have seen case and nominal suffixes that can have
referential and complementiser functions. But, can a constituent inflected with an
adnominal suffix act as the controller of a secondary predicate or a subordinate clause in
Kurrama? There are no examples of this in the Kurrama corpus so it would seem that if
it does occur it is very infrequent. Although very distantly related to Kurrama, the
following Eastern and Central Arrernte secondary predication illustrates that it is
possible for adnominal suffixes to have a referential role in some Australian languages.
In this Eastern and Central Arrernte example a secondary predicate is marked with a
proprietive suffix in agreement with its proprietive marked controller. However,
adnominal suffixes are only occasionally used in Arrernte secondary predications (Hill,
2004).
2.34 Eastern and Central Arrernte secondary predication
Anyikwe re
akenhe
akwele itwe anteme kere atw-eke-rle ,
Father
3sg.ERG mean.while QUOT close now
meat kill-PAST-REL
kere
meat
intwalpe-akerte
akwele
over.shoulders-PROP QUOT
arrate-rle.alhe-rlenge
appear-Do&Go-DS
arletye-akerte.
raw/fresh-PROP
‘Meanwhile the father, having killed some meat, was close by and (he) came
into view with the meat over (his) shoulders, fresh/raw.’ (Heffernan, 1989: 24)
In Kurrama, the adnominal suffixes may be used to derive new lexical items that
have their own inflectional possibilities. Examples of this are given in the following
discussion on the associative, semblative and denizen/dweller suffixes. In Kurrama, the
derivational properties of these suffixes can extend to the marking of verbs to derive
new lexical items; as some of the examples in the following sections will illustrate.
2.4.1 Genitive Suffix
In Kurrama, the genitive suffix can be used to indicate that a possessive relation
holds between the persons or entities described in two NPs or it can denote an
associative relation between the persons or entities described in two NPs. Both of these
functions of the Kurrama genitive are discussed below.
As in many Australian languages, there are two main ways of expressing
possession in Kurrama. These two patterns can be identified with alienable and
inalienable possession. Generally, a whole has inalienable possession of its parts, such
49
as a person and his or her body parts, and this inalienable relationship is coded in a
clause or sentence by apposition of the expressions that describe the whole and the
parts. The previous example 2.30 illustrates this; the expressions for ‘man’ and ‘his
hand’ are juxtaposed and are both marked with the same nominal suffix, which in this
example is the instrumental suffix.
Alternatively, alienable possession in Kurrama (as in many other Australian
languages) is generally indicated by genitive marking of an NP that describes the
possessor of an alienable possession. However, across the diversity of the Australian
languages, the distinctions between inalienable and alienable possession are somewhat
language specific. It is possible for an alienable possession in one Australian language
to be identified as inalienable possession in another Australian language, and vice versa.
The following examples illustrate Kurrama genitive marking of alienable possession.
Inalienable part/whole relations are discussed in more detail in §6.4
2.35
Nhaa
this.(near)
ngarta nhanti
man
husband
pungkanyu-yarntu
woman-GEN
‘This man is the woman's husband.’
2.36
Wanthila-mpa
where-TOP7
yaayu-ngarntu
aunty-GEN
"Where is Aunty's soak?"
2.37
Jurntaat
like.that
ngunhangkat
those
(MD)
yurrama-yu?
soak-EMPH4
(P.177)
kartpa-nha murtiwarla-arta
carry-PAST car-ALL
payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta
policeman-PL-GEN-ALL
yini,
only
murtiwarla-arta.
car-ALL
'And like that they carried (her) until (they) got to the policemen's car." (P.521)
2.38
Nhaa
this.(near)
ngayarntu kantharri-yarntu
1sg.GEN granddaughter-GEN
'This is my granddaughter's child.'
mangkurla.
child
(MD)
The Kurrama genitive suffix can also be used to indicate an associative relation
rather than a possessive relation. The following examples illustrate this. In 2.39 the
‘shirt’ is for a ‘big man’, and in 2.40 the ‘bucket and all’ is for ‘water’. Note, that there
is also an alienable possessive relation indicated by genitive marking in example 2.40.
50
2.39
Jaatu ngunhan jilirra-arntu ngartarra nhawu-yarntu, mirta kupija-wu.
shirt that
big-GEN
only
man-GEN
not little-EMPH2
‘This shirt could only fit (is for) a big man, not a little one.’
2.40
Yanku-nha
go-PAST
murruka-arta-mu-wa
car-ALL-THEN-TOP1
(P.300)
ngunhat-jarntu-warta-mu-wa
thatDEF-GEN-ALL-THEN-TOP1
murtiwarla-arta manku-lu
pirntu-u,
car-ALL
get/grab-PURP food-ACC
pirraa-minyjarnu-wu
bucket-ANDALL-ACC
pawa-arntu-u.
water-GEN-ACC
(P.478)
'(He) went back to that car of his to get food, and a bucket (and all) for water.'
An associative relationship between ‘water’ and the genitive marked ‘road’ is
made in the following example 2.41; the water is ‘for the road’ as in ‘for the trip’ (or
more specifically ‘for those who are travelling on the road’). MD did not further inflect
yirtiya-arntu ‘road-GEN’ with the accusative suffix but did overtly state (in English)
that she was expressing that it is ‘water’ that is to be taken ‘for the road’ (so they won’t
perish).
2.41
Ngayi
pawa-yi
manki-i
1sg.NOM water-ACC get-POT
kartpa-tkayi yirtiya-arntu.
take-POT
road-GEN
'I will get some water to take for the road.'
(MD)
In 2.42, below, a lexical item is formed by the use of genitive marking of the
verb pungkurri ‘cover’. This Kurrama name for blankets is derived from their
associative function, or purpose, and can be literally translated as expressing: ‘for
covering over’.
2.42
Ngunhangka-rru
those-NOW
Kurrama
Kurrama
wangka
call.PRES
pungkurri-yharntu-wa
cover-GEN-TOP1
blanket-wu-yu.
blanket-ACC-EMPH4
"Pungkurriyharntu, that's what the Kurrama call blankets.'
(P.072)
The genitive marking of an associative relation is also used on two other verbs in
the Kurrama corpus. In these instances the associative relationship is also somewhat like
a purpose; in the following example 2.43 ‘for digging’ and in example 2.44 ‘for eating’.
51
2.43
Karnti ngarrwi-yangu-la-wa
jinkarn-pathu-yu
mutha jaapala,
stick lie.down-REL-LOC-TOP1 crowbar-DIM-EMPH4 point sharp
ngunhu kurrumanthu 7 yurra-t-jarntu ngarntula-wu ngantha karta-rtkayi.
that
goanna
dig-CM-GEN anthill-ACC also
poke-POT
‘And there was a stick lying in there, a little digging stick with a sharp point, that
was for digging out goannas or breaking out anthills.
(P.220)
2.44
Well, ngunha pirntu -ngarli-yu
well that
food-PL-EMPH4
ngarrku-yarntu-ngarli,
eat-GEN-PL
ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku …
rush.nut
rush.nut onion
'Well, all of these things (in a heavy bag) were foods, things to be eaten (for
eating), ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku ..'
(P.276)
The principal function of the corresponding Yindjibarndi genitive case marker is
also to indicate alienable possession. Wordick (1982: 70) does not speak of the genitive
as a marker of associative relations but does state that it can be ‘employed as a
benefactive’. This is illustrated by Wordick (1982: 70) with the following example
where a genitive pronoun acts as a beneficiary.
2.45
Yindjibarndi
Nhaa murla nyinkaarnrtu.
This meat
you(GEN)
‘This meat is for you.’
(Wordick, 1982: 70)
2.4.2 Comitative and Proprietive Suffixes
There are two morphologically distinct suffixes in the Kurrama data that can be
identified respectively as the comitative and proprietive suffixes. The main form of the
comitative suffix is -wari and the main form of the proprietive suffix is -karlaa. The
proprietive suffix most often marks a person or entity as ‘having’ a certain quality,
property or part; and the comitative most often marks a person or object as
7
Why isn’t kurrumanthu assigned case marking? I cannot say. It would not necessarily select
accusative marking because it seems to be part of a phrase with yurra-t-jarntu. However, if it
does form a nominal phrase with yurra-t-jarntu wouldn’t it select genitive (concord) marking?
This an instance where concord marking is omitted or perhaps the two expressions form the
compound kurrumanthu-yurra-t-jarntu.
52
accompanying with or being used by a person or entity. The following examples
illustrate this.
In 2.46, below, the comitative suffix translates best as marking an entity that is
used to carry out an action. That is, the translation of 2.46 is better understood as
expressing ‘I’ll get with the bucket..’ rather than ‘I’ll go with the bucket..’. The
comitative in this instance indicates the ‘use’ of something by someone; whereas
proprietive marking would be used to indicate someone as ‘having’ something. In 2.47
the comitative suffix translates best as marking accompaniment with the other
‘husbands and wives’. In example 2.48 the proprietive suffix is best translated as
marking an entity as ‘having’ a certain characteristic or property. In example 2.49 the
proprietive suffix marks the agents as ‘having’ a certain entity, a blanket. The subjects
are taking the blanket so that they can carry the old lady Payarrany, on it, back down
through rough country. The old lady is frail and unwell and is stranded in rough terrain.
At this stage the blanket is not yet used to carry the old lady.
2.46
Ngayi
yanku-nha 8 kayulu-warta-yi
pirraa-wari manku-rlu.
1sg.NOM go-PAST waterhole/water-ALL-TOP4 bucket-COM get-PURP
"I'll go to the water hole to get (some water) with the bucket."
2.47
Mangkala-la-yu
nhungkat parni-aayi
Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4 those
stay-PERF
(P.486)
nhuwamalingka- wari.
spouse.group-COM
'Those ones had been staying at Red Hill, with the husbands and wives.' (P.002)
2.48
Mirta ngarrka-yi might be
not/no eat-POT might be
thintharr-karlaa.
poison - PROP
'Don't eat (it), (it) might have poison.'
2.49
(MD)
Blanket-karlaa -yu
yanku-nha ngunyji jingkakurru tharnayi-mpa
blanket-PROP-EMPH4 go-PAST thereNV upriver
long.way-TOP7
'(They) went off with a blanket, up the river, it was a long way’ (P.513)
8
AP definitely uses the past suffix here. Perhaps it is a slip that AP makes when retelling what
Fred Bashford (a government trapper) says to old Sarah before going to get some water (see
P.486 in appendix). It is not clear as to whether Fred spoke Kurrama; perhaps AP is quoting a
possible slip that could be made by Fred?
53
Dixon (2002: 140) divides the possible meanings of the comitative/proprietive
suffix, in Australian languages, into three different sets. Dixon’s (2002: 140) first set
includes ‘having’ attributes, such as a person ‘having’ a certain physical characteristic
or alienable possession; or a place ‘having’ a certain characteristic; or a person ‘having’
a certain mental or corporeal state. This ‘having’ set corresponds best to the meaning
and use of the proprietive suffix in Kurrama.
Dixon’s (2002: 140) second set includes ‘accompaniment’ where a person is
accompanied by another entity (human, animal, or an inanimate object) who/which
assist, or do not assist, the motion, or state of rest, of the person they accompany. This
set of accompaniment best corresponds to the meaning and use of the comitative suffix
in Kurrama. Also, in Dixon’s (2002: 140) second set of meanings of the comitative
suffix he includes the marking of ‘a person doing something to someone/something
with an instrument’; this too corresponds best to the Kurrama comitative.
Dixon’s (2002: 140) third set includes the comitative as a marker of temporal
relations. The example Dixon (2002: 140) gives is: ‘we wintertime-HAVING go to the
coast’ which translates as: ‘we go to the coast in wintertime’. Dixon (2002: 141) states
that his temporal use of the comitative marker is rare in Australian languages. Dixon
(2002: 141) does not cite any specific languages which use this construction but does
present a comparable Yidinj example that glosses as: ‘we moon-COMIT go.walkaboutNONPAST’ which translates as: ‘we (could) go walkabout by moonlight’. I have no
comparable examples in the Kurrama data. Instead, the locative suffix is most often
used in Kurrama as a temporal marker and not the proprietive or comitative (see §2.5.1
on locative marking).
In all, there are only a few freely occurring examples of the comitative and
proprietive in the Kurrama corpus, but it is possible to summarise their functions as
follows: The Kurrama comitative marks ‘accompaniment’ with someone/something
and at times may represent ‘use’ of something by someone/something. Alternatively,
the Kurrama proprietive represents someone/something as ‘having’ something. The
functions of the corresponding Yindjibarndi comitative and proprietive can also be
summarized in the same way.
54
2.4.3 Privative Suffix
The Kurrama privative suffix is the negative alternative of the comitative and
proprietive suffixes. It codes the lack or absence of the entity denoted by the nominal to
which it is attached. The privative suffix can also be used to negate a verb but this
occurs rarely in the Kurrama corpus. Dixon (2002: 141) maintains that, in most
Australian languages, the ‘semantic range of (the) privative generally covers almost the
semantic range of (the) comitative in that language’. This also holds true for Kurrama
but there are actually two forms of the privative that are used in the Kurrama corpus;
these are –warri and –warrimarta. The suffix –warri most often marks the kinship term,
or a descriptive term, of a person who has passed away and is a convention that denotes
something like ‘poor departed’ or ‘dearly departed’.
The privative suffix –warrimarta has a different etymology and appears to be
made up of the suffix –warri and the following suffix –marta. In Martuthunira the
morpheme –marta is a proprietive marker whereas in Kurrama it is a verb inflection that
codes habitual action. The use of -marta in the formation of the Kurrama privative
suffix -warrimarta appears to have developed from the nominal suffix ancestry evident
in Martuthunira and not from a verbal suffix ancestry. The use of the suffix -marta in
the privative –warrimarta denotes that an entity has the property of ‘having’ a lack of
something (or someone). For instance, in Kurrama, when –warrimarta is attached to the
kin category of someone who has passed away the resultant construction refers to a
person who has lost that kin. For example, kantharri–warrimarta refers to someone
who has lost their kantharri (daughter’s child / mother’s mother) and maali-warrimarta
refers to someone who has lost their maali (father’s father).
The following examples illustrate the use of –warrimarta on common nominals
that have a reference other than that of deceased persons. In these examples it acts as a
typical privative inflection that codes the absence or lack of an entity. Or, perhaps, in
terms of its etymology, the suffix codes the property of ‘having’ a lack, or absence, of
the entity described by the nominal that it marks.
2.50
Nhaa
this.(near)
nhawu yurlu
marnta-warrimarta.
man
no/nothing money-PRIV
'This man has no money.’
(MD)
55
2.51
Yalaa kurlu
now hot
wirrwi-warrimarta
wind-PRIV
‘(There is) no hot wind now.'
2.52
Murla-ngarli-wu-yu
meat-PL-ACC-EMPH4
(MD)
parni-marta
be-HABIT
manku-ngu
get-REL
wanyja-warrimarta-rra.
dog-PRIV-DUB
'(She) used to get meat without a dog, apparently.’
(P.091)
The following examples 2.53 to 2.56 illustrate the convention of suffixing -warri
to nominals that refer to deceased persons. This convention marks either the kin term of
a person who has passed away (in relation to those who use this term for the deceased)
or it may mark a descriptive term for the deceased; such as jarta ‘old woman’ in
example 2.54 and juju ‘old man’ in example 2.55. The addition of –warri to a kin term
or a descriptive term that refers to a person who has passed away forms an expression
that identifies the deceased person without using that person’s name. Often this
expression is also marked like a proper name with the specific referent marker –nha or
its accusative alternative -ngu. The function of the specific referent marker is discussed
in §2.4.6.
2.53
Ngayi- yu
mirta nhawu-nha yaayu-warri-ngu ngulaarta-ngu.
1sg.NOM-EMPH4 not
see-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC there.LOC-ABL
‘I did not see Aunty (who has passed away) from there (on).’
2.54
Mirnu jurlu ngunhungkat
know all
that
jarta-warri-ngu.
old.woman-PRIV-ACC
'They all knew the poor old lady (who has passed away).'
2.55 ..Karntawayi an’
name
and
(P.380)
(P.135)
juju- warri-nha
Donkeyman maatha-la-ja-wu.
old.man-PRIV-SPEC name
boss-LOC-TOP6-EMPH2
‘..Karntawayi and the old man (we've lost), Donkeyman, were with the boss.'
(P.103/104)
2.56
And he mirta mirnu, mirta mirnu
And s/he not
know not
know
mimi-warri-ngu.
uncle-PRIV-ACC
‘And she didn't know. Didn't know that uncle of mine was gone.’
(P.411)
56
Although not numerous, there are examples in the Kurrama corpus where the
privative suffix -warri is used to negate verbs. For instance, in the following example
2.57 the addition of the privative suffix –warri on the verb yanku forms a negative
copula that aids in expressing that the addressee ‘is not to be frightened’. This example
and the use of yanku as a copula verb is discussed further in §6.2. In example 2.58 the
use of the privative suffix –warri on wangka-yinyjarri ‘speak-COLLective’ codes the
negative ‘didn’t speak/talk’. The COLLective suffixes, including –yinyjarri, are
discussed in §4.6.1.
2.57
Wangka-yinyjarri-i
talk-COLL-POT
waa
fright/fear
kantharri
granny
yanku-warri
go/be -PRIV
nyinta-yu
2sg.NOM-EMPH4
ngayi
1sg.NOM
nhaat-ju
thisDEF-EMPH1
‘(Stop and) talk granny, don't you be frightened, this is just me (it's just me).'
(P.127)
2.58
Ah, wangka-yinyjarri-warri-warla purlaawin-marri-nguli-yu-wa.
talk-COLL-PRIV-FIRST
firstly-COLL-PASS-EMPH4-TOP1
'Ah, (he) didn't speak straight away, (she) spoke first.'
(P.423)
In the following example the suffix –warrimarta is used instead of -warri to
negate the verb murti. However, I am unsure as to whether murti is actually a verb.
There are only a few examples of its use in the corpus. Dench (1991: 236) defines the
use of murti in Panyjima as the intransitive verb ‘run’, whereas Wordick (1982: 313)
classifies murti in Yindjibarndi as a common noun that expresses ‘fast’ or ‘quick’.
Perhaps the selection of the suffix –warrimarta by murti means that it is a nominal.
Alternatively, if it were a verb it would select the suffix –warri; as do the verbs in
examples 2.57 and 2.58 above.
2.59
Jaja
no.good
walartju
that.one
murti-warrimarta.
run/quick-PRIV
'That one is no good (he) cannot run/is not quick.’
(AP)
Wordick (1982: 108-109) states that the Yindjibarndi privative suffix
allomorphs -warrimarta and -parrimarta serve ‘as an antonym’ of both the Yindjibarndi
proprietive and comitative suffixes. Wordick (1982) does not seem to discuss the use of
the suffix –warri in Yindjibarndi.
57
2.4.4 Associative Suffix
The associative suffix -nyaa is used several times in the Kurrama corpus where
it serves to derive new lexical items. These new lexemes name an entity that is
associated with the referent of the nominal to which the associative suffix is added. For
example, in 2.60 the expression for ‘trousers’ is derived by associative marking of
thurntaarli ‘leg’, and in 2.61 the expression for ‘shirt’ is derived from its association
with a person’s purtu ‘chest’. In 2.62 the expression for ‘waterhole’ is derived from its
association with pawa ‘water’.
2.60
Nhaa-wurtu
this-EMPH3
thurntaarli-nyaa mirta palamuntaa nganthayi yalaa kurta.
leg-ASSOC
not old
EMPH
new very
'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new.'
2.61
Nhaa-yu
purtu-nyaa
this.(near)-EMPH4 chest-ASSOC
'This cloth was a shirt.'
2.62
Wanthila parni,
where
be-PRES
nhaa
this.(near)
(P.290)
wara..
cloth
(P.297)
wanthila ngarrwa-yi,
where
lie.down –POT
karra-ngarli-la
pawa-nyaa-ngarli-la
ngurra-ngka.
scrub/bush -PL-LOC water-ASSOC-PL-LOC country-LOC
'Where was (she)? Where would (she) camp? (She) was in the scrub, in the
country, near the waterholes.'
(P.387)
It should be noted here that the Kurrama genitive suffix as well as marking
possessive relations can also indicate an associative relation; as was shown in §2.4.1. It
is not readily apparent (to me) what determines the choice between genitive or
associative marking when expressing an association. Genitive marking appears to be
used when there are at least two distinct expressions involved in the association. For
instance, ‘bucket for water’ or ‘shirt for a big man’. Whereas, associative marking is
used on an individual expression; such as in the examples above where new lexemes are
formed for ‘trousers’, ‘shirt’ and ‘waterhole’ by their association with the one
expression ‘leg’, ‘chest’ or ‘water’. However, this does not explain the derivation of
pungkurriyharntu ‘blankets’ which is formed by marking the individual verb pungkurri
‘cover’ with the genitive marker –yharntu. Perhaps verbs can only be marked with the
genitive suffix to express an associative relation because the associative marker –nyaa is
58
not distinguishable from the passive might allomorph –nyaa which is used on Øconjugation verbs to indicate that the action or event, described by the verb, might be
carried out or might occur (see §4.5.12).
Wordick (1982: 108) glosses the nominal suffix use of –nyaa in Yindjibarndi as
‘for/goes here’. The following examples illustrate this associative use of -nyaa in
Yindjibarndi. Note, however, the different interpretation of -nyaa on pawa which was
used in the preceding Kurrama example 2.62 to derive ‘waterhole’.
Pampanyaa
‘Sunday’
‘lit: for sleep’
pampa ‘sleep’
pawanyaa
‘depression at the base of the throat’
pawa ‘water’
2.4.5 Dweller/Denizen Suffix
The Kurrama dweller/denizen suffix typically denotes where someone or
something originates from. It can also denote where someone or something typically
resides, or may indicate a location that someone or something is typically associated
with. In the following Kurrama examples the dweller/denizen suffix serves to
characterize someone or something in terms of where they live or originate. In example
2.64 the resultant term formed with dweller/denizen marking of karra ‘scrub/bush’ is
treated as a proper name and is inflected with the specific referent marker –nha. The
specific referent marking of proper names is discussed in §2.4.6.
2.63
Paru
maru
marnta-ngka , paru
marnta-nyungu.
hill.spinifex mob/many hill-LOC
hill.spinifex hill-DWELL
'Lots of spinifex on the hill, hill spinifex (lit: hill dweller).
2.64
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
mirnu kurta walart-pa-mpa
know very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
pura-nyungu
bush-DWELL
(MD)
kantharri-nha parni-ngu
granny-SPEC be-REL
karra-nyungu-nha.
scrub/bush-DWELL-SPEC
“I know who it is, it's Granny who lives in the bush, ‘scrub dweller’.”
(P.154)
Wordick (1982: 108) cites some examples where –nyungu ‘dweller’ is used on
common nouns in Yindjibarndi. Two of these examples follow.
59
warnrtanyungu
‘tree dweller’
warnrta ‘tree’
ngarnkanyungu
‘bird/airplane’
narnka ‘sky’
Wordick (1982: 108 & 109) states that Yindjibarndi Proper nouns take the
‘dweller’ suffix –partu; as is illustrated by the following example where the ‘dweller’
allomorph –warta is used. Gilbert Bobby worked as a Yindjibarndi consultant with
Wordick.
Marrawartu
‘person from Marra’
Marranha ‘Gilbert Bobby’s country’
However, it seems that the ‘dweller’ suffix -nyungu can also inflect Yindjibarndi
Proper nouns; consider the following example provided by Wordick (1982: 108). Long
Mack also worked as a consultant with Wordick.
Thungkawarnanyungu ‘person from Tunkawanna’ Thungkawarna ‘Long Mack’s
country’
2.4.6 The Specific Referent Marker (SPEC) and the Proper Name Inflections
Common nominals are not usually marked with an overt nominative marker
when they act as the subject of a Kurrama clause; they are left unmarked. However,
proper names are marked with the overt marker -nha when they are the subject of a
clause. Yet, the specific referent marker -nha can also be used optionally to inflect kin
terms and common nominal expressions. In in these situations the marker serves to
‘elevate’ individual centred kin terms, and common nominal expressions that refer to a
specific individual, to the same status as a proper name.
The preceding example 2.64 illustrates the use of the SPEC marker –nha on the
nominal expression karra-nyungu to specifically refer to an individual with the specific
characterization ‘scrub dweller’. Following are some further examples where the SPEC
marker serves to ‘elevate’ the expression it marks to the same status as a proper name;
that is, they refer to a specific individual.
2.65
Ngunhu
that
kantharri-nha-mpa.
granny-SPEC-TOP7
'That's old Granny!’
(P.129)
60
2.66
Wangka-nha
tell/say-PAST
ngunhat
thatDEF
mirnu-yu
know-EMPH4
juju-nha-yu,
old.man-SPEC-EMPH4
‘Nhungu-mpa murtiwarla-la 9 ngaliwu
here-TOP7
car-LOC
1pl.inc.NOM
wantha-rrkayi’.
leave-POT
'The old man knowing where she was, said, "We'll leave the car here”.’ (P.507)
Following are some examples where proper names are inflected with the SPEC suffix.
2.67
a. “Ngana yini nyinta?”
who name 2sg.NOM
'Who (what) is your name?'
b. “Ngayi
Maudie-nha,
nyinta
yini Piita-nha.”
1sg.NOM Maudie-SPEC 2sg.NOM name Peter-SPEC
'I am Maudie, your name is Peter.’
2.68
Kawayintharri-wurtu
Ashburton.side-EMPH3
ngunhaat-ju,
thatDEF-EMPH1
(MD)
ngunhaatu,
that.one
Kawayintharri
Ashburton.side
Ngarranngarri-nha
Ngarranngarti-SPEC
nhanthawa.
must.be
'This one is from the Ashburton side, from Ashburton country for sure. That
must be Ngarranngarti.’
(P.416)
In the preceding examples, all of the SPEC inflected expressions are nominative
subjects in the clauses in which they appear. So in effect the SPEC inflection serves two
purposes. First, it elevates an expression to proper name status, and second, it acts as an
overt nominative subject marker of both ‘elevated’ proper names, and proper names in
their own right. However, when these proper name expressions act as the accusative
object of a clause, and not the nominative subject, they select the accusative SPEC
alternative –ngu and not the nominative –nha; as the following examples illustrate.
2.69
Ngayi
yanku-nha wangka-lu
maatha-wu-wa, Jalurrpa-ngu-wa
1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PURP boss-ACC-TOP1 A.Lockyer-ACC-TOP1
'I went to tell the boss, Jalurrpa (Arthur Lockyer).'
9
(P.037)
I have no explanation for the locative marking of murtiwarla ‘car’ where one would expect
accusative marking. The locative marking implies the translation ‘we’ll leave it here in the car’
but the translation given by AP is ‘we’ll leave the car here’.
61
2.70
Ngayi
yanku-nha
1sg:NOM go-PAST
nhawu-lu
see-PURP
'I went now to see poor old Aunty.'
yaayu-warri-ngu-rru.
aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW
(P.158)
Also, if proper names or specific individual centred kin terms and nominal
expressions have a function other than nominative or accusative they will select the
marking appropriate to that function. For example, in example 2.71, below, an
individual centred kin term acts as the nominative subject in a passive clause and selects
the SPEC inflection. Whereas, in example 2.72, the same individual centred kin term
acts as the agent in a passive construction and selects an instrumental suffix.
2.71
Jiitpa-la
manku-nguli-nha-yu
Jiitpa -LOC get-PASS-PAST-EMPH4
yaayu-warri-nha.
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
‘Old Aunty was picked up (by them) at Jiitpa.’ (P.506)
2.72
Martkurra-ma-rnaarnu wantha-rnaarnu yaayu-warri-lu
ngunyji.
good-CAUS-PPERF
put-PPERF
aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV
‘(It) was put there neatly by Aunty (a folded blanket)’
(P.077)
In Tables 2.1 and 2.2 it is shown that many of the allomorphs of the Kurrama
nominal suffixes that are selected by proper names differ from those selected by
common nominals (but not always). Like the addition of the SPEC marker, the addition
of any proper name specific allomorph to an individual centred kin term or nominal
expression will serve to ‘elevate’ that term/expression to proper name status. For
instance, in the following example 2.73 the expression yaayu-warri is ‘elevated’ to
proper name status by selection of the proper name genitive inflection –nguyarntu; it is
not marked with the genitive inflection -yarntu which is usually selected by common
nominal expressions.
2.73
Wantaa kurta
which very
ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngunhangkat yaayu-warri-nguyarntu,
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
those
aunty-PRIV-GEN
ngurra-yu
camp-EMPH4
yanku-wuntharri-yarntu
go-INSTR.NOM-GEN
pawa-yarntu-ngarli-wu,
water-GEN-PL-ACC
ngurrara
country
jurlu-wu-mpa
mirnu
all –EMPH2-TOP7 know
mangkurla-ngu-mu.
child -ABL-THEN
'All around there, those places, these were Old Aunty's places, where (she)
would camp. All the paths, the ways to travel, all the places to get water, (she)
knew all these. (She) was a child of that country.'
(P.088)
62
In the following example 2.74 the expression juju ‘old man’ selects the locative
suffix –la and not the locative inflection –ngka which is usually selected by common
nominals with a CVCV configuration (for instance, muyhu ‘winter’ and purlu ‘above’
select the locative inflection -ngka). The locative suffix –la is a marker of proper names
that end in a vowel as well as common nominals with the configuration CV(C)VCV or
longer. So, the selection of the locative suffix –la on juju marks juju as part of the
proper name expression that names the specific individual ‘Old Man Louis Basset’.
2.74
An
and
ngunhangaata-wu, ngayi
wangka-nha-wa
warnaarti-yu
that-EMPH2
1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST-TOP1 brothers –EMPH4
marraa-yu
ngunyji parni
yawut Jalyarnu-la
young.brother-EMPH4 thereNV live/stay.PRES west Jalyarnu-LOC
patiki-yu
paddock-EMPH4
make'em-ma-rnu
juju-la
Louis Basset-a.
make-CAUS-REL old.man -LOC Louis Basset-LOC
'And so I told her that her brothers, her younger brothers were over to the west,
at Jalyarnu, making paddocks (fencing) with old man Louis Basset.
(P.363)
Where case and nominal suffix allomorphs are the same for both common
nominals and proper names, no proper name versus common nominal distinction is
effectively made and ‘elevation’ to proper name status is perhaps somewhat irrelevant.
However, a definite distinction between common nominal allomorphs and proper name
allomorphs is pointedly made in genitive, comitative, and direct allative marking where
proper names, and ‘elevated’ proper names, are first marked with the accusative SPEC
suffix –ngu before the appropriate suffix is added. The SPEC suffix –nha is not used in
this fashion. I discuss, in further detail, the morphology of the proper name genitive,
comitative, and direct allative suffixes in the last two paragraphs of §2.6.
So, in summary, in many instances in Kurrama, proper names select different
case and nominal suffix allomorphs to those selected by common nominals. Kin terms
and nominal expressions that refer to a specific individual can be ‘elevated’ to proper
name status by inflection with a suffix allomorph that is usually selected by a proper
name. Most noticeable among these adnominal, and relational, operations is the marking
of proper name and ‘elevated’ proper name subjects with the overt nominative SPEC
suffix –nha which contrasts with the absence of an overt nominative marker for
common nominal subjects.
63
I was unable to determine if this pattern also occurs in Yindjibarndi. Wordick
(1982: 56) simply states that the Yindjibarndi noun classifier –nha can be used on
proper nouns ‘as a sort of ersatz nominative case marker’.
2.4.7 Number marking
There is no singular number marker of nominals in Kurrama but there are dual
and plural number markers. The dual and plural markers are adnominal suffixes that are
appended to a nominal to convey the dual or plural form of that nominal. The dual
suffix has two allomorphs –kuyha and –wuyha depending on the final vowel of the
nominal to which it is attached. The main plural marker of nominals is the suffix –ngarli
which denotes a group consisting of more than two entities. There are also other plural
forms used in the Kurrama corpus but they are used sparingly and are restricted to
specific words or small groups of related nominals.
2.4.7.1 Dual
In §3.2.2 it is shown that dual demonstratives are formed by the addition of the
dual allomorphs –kuyha or –wuyha onto a singular demonstrative stem. Dual number
marking of nominals is also coded with the same allomorphs –kuyha or –wuyha; as the
following examples illustrate. Note that example 2.77 also contains a dual
demonstrative. These dual numbering allomorphs also are used in Yindjibarndi.
2.75
Ngunhu
that
kurtan-kuyha 10, ngayi
bag-DUAL
1sg.NOM
pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, wirru
separate-CAUS-PAST other
ngungkumarnta wirru wangkarn.
heavy
other light
'Those two bags, I separated (them), one heavy one light.
2.76
Warnaa-ngarli-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa janku-wuyha-yu.
brother-PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
sibling-DUAL-EMPH4
‘Those two siblings (were) in amongst/with all the brothers.'
10
(P.247)
(P.060)
Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha is not marked accusative. It is a left-dislocated phrase that reintroduces ‘those two bags’ into discussion but is offset from the clause that follows. The
accusative object of ‘separate-CAUS-PAST’ is ellipsed in the clause that follows but is
understood as being co-referential with the left-dislocated phrase.
64
2.77
Ngurnawuyha
that.DUAL
karri-rnumarnu
stand/stop-PROG
wajpala-wuyha
purlaa-la
whitefella-DUAL front-LOC
nhawu-nha,
see-PAST
murruka-wu.
car-ACC
(P.352)
'These two whitefellas in the front saw (her) and so (they) stopped the car.'
2.4.7.2 Plural
There are several plural marking forms used in the Kurrama corpus. The most
productive plural allomorph is -ngarli but –ngaa is used at times. The nominals
mangkurla ‘child’ and kupija ‘little’ have the specific plural forms mangkurlarra and
kupiyarri respectively and it seems that there are also a number of specific plural forms
of botanical terms. There are likely to be more plural forms of botanical terms in
Kurrama than are present in the corpus, but the two examples that I have located take
forms similar to the plural marking of ‘child’ and ‘little’. The plural form of marruwa
‘snakewood’ is marruwarra while the plural of marratha ‘rivergum’ is marrathaarri.
Some examples of the various forms of plural marking follow.
There are a number of examples of plural marking of nominals with the
productive allomorph -ngarli throughout this thesis. Two examples are presented below.
2.78
Manku-ngu marnta-ngarli-wu-yu
ngarra-rnu-yu.
get -REL
rock -PLURAL-ACC-EMPH4 throw -REL –EMPH4
'(He) was getting some rocks and was throwing them (at the birds).'
2.79
(P.116)
Pirntu-nyaa kurtan, flourbag wangka-nguli-ngu parri-ngarli-lu.
food-ASSOC bag
flourbag call -PASS-REL whitefella -PL-INSTR
'(They were) bags for food, (what are) called flour bags by whitefellas.'
(P.237)
The following example illustrates the use of both –ngaa and –ngarli as plural markers.
2.80
Wirru-ngaa-yu
parni-yangu-la
other-PL-EMPH4 live/stay-REL-LOC
ngaata patiki-wu
there paddock-ACC
juju-ngarli, ngunha
old.man-PL that
makem-ma-rnu
nhula Kurruu-la.
make-CAUS-REL there Kurruu-LOC
'While the others, the old people, are making paddocks there at Kurruu.' (P.051)
65
In the following example warnaa ‘brother’ is inflected with the plural number
allomorph -ngaa but in the earlier example 2.76 it was assigned -ngarli. There are only
a limited number of instances of the use of -ngaa in the corpus, so I am unsure as to
what governs its use.
Wordick (1982: 52) reports that in Yindjibarndi the plural
allomorph -ngaa only occurs with mani ‘part/rest’ but suggests that the Ngarluma
cognate -ngara ‘evidently has a somewhat wider distribution’. The marker -ngara is
also used in Martuthunira as a productive plural suffix and in Panyjima as a plural
marker of dyadic kinterms (Dench, 1991: 148 & 150; 1995: 95-96). In the Kurrama
corpus the allomorph -ngaa is only used on warnaa and wirru. Perhaps its use on
warnaa ‘brother’ parallels the use of its cognate –ngara on kinterms in Panyjima.
2.81
Yaayu nyinta
yanki-i
nyunyji-pa
parni
warnaa-ngaa
aunty 2sg.NOM go-POT thisNV-TOP2 live/stay/be.PRES brother-PL
yawut, patiki-la
west
paddock-LOC
make'em-ma-rnu.
make-CAUS-REL
‘Aunty, you go this way. Your brothers are over to the west in the paddocks,
fencing.’
(P.364)
The following example 2.82 illustrates the use of the plural forms kupiyarri and
mangkurlarra. These contrast with the singular forms used in examples 2.83 and 2.84.
2.82
Kanarri-nyjarri-nha
thurrurtpa, kupiyarri-wu,
mangkurlarra-yi
come.upon-COLL-PAST straight
small(plural)-ACC children -TOP4
nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa,
kantharri-wa-yu
see -COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH
wurnta-rnu.
come-REL
‘She (granny) came straight on to those little fellas. Those children, (her)
grannies, saw (her) coming.'
(P.438)
2.83
Jaatu ngunhan jilirra-arntu ngartarra nhawu-yarntu, mirta kupija-wu.
Shirt that
big-GEN
only
man-GEN
not small-EMPH2
‘This shirt could only fit (is for) a big man, not a little one.’ (P.300)
2.84
Ngayi
wanyja-yi nhawu-nha paa-rnu mangkurla-wu.
1sg.NOM dog-ACC see-PAST bite-REL child-ACC
‘I saw the dog that bit the child.’
(MD)
The following examples illustrate the singular and plural forms of ‘snakewood’.
66
2.85
Karnti wala-thu marruwa
tree
that-TOP3 snakewood
'That is a snakewood tree.'
2.86
(MD)
Marruwarra-la
ngunhangat-pa-mpa Marryiri-la
murna, yirtiya-la
snakewood.PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 GapWell-LOC close road-LOC
parliwarli-la-rra murna wurnta-nha-wa,
yaayu-warri-ngu-mpa.
bendy-LOC-DUB close come-PAST-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-ACC-TOP7
'At the snakewood trees, close to GapWell, there where the road is a bit bendy,
we came upon poor old Aunty.'
(P.350)
In Yindjibarndi the form –ngarli is also often used to indicate the plural number
of a common noun. Wordick (1982: 52) states that –ngarli ‘is also employed with
proper nouns, but this practice should be avoided’. Wordick (1982: 52) lists the
allomorphs –pathaa and –wathaa as the correct plural markers of proper nouns.
Wordick (1982: 52-54) also lists some other plural allomorphs that are used on specific
nouns, or groups of nouns, in Yindjibarndi. For instance, the plural –ngaa, which was
discussed above, occurs on mani, while the plural –wirti occurs on a group of botanical
terms which includes warrapa ‘grass’, wirpinykaa ‘tall river spinifex’ and yalarri ‘fantop rush’ (Wordick 1982: 53).
2.5
Nominal Suffixes That Have Local Functions
Kurrama, like most Australian languages, has nominal suffixes that have spatial
and temporal functions. The three main spatial and temporal markers, in Kurrama, are:
•
locative, which marks a location or point in space or time, with meanings
such as ‘at’, ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘with’, etc;
•
ablative, which marks a location or point in space or time that is the
source from which movement is made;
•
allative, which marks a location or point in space or time towards which
movement is made.
Nominal suffixes with these local functions can operate at both a clausal and
phrasal level. I will discuss each in turn.
67
2.5.1 Locative Suffix
As stated above the main function of the locative suffix is to mark location in
space or time and can be interpreted as having meanings such as ‘at’, ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘with’
etc. The following examples illustrate this. In examples 2.87 to 2.90 the locative marks
a location in space. In example 2.87 the locative marker can be interpreted as having the
meaning ‘in’; in example 2.88 the meaning ‘on’; in 2.89 the meaning ‘in/into’; and in
example 2.90 can be translated as ‘on/along’.
2.87
Ngayi
1sg.NOM
parni
live/stay.PRES
‘I live here now in Onslow.'
2.88
Paru
hill.spinifex
maru
mob/many
yalaa nhungu-yu
Onslow-la
now here-EMPH4 Onslow-LOC
(MD)
marnta-ka.
hill -LOC
‘There is lots of spinifex on the hill.’
2.89
Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
(MD)
waa-wa
frightened -TOP1
karra-ngka -wa
scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1
'Then (she) took off into/in the scrub frightened.'
2.90
(P.009)
Wayinypayi
ngayi
parni-nha watharri-ngu yirra-ngka ngularnta.
back.and.forth 1sg.NOM be-PAST look.for-REL bank-LOC there
'(I) went back and forth on/along the bank there searching.'
(P.185)
In example 2.91, below, the locative marker can be interpreted as having the
meaning ‘with’ in the first instance and ‘at/in’ in the second instance.
2.91
Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
wurnta-tkaayi
come-PERF
ngaliya-warri-wu-yu
1du.exc -PRIV-ACC-EMPH4
Jalurrpa-la-wu
parni-yangu
Arthur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC stay-REL
ngunhungu-mpa
there.(far) -TOP7
Pantuwarnangka-la.
Pannawonica-LOC.
'And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two who were staying with A.
Lockyer there at Pannawonica.’
(P.014 - P.015)
68
In the following example 2.92 the temporal use of the locative is illustrated. In
the first instance it marks ‘in winter’ and then in the second instance it marks ‘in/of that
year’. In 2.92 the expression nganila translates as the English idiom ‘thing-a-ma-jig’, or
‘what’s-a-name’. AP’s locative inflection of nganila in 2.92 expresses ‘in/of what’s-aname’ as he searches for the correct locative marked expression.
2.92
Ngunhangaata-yu ngayi
nhawu-nha
that-EMPH4
1sg.NOM see-PAST
ngunhat-ku
blanket-ku
thatDEF-ACC blanket-ACC
nganila-la-wa
muyhu-ngka-wa
what/something –LOC-TOP1 winter-LOC-TOP1
jiwarra-ngarli-lu
whitefella-PL-INSTR
wangka-nguli-yangu
call-PASS-REL
thirty six-a-wa,
nineteen thirty six ngunhaatu,
thirty six-Ø-TOP1 nineteen thirty six that.one
ngulaata ngunhaat nganila-la
yiya-ngka
there
thatDEF what/something-LOC year-LOC
muyhu-ngka ngayi
winter -LOC 1sg.NOM
nhawu-nha
see-PAST
nganila-la
what/something-LOC
ngurna.
that
'Well, when I saw that blanket it was in what’s-a-name, in the winter of, what
the white people call '36, it was 1936. That time, it was in, what’s-a-name, in the
winter, of what’s-a-name, in/of that year that I saw it again.
(P.233)
A single locative marked nominal often only denotes an approximate location in
space or time. Locative marking of a number of nominals, within a more descriptive
NP, may help to define a more exact location; as the following examples illustrate.
2.93
Murla-yi
winta-lku
Meat-ACC cut-PRES
kampa-rrkayi karla-ngka
cook-POT
fire-LOC
yirnta-ka
hot.coals-LOC
'Cut the meat and then cook it in the hot coals in the fire.'
2.94
(MD)
Karntirri-wu-wa
wat.thurraanu murrini
smoke-EMPH2-TOP1 lightning
following.PRES
nhungku wurnta-rna maatha-yi murluwarla-la -yu
these
come-PAST boss-ACC car-LOC-EMPH4
karri-ngumarnu
stop-PROG
ngunhungat partkarra-la marnta- ka ngurna.
there
flat-LOC
hill-LOC
that
‘These others had come following the smoke from the lightning, with the boss in
the car and they stopped there on the flat by that hill.’
(P.108)
69
2.95
Karra-ngarli-la pawa-nyaa-ngarli-la
scrub-PL-LOC water-ASSOC-PL-LOC
ngurra-ngka.
country-LOC
‘(She) was in the scrub, in the country, near the waterholes.'
(P.387)
Looking back over the examples of locative marking presented above it can be
seen that the locative has both adnominal and relational uses. In some examples the
presence of a locative marked expression is essential to the information conveyed in the
clause, whereas in other instances it could have been omitted without detracting from
the essential ‘sense’ of the clause. For instance, the locative marked proper name could
have been omitted from the clause in example 2.87; stating that ‘I live here now’ would
alone covey to the listener that the speaker now lives in Onslow. Whereas, in clauses
2.88 and 2.89 the locative marked nominals provide specific information; the spinifex is
‘on the hill’ and the subject took off frightened ‘into the scrub’. Alternatively, example
2.91 illustrates an adnominal use of the locative that might conceivably be replaced with
the comitative suffix. That is, the reading ‘with Arthur Lockyer’ could possibly be
represented in example 2.91 by comitative marking of Jalurrpa instead of locative
marking.
Further, a subordinate relative clause may also be marked with a locative
complementiser in Kurrama. First, the locative complementiser may mark a NP-relative
where the subordinate relative clause supplies extra information about a locative
argument of a matrix clause. Or second, a locative complementiser may be used to mark
a T- relative. Hale (1976: 79) states that a T- relative occurs when ‘the relative clause is
used to specify the temporal setting of the event depicted in the main clause, or to make
a subsidiary comment holding at the time specified in the main clause’.
Example 2.96, below, illustrates a locative marked T-relative where the temporal
setting of the main event is specified by a two-part relative clause. That is, the people
‘stay at Deepdale’ at the locative marked time when ‘it is becoming winter’ at the
locative marked time when ‘Jalurrpa was boss’.
2.96
Thalaran-ta -wa-yu
Deepdale-LOC-TOP-EMPH4
parni-lu
stay-PURP
muthuu-rri-yangu-la-wa-yu
Jalurrpa-la
winter-INCH-REL-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 Arthur.Lockyer-LOC
maatha-la.
boss-LOC
'(They) stayed at Deepdale as it became winter, while Arthur Lockyer was the boss.'
(P.062)
70
The following example 2.97 also illustrates a two part locative marked T-relative
that specifies the (relative) time of the main event - ‘when the people would find the old
lady’. That is, in 2.97, the locative marked ‘while riding around’ and the locative
marked ‘(while) going to look for cattle’ form a T-relative that describes what the
people where doing at the time(s) when they used to find/come across the old lady. The
old lady (Payarrany) was on her own walking about the bush and riders would come
across her while they were looking for cattle. This example is discussed further in §2.6
as example 2.123.
2.97
Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji thalingka-arri-la
find-COLL –PASS-HABIT
anywhere there
riding-INCH.PRES-LOC
puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri.
cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC
look.for.PRES
'(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were
riding around looking for cattle.’
(P.345)
The Yindjibarndi locative behaves the same as the Kurrama locative.
2.5.2 Ablative Suffix
The main function of the ablative suffix in Kurrama is to mark a location or
point in space which is the source from which movement is made. The ablative suffix is
usually attached after locative marking of a nominal stem where the locative marked
stem denotes the spatial position from which the ‘movement away’ begins or arises.
The following examples 2.98 to 2.102 illustrate this.
2.98
Ngayi-yu
Mangkala-la-ngu
wurnta-rna.
1sg.NOM-EMPH4 Red Hill-LOC-ABL come-PAST
'I've come from Red Hill.’
2.99
Ngayi
wurnta-rtku
1sg.NOM come-PRES
(AP)
Yarrarlurlu-la-ngu-yu.
Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4
'I was coming from Yarraloola.’
2.100 Murla-yi
purri-rtkayi
Meat-ACC pull-POT
(P.348)
kampa-rna-wa
karla-ngka-ngu.
cook-PAST-TOP1 fire-LOC-ABL
'Pull the meat from the fire, it is cooked.’
(MD)
71
2.101 Wirrwi parraa-rna nhurnuyarntu 11 jangkurru-wu puyha-ngka-ngu.
wind blow-PAST 3sg.GEN
hat-ACC
head-LOC-ABL
'The wind blew his hat from his head.'
2.102 Yinti-ngumarnu
go.down-PROG
(MD)
ngayi
yawarta-la-ngu
1sg.NOM horse-LOC-ABL
wartaarni-lu.
look.in-PURP
'So then I got down off/from the horse to look in.'
(P.201)
Yet, locative marking need not always precede ablative inflection. A stem that is
inherently a locative nominal does not require locative marking before ablative
inflection. For example, in 2.103 the expression thaanyjarni ‘entrance’ is inherently a
locative nominal, one would expect to pass through an ‘entrance’ or come from an
‘entrance’, so thaanyjarni is not marked locative prior to ablative marking. However, an
inherent locative reading does not apply to the nominal tharra ‘cave’, in example 2.103,
so tharra is inflected with a locative suffix before ablative marking.
2.103 Ngunhaat-pa wurnta-rna thaanyjarni-ngu wurnta-rna tharra-ngka-ngu.
thatDEF-TOP2 come-PAST entrance-ABL come-PAST cave-LOC-ABL
‘She came through/from the entrance and came out of the cave.’
(P.117)
Yet, in the examples I have of ablative marking without prior locative inflection
it is not always clear why the locative is not used. In the following examples there is an
anomaly where locative inflection is used in one instance but not in another. The
examples were provided by the same speaker (Algy Paterson) but at different times and
in different contexts (one in a short spontaneous story and one in a longer practiced
narrative).
2.104
Tharna-ngka-ngu
wala-yu
wurnta-rrku
far.away-LOC-ABL that-EMPH4 come-PRES
'That one is coming from far away.'
2.105
Kunyjirri wurnta-rna nhawu tharna-ngu
one
come-PAST man
far.away-ABL
‘One man had come from far away.’
11
(AP)
(AP)
One would expect accusative marking on nhurnuyarntu ‘3sg.GEN’. However, this is an
instance where there is not complete concord marking of every element in a constituent; only
jangkurru ‘hat’ is marked accusative in the object NP ‘his hat’.
72
Overall, there are no examples of ablative marking of temporal nominals in the
Kurrama corpus. There is, however, ablative marking of several demonstratives to
indicate the passing of time from a past point within a narrative to a more recent time
within the same narrative. For instance, the following ablative marked demonstratives
are best translated as expressing: ‘from that time’ in example 2.106, ‘after that’ in
example 2.107, and ‘from there’ in 2.108. These ablative marked demonstratives could
possibly have a spatial reading, but in the context of the narrative a temporal reading is
a more apt translation.
2.106 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu
that-ABL –EMPH4
jarta-warri-nha
old.woman-PRIV-SPEC
kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha
take-COLL-PASS-PAST
ngunyji
thereNV
maya-arta-wa-yu
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4
'From that time, the old lady was taken over there to the homestead.'
2.107 Wantaawa ngulaarta-ngu -yu
well
thereLOC-ABL-EMPH4
parni-ngumarnu
be-PROG
(P.337)
jampa-wa,
moment-TOP1
walyurn-jarri-ngu-wathu-wa.
old-INCH-REL-DIM-TOP1
'Well after that, from then on, (she) was starting to get old, getting a little bit
older.'
(P.460)
2.108 Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi
kurtkaarri-nha ngurnu
there-ABL
1sg:NOM think-PAST
that.ACC
mutha-ngka-wu parni 12.
point -LOC-ACC be.PRES
karnti-ka-wu
stick-LOC-ACC
(P.314)
''From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick.'
However, the ablative marked demonstrative in the following example 2.109
could be interpreted as having either the spatial reading ‘then from there’ or the
temporal reading ‘after that’.
2.109 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu
that-ABL-EMPH4
12
kartpa-nnguli-nha
take-PASS-PAST
Pirtan-karta ngunyji
Onslow-ALL thereNV
Note that parni in this instance acts as a copula verb (see §6.2).
73
yawutpa
down.hill
parri-ngarli-lu,
whitefella-PL-INSTR
payanyji-lu.
policeman-INSTR.
'After that / then from there (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by
the white people, by the policemen.'
(P.549)
Notably, in all of the examples of ablative inflection of the demonstratives,
presented above, there is no prior locative marking of the demonstrative stems; they
already have an inherent temporal or spatial locative status.
The Yindjibarndi ablative behaves the same as the Kurrama ablative. Wordick
(1982: 65) does provide the following Yindjibarndi example where the ablative is
‘employed in a time expression’.
2.110 Yindjibarndi
Loopu-la-ngu
nhaa Tharrirti yurra. Pampanyaa-la-ngu kunytyirr i yurra.
Friday-LOC-ABL this Saturday day Sunday-LOC-ABL one
day
‘Saturday is the day after Friday. One day from Sunday.’ (Wordick, 1982: 65)
2.5.3 Allative Suffixes
There are two main allative markers used in the Kurrama corpus, the direct
allative and the indirect allative. Both allatives mark a location or point towards which
movement is made. The direct allative -karta, which has several allomorphs, marks the
expectation that the location or point will be reached. While, the indirect allative, which
is represented by two forms in the corpus -wali and –wurraa, marks the general
direction of a location that is not necessarily expected to be reached.
Wordick (1982: 58-59 & 68) lists three forms of the Yindjibarndi allative: direct,
indirect and directional. The Yindjibarndi direct allative and indirect allative behave the
same as the Kurrama direct and indirect allatives and have the same forms; except the
indirect form -wali is not used in Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 68) reports that the
Yindjibarndi directional allative “is used to specify ‘motion in’ a direction, such as a
cardinal or current (flow) direction, and also ‘toward’ a relative, non-fixed position,
such as ‘up’, ‘close’ and ‘way over there’”. The directional allative in Yindjibarndi is
realized by the forms –kurru and –yuurru. For example, -kurru is selected by warta
‘north’ and -yuurru is selected by tyingka ‘south’; while the following Yindjibarndi
relative directional terms are formed with –kurru or its allomorph –urru.
74
kankalaurru
‘upwards’
kankala
ngunhthiurru
‘in that direction’ ngunhthi ‘way over there’
murnakurru
‘(to) here’
murna
‘above’
‘close’
I have no examples of the directional allative in the Kurrama corpus. I discuss
the Kurrama direct and indirect allatives in the following sections.
2.5.3.1 Direct allative
Dench (1991: 142) states that in Panyjima the indirect allative is used more than
the direct allative in everyday speech; especially when used in a question ‘where use of
the direct allative would be considered very prying’. However, without examples of
conversational speech I cannot say if this is so in Kurrama. In the examples of allative
use in the Kurrama narrative data it is the direct allative that is most often used. This
could represent a difference in the use of the allatives in Panyjima and Kurrama or it
may represent a difference in the semantics of the allatives in the two languages. Yet,
more likely, it reflects the nature of Aboriginal narratives where descriptions of
movement to definite locations (which have specific geographical, historical, and
spiritual significance) help to ‘paint the picture’ within a story.
The following examples 2.111 to 2.116 illustrate the use of the direct allative.
Note that in examples 2.115 and 2.116 the direct allative marking of a proper name is
preceded by the accusative SPEC marker –ngu.
2.111 Ngayi
thuumaya -arta pangkarri
1sg.NOM store/shop-ALL go.PRES
'I am going to the store.'
(MD)
2.112 Nhaa kurlkarri-nha pangkarri-ngu ngurra-arta
this
think-PAST
go-REL
camp-ALL
'He thought about going home.'
2.113 Nhawu pangkarri
man
go.PRES
(MD)
town-karta manki-i
town-ALL get-POT
'The man is going to town to get tobacco.'
2.114 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
yanka-angu
go-RSLT
ngamayi-wu
tobacco-ACC
(MD)
wuntu-warta
nhawu-lu.
river/creek-ALL see-PURP
‘So I went down the river to see.'
(P.023)
75
2.115 Wantaawa parni-nha
palangku kumarla wurnta-tkayi Thalaran-nguwarta.
later
be/stay-PAST those
together come-POT Deepdale-ALL
'Later, they then came together down to Deepdale.'
2.116
(P.061)
Wayinyjarri ngunyji maya-arta
payanyji-wu
wangka-yi
return.PRES thereNV house -ALL policeman-ACC news-ACC
thaa-rrkayi
send-POT
ngunyji-wa
thereNV-TOP1
Pirtan-nguwarta-wa.
Onslow -ALL-TOP1
‘(He) returned there to the homestead to send news to the police
in Onslow.'
(P.494)
Wordick (1982: 58-59) reports that in Yindjibarndi a rarely used alternative
suffix –pathaa, which lenites to –wathaa after a vowel, can act as a direct allative 13
marker on Yindjibarndi proper names. There are some instances of the use of –wathaa
in the Kurrama corpus. In the following Kurrama example 2.117 the suffix –wathaa is
used on the proper names Kanarrakuri and Waliji. Yet, in the context of example 2.117,
the Kurrama suffix –wathaa acts as a ‘proximative’ that marks spatial proximity to the
named locations, rather than acting as a direct allative that marks the specific locational
goal of direct movement. Thus, the suffix –wathaa is best translated as denoting
proximity ‘around’ a named location in its first use in example 2.117, and proximity
‘near’ a named location in its second use in example 2.117. Perhaps, then, the label
‘perlative’ may be applicable to –wathaa. That is, in 2.117 –wathaa marks Kanarrakuri
and Waliji as some of the intermediate locations which the old lady passed during the
course of her travels.
2.117 But yaayu-warri- nha
but aunty-PRIV-SPEC
yini marnta-ka, nhula
only hill -LOC there
Waliji- wathaa
name.of.place -ALL
mirta parni-nha
not live/stay-PAST
yini,
only
nhungu-la
here-LOC
Kanarrakuri-wathaa
name.of.place -ALL
yini
only
yawut.
west
'But Old Aunty didn't stay only around here in the hills, not just here around
Kanarrikuri, or near Waliji, there in the west.'
(P.085)
Note that in §2.4.7.2 I stated that Wordick (1982: 52) lists –pathaa and –wathaa as the plural
marker of Yindjibarndi proper nouns. It appears that its employment as a plural marker occurs
more often in Yindjibarndi than does its use as an allative marker.
13
76
2.5.3.2 Indirect allative
Following are some examples of the use of the indirect allative markers –wali
and -wurraa. In the following example 2.118 the inexact nature of the indirect allative
–wali is reinforced by the additional use of the term nhungkuyirri ‘here abouts’ which
indicates only a general direction of travel made by the subject. In example 2.119, both
–wali and –wurraa mark the direction of an area bigger than a specific locational point.
Although the term ngurra has many layers of meaning its use in 2.119 refers to a largish
tract of land or ‘country’, named Yarra, and it is in the general direction of this
‘country’ that the subject makes her way.
2.118
…wurnta-rnumarnu wantaawa nhungkuyirri-la ngartimu Jajiwurra- wali.
come-PROG
somewhere here.abouts-LOC again
Robe.River-ALL
'... and then came this way again, here abouts, towards the Jajiwurra (the Robe
River).'
(P.389)
2.119
Ngunyji-pa
ngurra-wali Yarra-wurraa,
thereNV-TOP2 country-ALL name.of.country-ALL
Yarra-yu
wangka-nguli
name.of.country-EMPH4 call-PASS.PRES
ngurra.
country
'(She) went there towards Yarra country, that country called Yarra.'
(P.384)
Another example of the indirect allative –wurraa is presented below. Here it
marks the general direction of the site where a waterbag was tied to a stick/crowbar.
2.120 An’
and
ngulaarta-yu
thereLOC-EMPH4
mutha-ngka-yu
parni-yangu-la-mu
point -LOC-EMPH4 be -REL-LOC-THEN
warla-wurraa-la-yu
parni-yangu-la
heel -ALL -LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC
jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu,
tie.up-PPERF-very
wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa
waterbag
old
thing water -ASSOC waterbag
wangka-nguli.
call -PASS -PRES
'And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old what-chama-callit, waterbag.'
(P.221 - P.222)
As stated, the indirect allatives are rarely used in the Kurrama corpus. Also, it is
possible that the allomorph –wali could well be a borrowing from Panyjima. In
Panyjima, Yindjibarndi, and Kurrama, the direct allative is represented by allomorphs of
the suffix –karta. However, as stated earlier, Wordick (1982: 58-59) lists the indirect
77
allative allomorphs in Yindjibarndi as –purraa and –wurraa; whereas, Dench (1991:
142-143) reports that –wali is used in Panyjima as the indirect allative. As Kurrama and
Yindjibarndi are closely related one might expect that allomorphs similar to –purraa
would be used in Kurrama as the indirect allative. One would possibly not expect
another extra form, divergent from the –purraa allomorphs, to also represent the
indirect allative; so perhaps -wali has been borrowed from Panyjima. Yet, this is only
conjecture. More research is required. As a result of this uncertainty, and because they
are rarely used in the corpus, I have not listed the indirect allatives in Tables 2.1 and
2.2.
Note that -wali and -wurraa are not built on the base -ngu when they are used to
inflect proper names; as does -nguwarta. Also, -wathaa is not preceded with –ngu when
used to inflect a proper name. In Tables 2.1 and 2.2 it is shown that not all proper name
inflections are built on the -ngu base; for example the locative and instrumental proper
name inflections are not built on this base. There may be a reason for when –ngu is
used, and when it is not, but I am unable to indentify what this might be; it may have
been ‘lost’ (or ‘added’) through changes over time. For more discussion on –ngu, as a
base for proper name inflection, see the last two paragraphs of §2.6.
2.6
Domain of Case and Nominal Suffixes
Kurrama nominal suffix marking mainly follows a pattern of complete concord
where each item of a constituent is marked, but there are exceptions. Nominals with an
inherent locational meaning are not marked with a locative suffix in an otherwise
locative, or locative and ablative, marked NP. In example 2.121, below, there are a
number of inherent locational nominals (highlighted in bold) that do not select locative
marking.
2.121 Munti kurta-mpa-yu
kantharri
true very-TOP7-EMPH granny
nyirtiyunu parni
poor.fellow sit.PRES
kankarni-la
above-LOC
thurtiwurru
other.way
nhaa-mpa
this.(near)-TOP7
mirta tharnamurti murna
not
far.away
close
nyaa-nyjarri-ngu, kunkurr
see -COLL-REL downhill
purnta-ka-wu.
hollow-LOC-ACC
‘True enough alright. This is poor old Granny. (She) was close, sitting facing the
other way, not far away, (he) could see (her) from above. (She was) downhill in
a little hollow.’
(P.406)
78
Further, there are some morphological constraints governing nominal suffix
placement in Kurrama. Identical suffixes cannot be placed in sequence and preceding
accusative or instrumental marking blocks further following nominal suffix inflection.
For example, an accusative argument in a subordinate clause will not select further
additional accusative complementiser marking when the subordinate clause is controlled
by an accusative matrix argument. In the following example 2.122 the NP-relative is
controlled by an accusative matrix argument but the accusative argument yaayu-warringu ‘aunty-PRIV-ACC’ in the NP-relative is only marked once with an accusative
suffix.
2.122 Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa
policeman-PL come -RSLT three
car-LOC
get-PURP-TOP1
nhurnu
juju-ngu
wanyjaman-ku,
[ngurnu nhawa-ayi-wu-yu
this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC thatACC see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4
yaayu-warri-ngu].
aunty-PRIV-ACC
‘So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man [that had seen poor old
Aunty].
(P.504 - P.505)
There are definitely no examples of further inflection of accusative and
instrumental marked stems in the Kurrama corpus. The accusative/dative *-ku and the
ergative/instrumental *-lu are not followed by other inflectional suffixes in most Pilbara
languages. For discussion of the general ban on further inflection of dative/accusative
marked nominal expressions in the Pilbara languages see Dench (2006: 83, 86-87, 99100 & 102-103). Also, it is quite common for the ergative suffix to not be followed by
further nominal inflection in many, if not all, Australian languages and Dench (2006:
86) states that ‘it might be possible to make a case for a principled ban here’. The
Kurrama instrumental is the reflex of an earlier ergative. Clitics can be added after
accusative and instrumental marking in Kurrama.
In the following example 2.123 (which was presented earlier as example 2.97)
the accusative marking of puliman ‘cattle’ blocks it from further locative
complementiser marking even though puliman-ku is part of a locative marked Trelative.
2.123 Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji [ thalingka-rri-la
find-COLL-PASS -HABIT
anywhere there
riding –INCH.PRES-LOC
79
puliman-ku
cattle-ACC
yanku-yangu-la
go-REL-LOC
wayharri ].
look.for.PRES
'(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were
riding around looking for cattle. '
(P.345)
However, I am unsure as to why wayharri ‘look for’ is not marked locative in
2.123 above; it too is part of the locative T-relative. It seems that wayharri is a verb
because it selects the accusative argument puliman-ku in the T-relative. Also, wayharri
is used in other instances in the Kurrama corpus as a zero conjugation verb that selects
zero conjugation TAM inflections (most often the same subject RELative marker –ngu).
Its lack of overt TAM marking in 2.123 suggests that it is in unmarked present tense.
However, present tense marking in subordinate clauses is unusual, but the inchoative
verb thalingka-rri in the T-relative also seems to be in unmarked present tense. Perhaps
in this instance the unmarked present blocks wayharri from locative complementiser
marking? Yet, why then is thalingka-rri (which is also in present tense) marked with a
locative complementiser? I cannot say14!
It should also be pointed out that the construction of the genitive, comitative,
and direct allative markers for proper names (and ‘elevated’ proper names) does not
involve the process of inflection with the SPEC accusative suffix where it has a separate
accusative function, and then the addition of another nominal inflection that has a
genitive, comitative, or direct allative function. The SPEC accusative form does precede
another marker in the formation of the genitive, comitative, and direct allative markers
of proper names, but this represents the process of derivation of specific singular
suffixes for proper names which have a singular set of functions. That is, these
constructions only function as genitive, comitative and direct allative markers; the
SPEC accusative base form does not have a separate independent active accusative
function within the make up of these singular suffixes. To restate, there is a constraint,
in Kurrama, against further inflection of stems that already bear an accusative marker
when this accusative marker has an independent active accusative function.
14
It may be that wayharri acts as a secondary predicate of manner in example 2.123 and selects
zero nominative marking in agreement with an unmarked nominative controller. If it is a
secondary predicate, its likely controller is ‘these people’ which is ellipsed in the matrix
clause. However, the matrix clause in example 2.123 is a passive clause and the ellipsed agent
argument ‘these people’ would select instrumental marking, if overt, and not nominative
marking. So, wayharri is probably not a secondary predicate, in this instance, as it would
select instrumental agreement marking. Also, as stated above, wayharri selects TAM marking
in other examples in the corpus which would preclude it from being classed as a secondary
predicate (and also preclude it from being classed as a particle).
80
This addition of a nominal suffix onto a SPEC accusative base form is similar to
what is described by Austin (1995: 369) as ‘derivational double case’. Austin (1995:
369) states that in the Kanyara and Mantharta languages (to the south of Kurrama)
‘certain affixes .. require that the nominal to which they are attached is already inflected
for case before affixation takes place..’. In the Kanyara and Mantharta languages the
‘locative and dative cases participate in this phenomenon, serving as base forms’ on
which other cases may then be added (Austin, 1995: 369). In effect, in Kurrama, the
accusative SPEC form acts as an inert base form to which proper name genitive,
comitative, or direct allative case marking can then be added. Austin (1995: 369) also
reports that in Jiwarli a locative marked nominal serves as the base form (or ‘founding
form’) to which ablative marking can then be appended; as also occurs in Kurrama on
nominals that are not ‘inherently’ locative in nature (see §2.5.2).
2.7
Semblative Suffix or Semblative Clitic?
In the Kurrama corpus there are examples of a semblative marker that codes an
entity as something that someone or something resembles. In the first examples of the
semblative marker that I examined the marker was added after accusative marking of a
common nominal; as follows.
2.124
Manku-nha
get-PAST
ngayi
kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-waa
1sg.NOM carry-HABIT
child-ACC-SEMBL
ngaliyampurraarntu-wu
1pl.exc.GEN-ACC
jarta-yu.
old.woman-ACC
(P.546)
"I picked (her) up, just like we used to carry children, this poor old lady of ours.'
2.125 Ngayi
nhawu
1sg:NOM see-PRES
nhurnu
thisACC
pampikan- ku- waa
pumpkin -ACC-SEMBL
ngarrwi-yangu roundpalarrayi-ku…
lie.down -REL round-ACC
'I see this thing like a pumpkin lying there, all rounded.'
(P.269)
However, the combination of the accusative and semblative does not form a
singular semblative inflection. In the following example a semblative allomorph is
added immediately to a nominal without a preceding accusative marker.
81
2.126 Ngunhat-pa-mpa nganila-wathu yatha-wathu parni-yangu, warrapa-ngarli
shade-DIM be-REL
spinifex -PL
thatDEF- Ø-TOP2 thing -DIM
wantha-rnaarnu kankala-wurru-mpa-rta yamarti-yaa ngunhat
put-PPERF
on.top-FACE-TOP2-? self-SEMBL thatDEF
kartpa-yi.
go.up-PRES
‘That poor little humpy, what-cha-ma-callit, bough shade had been made with
spinifex. (It) had been made with all the spinifex standing up to look as if it had
happened by itself.'
(P.189)
As stated in the previous section, further nominal inflection is blocked by
preceding accusative inflection in Kurrama; except in the construction of the genitive,
comitative and direct allative proper name suffixes upon an inert accusative base.
Therefore, the semblative marker must be a clitic that can be added after an accusative
suffix and not a nominal suffix that could not be added to an accusative suffix. The
following use of the semblative reinforces the conclusion that the semblative is a clitic.
In example 2.127 the semblative is added to the particle munti ‘true’. A nominal suffix
cannot be added to a particle, in Kurrama, but a clitic can.
2.127 Munti-yaa
True/very/really-SEMBL
jurntat-ku-warnu
like.that-ACC-EMPH5
jurntatma-rnaarnu-la,
like.that-CAUS-PPERF-LOC
jurntat-karlaa.
like.that-PROP
nhawa-ayi.
see-PERF
‘(She) really believed it had happened like that, (she'd ) seen how it happened.'
(P.010 - P.011)
Further, it is unlikely that the semblative is a separate nominal or particle and
not a clitic. The independent word waa is frequently used as a nominal predicate in
Kurrama with the meaning ‘fear/frightened’, while the independent yaa is commonly
used as an interjection by Kurrama speakers to express surprise. These commonly used
alternative functions would seem to preclude the semblative allomorphs from being
classified as separate words. 15 Also, the selection of one of the semblative allomorphs is
determined on the basis of a preceding vowel which conclusively indicates that it is
phonologically bound and must be a clitic.
15
The semblative is represented by a separate word in some Australian languages; as, for
instance, in some of the Yolngu languages (Bowern C. pers. comm.).
82
Therefore, in summary, the semblative is a clitic that can be added to an
accusative marked host, and not a nominal suffix that would be blocked by preceding
accusative inflection. Nor, as was first thought, is the semblative a nominal suffix that is
built upon an inert accusative base form (as are the genitive, comitative and direct
allative proper name inflections).
Wordick (1982: 106) only briefly discusses the Yindjibarndi semblative. He lists
it as a productive nominal suffix that is realized by allomorphs of –kaa. He does not
classify it is a clitic that forms ‘indeclineables’. An example from Wordick’s (1982:
209) texts illustrates the Yindjibarndi use of the semblative. The semblative is glossed
as LIKE in this example.
2.128 Yindjibarndi
Yurala
nyurnrtiwarni-nha. Yuntu parnrta-ku-wa.
Muntiwayi nhaa-mpa
rainmaker die-PAST
rain fall-PRES-EMPH Perhaps
this-TOP
yuntu-yu
rain-DET
puyama-a
orphan-LIKE
(Wordick, 1982: 209)
‘The rainmaker died. Rain is starting to fall. Perhaps this particular shower that I
am talking about is like an orphan’ (that is, it is crying for its father).
2.8
Comparison with Yindjibarndi Case Marking
How do the patterns of Kurrama case and nominal suffix marking compare to
those used in Yindjibarndi? Wordick (1982: 142) states that ‘.. ideally all the nominal
and pronominal constituents in a phrase are marked in parallel by the relevant case
marker. However, in actual situations one can observe that often only a single item is so
marked, the rest appearing in the (unmarked) nominative case’. When looking over the
texts in Wordick (1982: 201- 280) it is evident that they contain more instances of
partial case marking of NP constituents than is evident in the Kurrama corpus.
For instance, in the texts narrated by the Yindjibarndi consultants Gilbert Bobby
and Ken M. Jerrold there are a number of instances where these speakers do not use the
objective 16 marker where it would be expected. These instances of partial or absent
16
The Yindjibarndi ‘objective’ suffix is the equivalent of the Kurrama ‘accusative’ suffix.
83
objective marking occur more often than is evident in AP’s Payarrany narrative 17. In a
sample of 135 instances where objective marking is expected in the longest texts
narrated by Gilbert Bobby there are 25 instances where he only partially marks the
subconstituents of an object NP or leaves out objective marking altogether.
Alternatively, in a comparative sample of 135 instances where objective marking is
expected in the longest 18 texts narrated by Ken M. Jerrold there are 47 instances of
incomplete or absent objective marking. This compares with 17 instances of partial or
absent accusative marking located in a sample of 135 expected instances of accusative
marking taken from the Payarrany narrative. These numbers could just represent
speaker differences but may suggest a language difference. More (long) Kurrama and
Yindjibarndi texts, narrated by differing speakers, could help to determine this. Wordick
(1982) does present some Yindjibarndi texts related by Long Mack, Woodley King,
Cheedy Ned, and Harold Ned but these texts do not provide a large enough sample size
to test against Gilbert Bobby’s and Ken Jerrold’s texts.
In the Payarrany narrative it is most often the object arguments of perfective
inflected verbs that are not always marked with the accusative (see §4.5.3). Whereas, in
the Yindjbarndi texts, the object arguments of a broader range of TAM inflected verbs
are not always marked. Consider, for instance, the following example from Wordick’s
(1982: 231) Yindjibarndi texts which was related by Ken M. Jerrold. In this example
only one nominal in the object NP ‘two euros’ is marked with an objective suffix. Also,
the nominal warrapa ‘grass’ is not marked with an objective inflection even though it is
both the object argument of the verb ngarrku ‘eat’ and is part of a NP-relative
controlled by the objective marked NP ‘two euros’.
2.129 Yindjibarndi
Wanytya parnrtaya-rna kuyharra-u pattyarri, parni-yangu
Dog
find-PAST
two-OBJ
euro
sit-DEP
ngarrku-ngu warrapa.
eat-IMPF
grass
‘The dog found two euros, sitting eating grass.’
(Wordick, 1982: 231)
17
Note, that in both the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi texts there are also instances of object ellipsis
where object arguments are not overtly present at all.
18
Some of Ken Jerrold’s texts are relatively short. They were included so as to make up the
sample size of 135 instances of expected objective marking which is the sample size first
counted in Gilbert Bobby’s long texts.
84
In comparison there are fewer examples of this ‘incomplete’ concord in AP’s
Payarrany narrative. Indeed, what at first may be mistaken as the lack of case marking
and nominal inflection in many Kurrama clauses and sentences is often actually zero
marking of nominative arguments in frequently used passive constructions. The
following example 2.130 illustrates this. Passive constructions are discussed in §6.6.
2.130 Well, thintharr
Well, poison
ngunhu
that
wangka-nguli-ngu,
call-PASS-REL
parri-yarntu
strychnine
whitefella-GEN strychnine
wangka-nguli-ngu.
call-PASS-REL
kari,
bitter.(poison)
(P.330)
'Well, that was called poison, it was whitefella poison, what is called strychnine.’
Presented below are some examples that illustrate the general norm of complete
concord marking of case and nominal suffixes in the Payarrany narrative. Example
2.131 illustrates the complete concord marking of two accusative complement clauses.
Example 2.132 illustrates the complete concord marking of a locative adjunct, and
example 2.133 illustrates the complete concord marking of an instrumental argument of
a passive perfective verb.
2.131 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
mirnu kurta
know very
mirnu [ngurnu
know that.ACC
[Yalyarra-ngu
Yalyarra-ACC
ngurra-yi
wanthila-wu],
camp-ACC where-ACC
wanthila-wu].
where-ACC
(P.167)
'I knew [where that camp was]. (I) knew [where it must be at Yalyarra].'
2.132 Wurnta-rna parni-ngumarnu [wuntu-wa
marratha-la
malu-ngka].
come-PAST sit-PROG
river/creek-LOC river.gum-LOC shade -LOC
(She) came there and then was sitting [in the river bed, in the shade of a river
gum].'
(P.017)
2.133 Blanket -ngarli ngunyji
blanket -PL
thereNV
mirtungka kaliku-la
martkurra-ma-rnu-lu
inside
sheet-LOC good-CAUS-REL-PURP
murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu [ janka-rnumarnu-lu, ngurriny-a-lu
wrap-CAUS-PPERF
tie-PROG-INSTR
swag-Ø-INSTR
mirriji-lu
rope -INSTR
swagstrap-u-lu].
swagstrap-Ø-INSTR
'There were blankets inside there, all put together neatly in a sheet,
rolled/wrapped up [and then tied with a swag rope, with a swag strap].' (P.216)
85
2.9
Multiple Case Marking
In all, there are not that many examples of freely occurring multiple case
marking in the Kurrama corpus, but it does occur. In this section I will discuss multiple
nominal suffix marking of common and proper nominals. Additional nominal suffix
marking of pronouns is discussed at the end of §3.1.
Instances, in the corpus, of multiple attachments to common and proper nominal
stems often include enclitic marking. Yet, sequences of two nominal suffixes do occur
and there are some instances of three suffix sequences. Sequences of three nominal
suffixes, however, usually include combinations of suffixes that customarily occur
together to serve a single function. Such as, locative inflection before ablative marking
of nominals; or the formation of genitive, comitative and direct allative markers of
proper names upon the SPEC accusative base form.
The sequence of the privative –warri and the specific referent marker –nha
occurs often in the data (especially in the Payarrany narrative which tells of people of
the past who have since passed away). As stated in §2.4.3 and §2.4.6, these suffix
sequences ‘elevate’ common nominal expressions or kin names, which refer to specific
deceased persons, to proper name status and also mark these names and expressions as
nominative subjects. Sequences of the privative and other proper name suffixes also
occur in the corpus. These sequences also elevate a kin name or expression, referring to
a deceased person, to proper name status; as well as indicating the syntactic function of
that expression within a sentence.
As can be observed in previous examples, the order of nominal suffixes in a
sequence is governed by what Dench and Evans (1988: 6-7) have described as the
principle of ‘concentric scoping’. Dench and Evans (1988: 6-7) state that in Australian
languages this principle ‘ensures that outer suffixes have logical scope over the entire
preceding string, including the root and preceding suffixes’. However, outer placement
of suffixes on a host word may be used to link this host to a higher constituent where
the ‘host word is not an argument of the case predicate’. In these instances Dench and
Evans (1988: 6-7) propose a second principle they have named ‘concentric constituent
scoping’ where ‘a suffix X will be (placed) outside of a suffix Y if it originates in a
higher constituent than Y’.
86
The following example (presented before as example 2.25) is a good illustration
of this. The relevant sections are bracketed in this example to help illustrate the
principle of ‘concentric scoping’. In 2.134 pawa ‘water’ is the locative adjunct of the
subordinate verb pungka ‘fall down’ and is marked with a locative suffix. The locative
marked pawa-ngka is also marked with an accusative complementiser because it is part
of an NP-relative clause that is controlled by the accusative marked matrix argument
mangkurla-wu ‘child-ACC’. With the application of the principle of ‘concentric
constituent scoping’ the accusative complementiser is placed after the locative marking
of pawa because the accusative complementiser originates in a higher constituent than
the locative marker. That is, the accusative complementiser marks a relationship with
the matrix clause while the locative marks a relationship within the subordinate relative
clause.
2.134 Ngayi
purri-rna mangkurla-wu ( pawa-ngka -wu pungka-ayi-wu).
1sg:NOM pull-PAST child-ACC
water-LOC-ACC fall.down-PERF-ACC
…
…
[ mangkurla ( [ pawa]LOC
…
…
[ child
pungka-ayi
)Rel.clause ]ACC
( [ water ]LOC fall.down-PERF )Rel.clause ]ACC
‘I pulled out the child who had fallen in the water.'
(MD)
In the following example 2.135 the direct allative marking of payanyji-ngarli
‘policemen’ is placed outside the genitive marking because it marks a higher constituent
than the genitive suffix. That is, the genitive marker indicates the ownership of the ‘car’
expressed within the NP ‘[the policemen’s car]’ whereas the allative marking indicates
the locational direction of travel expressed by the overall NP ‘to [the policemen’s car]’.
This is a canonical example of Suffixaufnahme as described in Plank (1995). The
nominal denoting the possessor is first marked genitive and then is marked with another
nominal suffix, in this instance the allative suffix, which is distributed to both the
possessor and the possession within the overall allative marked NP.
2.135 Jurntaat ngunhangkat
like.that those
kartpa-nha murtiwarla-arta
carry-PAST car-ALL
payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta
policeman -PL-GEN -ALL
yini
only
murtiwarla-arta.
car-ALL
‘And like that they carried her until they got to the policemen's car.’ (P.521)
87
The placement of numbering suffixes is also affected by ‘concentric scoping’. In
example 2.135, above, the productive plural suffix –ngarli is placed directly after the
nominal stem/host and before genitive and allative marking. That is, the plural marking
of the nominal stem/host ‘policeman’ denotes the plural expression ‘policemen’.
However, in the following example 2.136 the plural suffix is not added directly to the
nominal stem/host but is instead placed after genitive marking. The genitive marking of
the nominal stem/host pawa has an associative function which translates best as ‘place
for/to get water’ (see §2.4.1). The plural marking of the genitive marked pawa thereby
denotes the plural expression ‘places for/to get water’. In example 2.137 the plural
suffix is placed after locative and ablative marking. This translates best as the plural
expression ‘the mob/group from Robe River’.
2.136
Wantaa kurta
which very
ngurra-yu
camp-EMPH4
ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngunhangkat yaayu-warri-nguyarntu,
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
those
aunty-PRIV-GEN
yanku-wuntharri-yarntu
go-INSTR.NOM-GEN
pawa-yarntu-ngarli-wu, ngurrara
water-GEN-PL-ACC
country
jurlu-wu-mpa
mirnu
all-EMPH2-TOP7 know
mangkurla-ngu-mu.
child -ABL-THEN
'All around there, those places, these were Old Aunty's places, where (she)
would camp. All the paths, the ways to travel, all the places to get water, (she)
knew all these. (She) was a child of that country.'
(P.088)
2.137 Wurnta-nha Jajiwurra-la-ngu-ngarli
come-PAST Robe.River-LOC-ABL-PL
ngunhangart-karta
there-ALL
yanku-ngumarnu.
go-PROG
‘The mob that came from Robe River went there then.’
(AP)
2.10 Concluding Remarks
In this chapter I have discussed the forms and functions of the Kurrama case and
nominal suffix markers. Instances of pronominal case and the occasional marking of
verbs with nominal suffixes have also been discussed. A few brief words in most
sections, of the chapter, have also compared the forms and functions of the Yindjibarndi
case and nominal suffixes to those used in Kurrama. They are very similar.
88
Overall, case and nominal suffixes play a principal part in the construction of
simple and complex sentences in Kurrama and Yindjibarndi. They can operate at more
than one syntactic level. In an adnominal role the nominal suffixes relate a nominal or
nominal phrase to other NPs within a wider phrase. In their relational and referential
uses the suffixes indicate the role of a nominal or nominal phrase within a clause, while
in their complementiser uses they indicate relations between clauses. Aspects of these
properties are discussed again within the following chapters. They receive particular
attention in Chapters 6 and 7 when I examine the characteristics of the differing types of
simple and complex sentence used in Kurrama.
89
3. PRONOUNS AND DEMONSTRATIVES
In this chapter I examine the paradigms of the Kurrama pronouns and
demonstratives. Unfortunately, the data is incomplete and only partial paradigms with
many gaps can be presented. In the field sessions with Maudie Dowton we did not
specifically discuss Kurrama pronouns or demonstratives in any detail. In the short time
that was available we concentrated on other aspects of Kurrama morphology and
grammar. Most of the useful data on Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives comes from
sessions that Alan Dench conducted with Algy Paterson in the 1980’s, as well as from
AP’s narration of the Payarrany story.
In the following discussion I first examine the first and second person pronouns.
I then discuss some of the singular, dual and plural demonstrative forms. Then I
examine demonstratives that indicate that a referent entity or location is not visible to
the speaker. I end the chapter with examples of the use of pronominal and locational
demonstratives that have interrogative and indefinite functions.
Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives pattern much like those in Yindjibarndi.
In the following discussion I compare the Yindjibarndi and Kurrama forms; there are
some observable differences as well as similarities. While more work needs to be done
on the Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives the limited knowledge of Kurrama, in the
Pilbara community overall, will make this difficult. Further investigation of pronoun
and demonstrative use in Yindjibarndi should be more productive and deserves to be a
priority.
3.1
First and Second Person Pronouns
The paradigms of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi first and second person
pronouns are presented in Table 3.1. This table was originally presented by Dench
(1994: 163; 2010: 61). The Yindjibarndi forms are from Wordick (1982). The Kurrama
and Yindjibarndi first and second person pronouns are a closed class of independent
items that have different forms for singular, dual and plural number. In Kurrama, an
inclusive/exclusive distinction is made in the first person non-singular paradigm where
the inclusive forms include the listener/addressee while the exclusive forms exclude the
listener/addressee. Wordick (1982: 71-73) suggests that Yindjibarndi is in the process of
losing this inclusive/exclusive distinction in the first person non-singular forms.
Table 3.1 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi1 (Y) pronoun case forms
90
91
Dench
(1994:162-165;
2010:62-69)
has
reconstructed
the
possible
developmental changes that the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronouns have undergone
historically; so this is not attempted here. Yet, some general structural trends that are
observable in the forms of the pronouns can be noted here. Consider the Kurrama first
person paradigm. In Kurrama, the first person dual inclusive nominative form ngali acts
as the base on which the other case forms of the first person dual inclusive pronouns are
built; and with the addition of the formative -wu is also the basis of most of the first
person plural inclusive case forms. Similarly, in Kurrama, the first person dual
exclusive nominative form ngaliya acts as the base on which the other first person dual
exclusive pronouns are built; and with the addition of –wu is also the basis of most the
first person plural exclusive forms.
The Yindjibarndi first person pronouns pattern in an almost parallel manner
except for the truncated inclusive paradigms where the base form ngali is described by
Wordick (1982: 71-73) as an ‘indeclineable’ that does not accept further case
formatives. Also, as stated earlier, Wordick (1982: 71-73) suggests that Yindjibarndi is
in the process of losing the inclusive/exclusive distinction in the non-singular first
person forms, even though this is still coded in the Kurrama paradigm.
The locative forms of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronouns most often
involve the addition of the formative –la to the nominative forms, while the
instrumental forms most often involve the addition of the formative –lu. However, the
first person singular locative and instrumental pronouns are formed by the addition of
the formatives –la and –lu onto the bound form ngayha and not the nominative form
ngayi. Ngayha appears to be the Kurrama reflex of an older nominative form ngatha
which is used as the free form first person singular nominative pronoun in Panyjima and
is the base form on which the Panyjima first person singular locative ngathala and first
person singular agentive/instrumental ngathalu are built (Dench, 1991: 157).
The Kurrama and Yindjibarndi genitives essentially involve the addition of the
formatives –(a)arntu, –yharntu or –yarntu onto the accusative forms, but these are
sometimes added to a nominative form. In all, the genitive pronoun formatives, and the
locative and instrumental formatives, correspond with genitive, locative and
instrumental allomorphs that can be selected by common nominals. Dench (1994:162165; 2010:62-69) discusses in greater detail the formatives that are used in the
construction of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronoun case forms.
92
I have not been able to identify the Kurrama form for locative second person
plural. If constructed in the same pattern as the Kurrama locative second person singular
pronoun, and the Kurrama locative second person dual pronoun, the Kurrama locative
second person plural might be expected to take the form *nyintawula. However, this is
the same form as the nominative second person dual pronoun. In Table 3.1 it can be
seen in the Kurrama first person paradigm that the accusative dual exclusive pronoun is
the same as the nominative plural exclusive pronoun, ngaliyawu; so perhaps this overlap
in forms also occurs in locative second person plural and nominative second person
dual, without the homophones causing confusion. This needs to be checked with a
language consultant. The following use of ngaliyawu as a nominative first person plural
exclusive in example 3.1 can be compared with its use as an accusative first person dual
exclusive in example 3.4. The interpretation given to the pronoun is determined by the
context in which it is used.
3.1
Ngaliyawu
ngunhangat-pa-mpa Mangkala-la.
1pl.exc.NOM thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 Red Hill-LOC
'We were all there at Red Hill.'
(P.524)
The differing Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronoun case forms have the same
range of case functions as do the case inflected forms of common nominals and proper
names (see §2.2 to §2.5). For instance, an accusative pronoun can act as an argument
with an object (O) function in a transitive clause, while the subject argument (A) in this
transitive clause (or a subject argument (S) in an intransitive clause) can be represented
by a nominative pronoun. Some examples of the different case functions of differing
Kurrama pronouns follow. Consider first the use of some of the Kurrama accusative
first person pronouns.
3.2
Wanyja might
dog
might
paa-rrkayi ngayu.
bite -POT 1sg.ACC
‘The dog might bite me.’
3.3
(MD)
Wala
nhawu-ngu parni
that.(mid.dist) see-REL
be. PRES
'That (fella) is looking at us two.'
ngalimpawu
1du.inc.ACC
(AP)
93
3.4
Mirta nhawi-i
ngaliyawu
not/no see - POT 1du.exc.ACC
'Don't look at us two.'
3.5
(AP)
Wala
ngaliwumpurruu nhawu-ngu
that.(mid.dist) 1pl.inc.ACC
see-REL
‘That (fella) is looking at us mob.'
3.6
Ngaliyampurruu nhawu-ngu
1pl.exc.ACC
see -REL
(AP)
parni-ngu
be -REL
'Forget/stop looking at all of us!’
parni
be.PRES
nganaarri-ngu.
forget-REL
(AP)
Some examples of the use of the Kurrama nominative second person pronouns follow.
3.7
Nyinta
2sg.NOM
yanki-i
go-POT
ngunhangaatu
there
'You go over there and see (them).'
3.8
3.9
Nyintawula
2du.NOM
parni-i
sit -POT
nhawu-marri-lu.
see-COLL-PURP
(P.053)
ngaliyawula.
1pl.exc.LOC
‘You two sit with us.'
(AP)
Kantharri-watha
daughter's.chld -NEAR
nyintawu waa
2pl.NOM fear/frightened
yanku-warri,
go/be-PRIV
ngayi
nhaat-ju.
1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH
'Grannies don't you all be frightened. It's just me."
(P.448)
Example 3.8, above, also contains the locative first person plural exclusive
pronoun ngaliyawula. In the following exchange, between a father and son, both the
Kurrama locative first person singular pronoun and the Kurrama locative second person
singular pronoun are used.
3.10 a. Thuku
young.boy
nyinta
yanki-i
2sg.NOM go-POT
‘Boy you go with me….’
ngayhala-yi….
1sg.LOC-TOP4
94
3.10 b. Ngawu, papu ngayi
pangkarri-i nyintala.
yes
father 1sg.NOM go-POT
2sg.LOC
‘Yes, father I will go with you.’
(AP)
Some examples of the use of the first person genitive pronouns follow.
3.11
Ngunhaat-pa-mpa
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
ngayarntu ngurriny-ngarli ngarrwi.
1sg.GEN swag-PL
lie/be.PRES
'My swag and everything is there.'
3.12
Wala
that.(mid.dist)
ngaliyaarntu wanyja.
1du.exc.GEN dog
'That dog belongs to us two'
3.13
Ngunha
that
(P.164)
(AP)
ngaliyampurraarntu
1pl.exc.GEN
'She is one of our old people.'
jarta.
old.woman
(P.530)
Examples of the use of most of the Kurrama first and second person pronoun
case forms are present in the data that I have at hand, except for some of the
instrumental forms. Except for the instrumental first person singular pronoun, and the
instrumental first person plural exclusive pronoun, the Kurrama instrumental pronoun
forms presented in Table 3.1 are taken from Dench (2010: 61). Dench (2010: 61)
glosses these pronouns as ‘agentive’ forms but I have used the classification
‘instrumental’ so as to retain consistency with the label that I have assigned to the
corresponding proper name and common nominal ‘instrumental’ suffixes. Some
examples of the use of the instrumental pronouns from the Kurrama data, that I do have,
follow.
3.14
Nyinyji-mpa
ngarrwi
here.NV-TOP7 lie.down
wantha-rnaanu
put-PPERF
wanyja-yi
dog-ACC
warangarti-ngarli
trap-PL
ngayhalu
1sg.INSTR
kurnta-rnu.
wait-REL
‘Traps are lying here, put by me for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).’
(P.481)
95
3.15
Nhaa
this.(near)
nyinku
murla kampa-ayi, nhaa-mpa
2sg.ACC meat cook-PERF this.(near)-TOP7
nyinku
thii
2sg.ACC tea
kampa-rnaarnu
cook-PPERF
kampa-ayi,
cook-PERF
parraa
tea.leaf
kampa-ayi, ngayhalu
cook-PERF 1sg.INSTR
miinyma-rnu-lu
nyinku.
provide-REL-INSTR 2sg.ACC
'This is some cooked meat for you. This is some cooked tea for you. The tea is
cooked, it has been cooked by me (who) is providing for you.’ (P.492)
3.16
Ngunhaatu-wa
that.one -TOP1
parni
stay.PRES
parntaya-rnaanu-wa
find-PPERF-TOP1
ngunyji-mpa,
thereNV-TOP7
ngayhalu
1sg.INSTR
warlunpa-wurnu parni-ngu-yu.
crippled - ?
stay/be-REL-EMPH4
‘That poor old thing is staying up there. I found her, all crippled up.'
3.17
Ngunhangata-ngu-yu yaayu-warri-nha
there-ABL-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC
(P.498)
thurlajinkarri
poor.fellow
wantaawa
somewhere
parni-nha
ngaliyawulu
mirta nhawu-nguli-ngu
live/stay-PAST 1pl.exc.INSTR not
see -PASS-REL
ngarti,
again/then
yurlu
kurta-wa,
nothing very-TOP1
wantaa kurta.
which very
'Well from that time, Old Aunty, poor thing, stayed away somewhere or other,
and wasn't seen by any of us again, not at all, for a very long time.' (P.376)
There are specific pronoun forms that can be used, in Kurrama and Yindjibarndi,
to identify referents who are in differing alternate generation levels. Wordick (1982: 72)
lists some first, second and third person non-singular nominative pronoun and
demonstrative forms that indicate alternate generation relationships in Yindjibarndi.
However, there are only two examples of nominative alternate generation forms in the
Kurrama corpus; they are both first person non-singular pronouns. The following Table
3.2 lists these Kurrama forms and the Yindjibarndi forms that are presented by Wordick
(1982: 72).
There are a number of omissions in Table 3.2. As stated above I only have first
person entries for Kurrama. The Kurrama omissions may pattern the same as the
Yindjibarndi entries but the data is incomplete. Based on Wordick’s (1982) data it
96
appears that there are no distinct nominative second person plural and third
person/demonstrative plural alternate generation forms in Yindjibarndi.
Ngayuwarta is the Yindibarndi and Kurrama nominative first person dual
pronoun for referents who are in a differing generation relationship (such as a father and
son), but it seems to have an inclusive reading in the Kurrama corpus. Alternatively,
ngayintharri, which is the nominative first person plural form for referents who are in
different generation levels, seems to have an exclusive reading in the Kurrama data.
However, Wordick (1982: 72) does not make an inclusive or exclusive distinction for
these pronouns in Yindjibarndi.
Table 3.2 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) alternate generation NOM pronouns
Dual
Plural
ngayintharri
ngayintharri
1st person
K
Y
ngayuwarta
ngayuwarta
2nd person
Y
nyinkuwi
3rd person /
(proximal)
19
demonstrative
Y
nhurnuwi
(mid-distant)
Y
walaapi
(distal)
Y
ngurnuwi
(aug. distal)
Y
ngurnaapi
Dench (1982b: 114-116) has shown that in neighbouring Panyjima the
inclusive/exclusive distinction is collapsed in the alternate generation forms of the
nominative first person non-singular pronouns (except for an exclusive distinction in the
alternate generation nominative first person dual form which has referents in the same
patrimoiety). So, perhaps an inclusive/exclusive distinction is also not made in the
Kurrama alternate generation nominative first person non-singular forms; as is indicated
by Wordick (1982: 72) for Yindjibarndi.
19
The distinction of proximal, mid-distant, distal, and augmented distal in the 3rd
person/demonstrative paradigm is discussed in §3.2.1.
97
It should be noted here, that the pronouns presented in Table 3.1 are unmarked
forms that are used when not making a generation distinction. For instance, the Kurrama
nominative first person dual inclusive and exclusive pronouns, ngali and ngaliya, and
the Kurrama nominative first person plural inclusive and exclusive pronouns, ngaliwu
and ngaliyawu, are unmarked forms that do not make a generation distinction; in
contrast to ngayuwarta and ngayintharri which do indicate alternate generations.
Examples of the use of the Kurrama different generation nominative pronouns
ngayuwarta and ngayintharri are presented below. These are followed by some
examples of different generation accusative and genitive pronouns that are built upon
the base form ngayintharri. Note that example 3.18 contains the full statement made by
a father to his son which was abbreviated in example 3.10a.
3.18
Thuku
nyinta
yanki-i ngayhala-yi
thaluma-rrkayi
young.boy 2sg.NOM go-POT 1sg.LOC-TOP4 operate.increase.site/rite-POT
ngayuwarta,
1du.(disharmonic)
wirrwi thalu.
wind increase.site/rite
“Boy you go with me and we will operate that wind thalu.”
3.19
(AP)
Ngunhat-kuyha-rru-mpa
Jalurra-arta
ngayintharri
thatDEF-dual -NOW-TOP7 ceremonial.song -ALL 1pl(disharmonic)
yanku–nha
go-PAST
Yathala-ngu.
Yaleen.Station -ACC
‘For those two songs, now, we went to Yaleen Station.’
(AP)
The following example illustrates an accusative derivation built on the different
generation pronoun ngayintharri.
3.20
Yaayu-warri-nha-yu
ngunyjat-pa-mpa yanku-yangu-la-wa
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thatNV-Ø-TOP2 go-REL-LOC -TOP1
murna-arri-ngu-wa
close -INCH-REL -TOP1
ngayintharri-wu-yu
1pl(disharmonic)-ACC-EMPH
ngunhaata-wu-yu
parni-yangu
there-ACC-EMPH4 be/stay-REL
Marryiri-la-wa.
Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1
'Poor old Aunty was travelling along there and was getting close to us staying
there at Marryiri.'
(P.100)
98
The following Kurrama example contains a genitive derivation of ngayintharri.
In the previous examples the use of ngayintharri appears to code an exclusive reading.
Yet, in the context of example 3.21, its genitive derivation does not code an exclusive
reading. The speaker is addressing her children who are frightened by the sudden
unannounced approach of their granny. The statement that the mother makes that the old
lady is ‘one of our people’ includes the addressee children rather than excludes them.
This supports the previous statement that an inclusive/exclusive distinction is not made
in alternate generation first person non-singular pronouns.
3.21
Kantharri-nha karra-nyungu-wa,
granny-SPEC scrub/bush-DWELL-TOP1
walangart-pa-mpa
there-Ø-TOP7
yanku-marta karra-ngka,
mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i,
go-HABIT scrub/bush-LOC not
fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT
ngayintharri-yarntu,
1pl(disharmonic)-GEN
mirta
not
waa-rri-nyjarri-i.
fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT
'It's old Granny who lives in the scrub, (the one) who travels around in the bush.
Don't be frightened, she's one of our people. Don't be frightened.' (P.451)
Like common nominals and proper names it is also possible for pronouns to
select further case marking when they act within several syntactic levels in a sentence.
For instance, in the following example 3.22, the Kurrama genitive first person singular
pronoun ngayarntu is assigned direct allative marking. The pronoun acts, first, at a
phrasal level to code the speaker’s possession of her ngurra ‘camp’. Then at the clausal
level, both the genitive pronoun and the expression ngurra represent the destination
towards which the addressee is urged to go. So, under conditions of complete concord,
both ngurra and the genitive pronoun ngayarntu are thereby assigned direct allative
marking.
3.22
Nyinta
purlaa
yanki-i wantaa kantharri
2sg.NOM front/first go-POT alright granny
ngurra-arta-yu,
walarntat-pa-mpa yawut
camp-ALL-EMPH4 there-Ø-TOP7
west
ngayarntu-warta
1sg.GEN -ALL
Nyurnti-la.
Nyurnti.Creek -LOC
‘You go in front, okay Granny, to my camp. It's over there to the west, at
Nyurnti Creek.'
(P.431)
99
Following is another instance of further case marking of the first person singular
genitive pronoun. This time it is inflected with an instrumental suffix. The genitive
pronoun and nhuwa make up the agent argument within the passive relative clause in
this example and are both marked instrumental. The relative clause, which contains
these instrumental marked expressions, is controlled by the accusative main clause
argument murla-yi ‘meat-ACC’. However, the instrumental marked genitive pronoun,
and the instrumental marked nhuwa, do not also receive accusative complementiser
marking in agreement with this controlling argument; their instrumental marking blocks
them from further following inflection (see §2.6).
3.23
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
murla-yi
meat-ACC
ngarrku-nha nhuwa-ngku
eat-PAST
spouse-INSTR
ngayarntu-lu
1sg:GEN-INSTR
kampa- rnaarnu 20.
cook-PPERF
'I ate the meat that was cooked by my wife.'
3.2
(AP)
Demonstratives
The paradigms of the Kurrama demonstratives are morphologically complex. In
the time spent with Maudie Dowton we did not discuss Kurrama demonstratives in any
detail. However, the patterning of the Kurrama demonstratives is similar to the
patterning of the corresponding Yindjibarndi forms reported by Wordick (1982: 71-75).
Wordick describes them as demonstrative pronouns. Also, Dench (2010: 239-249)
discusses both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama demonstratives based on the Kurrama data
that he has collected and the Yindjibarndi data that is presented by Wordick (1982).
In the following I discuss several paradigms of demonstratives evident within
the Kurrama corpus. This discussion begins with a comparison between Kurrama and
Yindjibarndi singular demonstrative forms where the complete Yindjibarndi paradigm
suggests what may be missing from the partial Kurrama paradigm. I then examine some
dual and plural demonstrative forms. I finish this section with an analysis of several
demonstratives that refer to places or entities that are not visible to the speaker.
20
Note that I cannot determine why the verb kampa-rnaarnu ‘cook-P.PERF’ is not inflected
with an accusative complementiser. It too is part of the relative clause that modifies the
accusative main clause argument murla-yi.
100
3.2.1 Singular Demonstrative Forms
The following Table 3.3 presents a paradigm of singular demonstrative case
forms for both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama. There is a complete set of Yindjibarndi forms
but not of Kurrama forms. The Yindjibarndi forms are taken from Wordick (1982: 74).
Table 3.3 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) singular demonstrative case forms
Proximal
Mid-distant
Distal
Augmented
Distal
Nominative (K)
nhaa
wala
ngunhu
ngunha(a)
(Y)
nhaa
wala
ngunhu
ngunhaa
ngurnu
ngurnaaku
Accusative (K)
nhurnu
(Y)
nhurnu
walaaku
ngurnu
ngurnaaku
nhulu
walaartu
ngulu
ngulaartu
Instrumental (K)
Genitive
Locative
Ablative
(Y)
nhulu/nhulungku walaartu
(K)
nhurnuyarntu
(Y)
nhurnuyarntu
(K)
walaatharntu
ngulu/ngulungku ngulaartu
ngurnuyarntu
ngurnaatharntu
nhula/nhulangka
ngula
ngulaarta
(Y)
nhula/nhulangka walaarta
ngula/ngulangka
ngulaarta
(K)
nhulangu
walaartangu
ngurnuwarta
ngulaartangu
(Y)
nhulangu
walaartangu
ngurnuwarta
ngulaartangu
The Kurrama singular demonstrative case forms that are present in Table 3.3 are
the same as the corresponding Yindjibarndi forms. So comparison with the Yindjibarndi
demonstratives indicates what may be missing from the Kurrama paradigm. Wordick
(1982: 71-75) describes the items in the Yindjibarndi paradigm as third person pronouns
but states that they are also used as demonstratives with the English translations ‘this’
and ‘that'. This is the salient property of these Yindjibarndi and Kurrama forms: they
have a mix of both pronominal and demonstrative functions. They can function as third
person pronominal demonstratives, as adnominal demonstratives, as identificational
demonstratives, or in certain instances as adverbial demonstratives. For instance, the
singular nominative demonstratives listed in Table 3.3 may translate to English as the
third person pronouns ‘he’, ‘she’ or ‘it’, or alternatively as the adnominal or
101
identificational
demonstratives
‘this’
or
‘that’,
while
the
singular
locative
demonstratives translate as ‘here’ or ‘there’.
There are four sets of singular demonstratives listed for both Yindjibarndi and
Kurrama in Table 3.3. These sets mark differing positions of the demonstrative referent
in relation to the position of the speaker and the addressee. That is, the proximal set of
demonstratives mark referents that are located near the speaker and addressee, while the
mid-distant set mark referents that are located at mid-distance from the speaker and
addressee. The distal and augmented distal sets mark referents that are located at a long
distance from the speaker and addressee. Morphological distinctions are evident
between the forms in the distal and augmented distal sets, but as Wordick (1982: 71)
states the sets ‘seem to be essentially synonymous’. Wordick (1982: 71-72) uses the
corresponding terms ‘near’, ‘mid-distant’, ‘far’ and ‘(augmented) far’ as labels for the
four sets of Yindjibarndi demonstratives.
Some examples of the Kurrama singular nominative demonstratives follow.
Consider first some examples of the use of the nominative proximal singular form nhaa.
In example 3.24 nhaa acts as an identificational demonstrative that translates as the
proximal ‘this’; it refers to some cooked food that is close to the speaker (and is being
given by the speaker to the addressee). In 3.25 nhaa acts an adnominal demonstrative
that modifies the nominal jarta ‘old woman’. In 3.26 and 3.27 nhaa acts as a third
person singular pronominal demonstrative that can be translated as expressing ‘he’ or
‘she’ or ‘this one’.
3.24
Nhaa
nyinku
pirntu kampa-ayi,
wanyji kampa-ayi
this.(near) 2sg:ACC food cook-PERF damper cook-PERF
“This is for you, (some) cooked food, cooked damper.” (P.491)
3.25
Mayinu
nhaa
jarta
might
poor.fellow this.(near) old.woman might
kuyawuya-warni.
silly-INCH-PRES
'Poor thing, this old lady might be going silly.' (P.040)
3.26
Nhaa
this.(near)
waa-rri
fear/frightened-INCH.PRES
wanyja-yi
dog -ACC
'This one/she/he is getting scared of the dog.'
(MD)
102
3.27
Nhaa
nhawu-nha kurri-i
mujilarri-yangu.
this.(near) see -PAST young.girl-ACC run.away-REL
'This one/she/he saw the girl running away.'
(MD)
Following are some Kurrama examples of the use of the nominative mid-distant
singular demonstrative wala. In example 3.28 wala acts as an identificational
demonstrative that is used by a speaker who has thrown a spear at a wrongdoer in middistance range. The nominative wala is used in this instance, and not an accusative
form, because object arguments are not assigned accusative case in Kurrama imperative
clauses (see §4.5.7). In example 3.29 wala acts as an adnominal demonstrative that
modifies the nominal wanyja ‘dog’. The same reading could also apply to wala in
example 3.30. However, note that wala is not placed adjacent to wanyja in example 3.30
but is in example 3.29. So wala in example 3.30 is probably best interpreted as acting as
a third person singular pronominal demonstrative; as is shown in the alternative free
translation of this example. In 3.31 wala acts as a third person singular pronominal
demonstrative.
3.28
Wala
kurtkayi-nma nyinta
that.(mid.dist) feel-IMP
2sg.NOM
“Feel that you wild man.”
3.29
3.30
(AP)
Wala
wanyja parni
that.(mid.dist) dog
be. PRES
'That dog stays with us two.'
payawurtu-yu.
savage-EMPH4
kurtawa ngalila
stay.with 1du.inc.LOC
(AP)
Wala
ngaliyaarntu wanyja.
that.(mid.dist) 1du.exc.GEN dog
‘That dog belongs to us two.’ or ‘That one/she/he/it belongs to us two, the dog.’
(AP)
3.31
Wala
ngaliwumpurruu nhawu-ngu parni.
that.(mid.dist) 1pl.inc.ACC
see -REL be.PRES
‘That one/she/he is looking at us mob.’
(AP)
Some examples of the use of the nominative distal singular demonstrative
ngunhu follow. In example 3.32 ngunhu acts as an identificational demonstrative; in the
context in which it occurs it has a referent who is situated at a distance. In example 3.33
ngunhu also acts as an identificational demonstrative; it is used in the retelling of a past
103
situation and has a referent that is distant in both space and time. In 3.34 ngunhu is used
within the context of the story as a third person singular pronoun and has a referent who
is distant in time.
3.32
Ngunhu
kantharri-nha-mpa.
that.(dist) granny -SPEC -TOP2
'That's old Granny!'
3.33
(P.129)
Well, thintharr ngunhu
well poison
that.(dist)
parri-yarntu
strychnine
whitefella -GEN strychnine
wangka-nguli-ngu
call-PASS-REL
kari
bitter
wangka-nguli-ngu.
call-PASS-REL
'Well, that was called poison, it was whitefella poison, what is called
strychnine.’
(P.330)
3.34
Ngunhu
kurlkarri-nmarri-nha ngurnu.
that.(dist) think- COLL -PAST that.ACC
'She had thought that.'
(P.417)
Example 3.35, below, was first introduced as example 2.14 in §2.2.1. In §2.2.1 it
was argued that although the bracketed clause in this example could be viewed as being
a NP-relative it is better translated as an independent parenthetical comment. Thereby,
the demonstrative ngunhu in the bracketed clause, in this example, is best understood as
functioning as a third person singular pronoun that is the subject of the parenthetical
comment. In the context in which it is used this pronoun has a referent who is distant in
time.
3.35 Nunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta
those
policeman -PL three
policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG
[ngunhu-mpa-yu
yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu],
that-TOP7-EMPH4 dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4
jurlu-wa,
all-TOP1
kartpa-rna
carry-PAST
jarrwurti ngunhangkat
three
those
yaayu-warri-ngu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC
‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose, [he used
to kill dingoes], and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’.
(P.520)
104
In the Kurrama corpus the nominative singular augmented distal demonstrative
most often takes the form ngunha but there are some instances where it appears as
ngunhaa. The two forms seem to have the same range of functions, but this is difficult
to determine conclusively because ngunhaa is rarely used. Examples 3.36 and 3.37
illustrate ngunhaa and ngunha acting as adnominal demonstratives; in 3.36 ngunhaa
points out a particular child to the listener and in 3.37 ngunha refers to a particular
‘whitefella’ who was discussed earlier in the text. In examples 3.38 to 3.40 ngunha acts
as a third person pronominal demonstrative that can be glossed as ‘it’, ‘she’ or ‘he’; in
each example ngunha has an antecedent in preceding clauses.
3.36
Ngunhaa mangkurla kupija.
That
child
little
'That child is small.'
3.37
Parrii
ngunha
whitefella that
jingkaku-rru
upriver-NOW
(MD)
yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa
go-PAST there.LOC river/creek -LOC
wurnta-tkayi kurta-wa
nhawu-lu-wa.
come-POT very -TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1
'That whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right
on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).
(P.473)
3.38
Jankaa-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-yu
ngunha purntura-ma-rnaarnu.
tie.up -PPERF good-CAUS-REL-EMPH4 that
rolled.up-CAUS-PPERF
'It had been rolled up, made neat and tied up.’ (P.322)
3.39
Jilirra-wayhu
big-DIM
ngunha
that
parni-nha
be -PAST
'It was sort of big, like that.'
3.40
jurnta-wa.
like.that -TOP1
(P.324)
Yanku-nha ngunhaatu, wurnta-rna ngunha Mangkala-arta-mu-yu,
go -PAST that.one
come -PAST that
Red Hill-ALL-THEN-EMPH4
wangka-lu
talk -PURP
ngunhangaata-yu
there –EMPH4
maatha-ngarli-wu-yu.
boss -PL-ACC-EMPH4
(P.497)
'Off that one went. He came into Red Hill then to talk to the bosses there.'
The singular forms presented in Table 3.3 do not represent the full range of
singular demonstrative forms that are used in Kurrama. There are also a range of
105
demonstratives derived by the addition of other formatives onto the singular forms listed
in Table 3.3. However, complete paradigms of all of these different demonstrative types
are not available from the data that I have. Also, because of a lack of numbers it is
difficult to identify the specific function, or functions, of these alternative forms.
For instance, in the Kurrama corpus, the formatives –t or -tu are at times added
to nhaa; and –rt or –rtu are sometimes added to wala(a); while ngunha(a) is at times
assigned –t, -tu or –n(a). The formation of ngunhaatu in example 3.40 above is an
example of this. The use of the formative –tu on ngunhaa seems to form a ‘definite’
demonstrative that refers to a specific referent that the speaker wishes to distinguish
from other possible referents. I have glossed this as ‘that one’. Similarly, ngunhaat and
ngunhaan also are used in the data to indicate the specific referent ‘that one’ but I am
unable to determine any discernible difference in function between these differing
forms. In the following example 3.41 I have glossed the addition of –tu onto the
proximal nhaa as expressing ‘this one’ but I have interpreted nhaat as expressing ‘he’ in
the free translation of example 3.42. Yet in both examples these demonstratives identify
a specific referent: one that is ‘savage’, and one ‘that must be from the Ashburton side’.
Wordick (1982: 75, 118 & 130) reports that –t, -rt, -tu, -rtu, and –na can also be
used on Yindjibarndi demonstratives to specify ‘this one’ or ‘that one’. Wordick (1982:
75, 118 & 130) states that in Yindjibarndi both nhaa and ngunhaa select –t, -tu or –na;
while wala(a) occurs with -rt , -rtu or -rna. Wordick does not indicate any explicit
differences in meaning between these different forms.
3.41
Ngawu
that's.right
payawurtu nhaatu!
savage
this.one
'That's right this one is wild/savage.'
3.42
Shuu,
Shuu
munti-mpa
true-TOP7
wanthiwa-rru
where-NOW
karri
stand-PRES
nhaat
thisDEF
(AP)
nhawu
man
Kawayintharri
Ashburton.side
wurnta-tkaayi mirtawaa,
come-PERF big
nhanthawa.
must.be
Shuu, sure enough a man, [who just came up], is standing (behind), a big fellow.
Now where is (he) from? He must be from the Ashburton side.' (P.414)
106
Further, in the earlier example 3.37 I translated the locative singular augmented
distal form ngulaarta as expressing ‘there’. Alternatively, the locative singular proximal
forms nhula and nhulangka (listed in Table 3.2) translate as ‘here’. However, there is
also another locative singular proximal form nhungu which also translates as ‘here’.
This form is used relatively frequently in the Kurrama data. The following examples
illustrate the locational adverbial use of the three locative singular proximal forms. The
form nhula could possibly express ‘at this’ rather than ‘here’. The alternate form
nhulangka contains two locative formatives –la and -ngka but I am unsure as to what
difference this makes to its meaning. Wordick (1982: 74) describes nhulangka in
Yindjibarndi as ‘an uncommon, but acceptable variant’ of nhula which he also
translates as ‘here’.
3.43
But yaayu-warri-nha
but aunty-PRIV-SPEC
yini marnta-ka,
only hill-LOC
mirta parni-nha
not live/stay -PAST
nhungu
here
nhula yini, Kanarrakuri-wathaa
yini
here
only name.of.place -DirectALL only
Waliji-wathaa
yawut.
name.of.place-DirectALL west
'But Old Aunty didn't stay only around here in the hills, not just here around
Kanarrikuri, or near Waliji in the west.'
(P.085)
3.44
3.45
Wanthila-mpa
where-TOP7
yurrama-yu
soak –EMPH4
nhulangka?
here
'Where is the soak around here?'
(P.178)
Karrwanta-mu
autumn -THEN
yanku-nha
go/be-PAST
parna-ayi
live/stay -PERF
karrwanta-mu
autumn-THEN
ngunhangkaat
those
Thalaran-ta-wa-yu
nhungu …
Deepdale -LOC-TOP1-EMPH here
‘And then that autumn, when those people were staying here at Deepdale..’ (P.070)
It also appears that in Kurrama there is a paradigm of singular demonstrative
forms built around the form ngunhunga(a)t; but the data is limited. Consider the
following examples. In examples 3.46 and 3.47 ngunhungat acts as an adverbial
demonstrative that translates as the English ‘there’. However, in example 3.48
ngunhungat takes part in the modification of an accusative argument, so it is assigned
107
the accusative formative –ku, and in this context is best translated as expressing the
English ‘where’.
3.46
Yanku-nha maa-wu
manku-lu, parni-ngumarnu ngunhungat wangka-ngu
go-PAST hand-ACC get -PURP stay-PROG
there
talk - REL
'(I) went and took (her) hand, and then stopped there for a while talking.' (P.029)
3.47
Jampa parni-nha
ngunhungat mirta parraa
munti.
while stay-PAST there
not long.time true
'(She) stopped there for a little while though not for very long.' (P.455)
3.48
Yanku-nha ngayi
murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkayi Yalyarra-ngu-yu
go -PAST 1sg:NOM straight
very come-POT Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4
wangka-yangaarnu ngunhungat-ku-rra ngurra-yi.
call-PPERF
there-ACC-DUB
camp-ACC
‘I went straight (there) and came to the place called Yalyarra where the camp
was apparently.'
(P.172)
Lastly, there is also a singular demonstrative form in the Kurrama data that is
pronounced ngunhanga(a)ta (which is similar to ngunhunga(a)ta) which also appears to
express ‘there’ or ‘that’. When inflected with the ablative –ngu it forms the temporal or
spatial ‘from there’ (as in example 3.49); or forms the temporal adverbial ‘from then’ or
‘from that time then’ (as in example 3.50).
3.49
Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu
that -ABL-EMPH4
yawutpa
down.hill
kartpa-nnguli-nha
take-PASS-PAST
parri-ngarli-lu,
whitefella -PL-INSTR
Pirtan-karta
Onslow -ALL
ngunyji
thereNV
payanyji-lu.
policeman-INSTR
'Then from there (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white
people, by the policemen.'
(P.549)
3.50
Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu, jarta-warri- nha
ngunyji
that-ABL-EMPH4
old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV
kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha
take-COLL-PASS-PAST
maya- arta-wa-yu.
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4
(P.337)
'From that time then the old lady was taken over there to the homestead.'
108
3.2.2 Dual Demonstrative Forms
The examples I have of Kurrama dual demonstratives are formed by the addition
the nominal dual suffix allomorphs –kuyha or –wuyha onto a singular demonstrative
stem. However, Wordick (1982: 72) reports that there are two formatives that can be
used in the construction of dual demonstratives in Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 73)
states that in Yindjibarndi, same generation dual demonstratives are formed by the
addition of –kuyha or –wuyha onto a singular demonstrative stem, and different
generation duals are formed by the addition of –pi onto a singular demonstrative stem. I
do not have any examples in the Kurrama corpus where dual demonstratives are formed
with the addition of –pi. Also, in the Kurrama corpus the addition of –kuyha or –wuyha
onto a singular stem does not necessarily form a same generation dual demonstrative.
The limited examples of dual demonstratives formed with –kuyha or -wuyha in
the Kurrama corpus make reference to two white people, and to two inanimate entities,
that are not classified by the kinship section system. Therefore, it can be argued that the
dual demonstratives formed with -kuyha or -wuyha are unmarked forms that do not
necessarily have a same generation reading. Instead, they are used in contexts where
generation relationships do not hold or are used when not specifically making a
generation distinction. Some examples of these dual demonstratives follow. In example
3.51, the nominative proximal dual form acts as an adnominal modifier of the dual
inflected NP wajpala-wuyha wirta-wuyha ‘two young whitefellas’.
3.51
Nhurnu-wuyha-yu, wajpala-wuyha-yu
this-DUAL-EMPH4 whitefella-DUAL-EMPH4
wirta-wuyha,
youth/young.man -DUAL
karri-tkaayi-wa
murtiwarla-wu, wangka-nha
ngayu…
stop-PERF -TOP1 car-ACC
tell/say-PAST 1sg.ACC
These two young whitefellas, having stopped the truck, spoke to me..' (P.354)
In the following example 3.52 the nominative distal dual demonstrative is
formed by the addition of –wuyha onto the accusative distal singular demonstrative stem
ngurnu. Wordick (1982: 72) states that in Yindjibarndi an alternative nominative dual
distal demonstrative can also be formed by the addition the dual formative –wuyha onto
the nominative singular demonstrative stem ngunhu. I have no examples of this in the
Kurrama data.
109
3.52
Ngurnuwuyha swagstrap-u-wuyha-yu
mirta waji
that.DUAL
swagstrap-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 not bad
'These were two swag straps, not bad ones, quite new.'
yalaa-wuyha.
new-DUAL
(P.217)
In the following example 3.53 the nominative augmented distal dual
demonstrative is formed by addition of –kuyha onto the accusative augmented distal
singular demonstrative stem. However, the full accusative augmented distal singular
form ngurnaaku is shortened to ngurnaa when the dual suffix –kuyha is added, so as to
avoid the repetition of -ku within its structure. Wordick (1982: 72) states that in
Yindjibarndi it is also possible to construct an alternative augmented distal dual
nominative form by the addition of –kuyha onto the nominative augmented distal
singular demonstrative stem ngunhaa. I have no examples of this in the Kurrama data.
3.53
Kuyharra cleanpala
two
clean
ngurnaakuyha
that.DUAL
ngurnaakuyha-mu, martkurra-wuyha
that.DUAL-THEN good -DUAL
puntha-rnaarnu…
wash-PPERF
'Two clean ones (flour bags) that were neat and washed...'
(P.238)
3.2.3 Plural Nominative Demonstrative Forms
Presented in Table 3.4, on the following page, is a paradigm of Yindjibarndi
plural nominative demonstrative forms along with a partial paradigm of Kurrama plural
nominative demonstratives gleaned from the Kurrama corpus.
As shown in Table 3.4, the simplest forms of the Yindjibarndi and Kurrama
nominative plural demonstratives involve the addition of the plural formative –ngku
onto a corresponding singular nominative demonstrative stem. However, the proximal
plural form is made upon the stem nhu-, rather than nhaa-. Also, the Kurrama middistant plural palangku is made upon the stem pala-, rather than the expected wala(a)-;
but this does not occur in Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982-72) states that it is not possible
to construct a mid-distant plural nominative demonstrative with the form *walaangku in
Yindjibarndi; he does not mention the form palangku, it appears that it is not used in
Yindjibarndi.
Table 3.4 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi1 (Y) plural NOM demonstratives
110
111
The stem pala- does appear to be used in the construction of Panyjima
demonstrative forms reported by Dench (1991: 161). However, Dench (1991: 161) only
lists it as being used in the formation of adverbial demonstratives that identify the
location or orientation of a place or referent near to the addressee. For instance, the
locative ‘near you’ adverbial demonstrative in Panyjima is palangu, while the
corresponding allative demonstrative is palarni, and the ablative is palanguru. Dench
(1991: 141) lists –nguru as the regular nominal ablative inflection in Panyjima; the
suffixes –ngu and –rni (used on pala-) are not employed as regular locative and allative
nominal markers in Panyjima.
In all, there are far more Yindjibarndi plural demonstrative forms listed in Table
3.4 than there are Kurrama plural forms. It is assumed that the lack of the Kurrama
forms is a gap in the data, rather than a principled absence, and further research, if
possible, could fill some of the gaps in the paradigm. Also, the different functions and
meanings of each of these forms needs to be determined. Wordick (1982) in his
Yindjibarndi dictionary gives virtually the same interpretation for each of the
Yindjibarndi plural nominative demonstrative forms under each of the distance from
speaker
divisions.
For
instance,
Wordick
(1982:
322)
lists
ngunhungkaat,
ngunhungkaatu and ngunhungkaana as all expressing ‘those several distant ones’; and
ngunhungkiirri and ngunhungkaajirri as both expressing ‘they’ or ‘those several
distant’.
As Dench (2010: 246) points out, there are not many examples of the use of the
nominative plural demonstratives in the available Yindjibarndi texts and based on this
limited data it is impossible to determine how the varying Yindjibarndi plural forms
differ in meaning and function. Further research into the Yindjibarndi use of the plural
demonstratives should provide some useful data but further research into the
endangered Kurrama, if possible, is likely to not be as fruitful.
Some examples of the use of the distal and augmented distal plural nominative
demonstratives from the Kurrama corpus follow. In example 3.55 the plural nominative
distal demonstrative ngunhungku is used by Algy Paterson as he searches for a word in
the telling of his Payarrany story. Example 3.57 is from a section of text, in the
Payarrany narrative, where AP discusses the contents of some bags that he has found.
112
3.54
Mirnu jurlu ngunhungkat
know all those
jarta-warri-ngu.
old.woman-PRIV-ACC
'They all knew the poor old lady.'
3.55
..kartpa kankala-wurtu-yu
go.up on.top-EMPH3-EMPH4
(P.135)
parntaya-nmarri-nha … ngani-ngarli
find -COLL -PAST
what -PL
ngunhungku? … karrwanyji-wu
those
pigeon -ACC
pirtuwu-la
karri-yangu-wa
boulder -LOC stand -REL-TOP1
walu-ngarli-la
marnta-ngarli-la.
boulder -PL-LOC rocks -PL-LOC
‘..(This fella) was going up along the top and found some…what-ya-call
these?... pigeons standing on top of some boulders, on some rocks.'
(P.115)
3.56
Karrwanta-mu
autumn -THEN
karrwanta-mu
autumn-THEN
yanku-nha
go-PAST
ngunhangkaat
those
parna-ayi
live/stay-PERF
Thalaran-ta-wa-yu
Deepdale -LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
nhungu…
here
'And then that autumn, when those people were staying here at Deepdale’ (P.070)
3.57
Pirntu-ngarli
food -PL
ngunhangkaatu.
those
‘These were all (different) foods.'
(P.257)
Following are some examples of the Kurrama use of the nominative plural mid-distance
demonstrative palangku.
3.58
Wantaawa palangku
well
those
parni-ngumarnu
kumarla-ngarli.
live/stay-PROG together-PL
‘Well, those people stayed all together then.'
3.59
Wantaawa
later
parni-nha
stay/be-PAST
(P.058)
palangku kumarla wurnta-tkayi
those
together come -POT
Thalaran-ngu-warta.
Deepdale-ACC-ALL
'Later, they then came together down to Deepdale.'
(P.061)
113
3.2.4 Other Case Forms of the Plural Demonstratives
Wordick (1982: 75) reports that the Yindjibarndi third person plural
demonstrative pronouns (which I have classified as plural demonstratives) ‘decline in
parallel with common nouns’. Therefore, the expectation is that the plural
demonstratives in Kurrama will also decline like common nominals. However, this is
difficult to determine because there are only a limited number of examples of differing
plural demonstrative case forms used in the Kurrama corpus. These examples are
presented below. Example 3.60 contains a genitive plural demonstrative. Example 3.61
contains an accusative plural demonstrative. Example 3.62 contains a locative plural
demonstrative. Each of these case forms appear to be augmented distal demonstratives;
they are formed on variations of the augmented distal plural stem ngunhangkat. The
formatives added to this stem are similar to allomorphs of the corresponding common
nominal inflections.
3.60
3.61
Nhaa
this.(near)
nyampali
elder/boss
ngunhangkatharntu.
those.GEN
'He is the boss that belongs to those fellas.'
(MD)
Nhungula-rri-ayi-wa-yu
ngaliwu
here -INCH -PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 1pl.inc
nhawi-i-wa
see -POT -TOP1
ngana -wathaa-wu
who-else -ACC
ngunhangkatku.
those.ACC
‘When we get there we'll see who ever they are.'
3.62
(AP)
Ngunhu-mpa Jarrungkajarrungka-arta-mpa murna-yu
that -TOP2
Rocklea-ALL-TOP7
close-EMPH4
Kartajirri-wu-mpa-yu
kuyhaamunti-ngu,
Thinungu-mpa-yu
Duck.Creek -ACC-TOP2-EMPH4 cross.over.river-REL Yaranti-TOP7-EMPH4
kuyhaamunti-ngu
ngamarlarri-la
ngunhangkaarta
cross.over.river -REL side.of.hill-LOC those.LOC
ngartatha-la.
foothills -LOC
'She went right up to Rocklea Station, crossed over Duck Creek, at Yaranti, went
up that way, in the side of those hills, in the foothills.' (P.087)
114
3.2.5 ‘Non-Visible’ Demonstratives
In the Kurrama corpus there are several demonstratives that most often serve to
indicate a location or a referent that is not visible to the speaker (or was not visible at
the time being retold). However, the semantics of these ‘non-visible’ demonstratives is
somewhat unclear. There are times when it seems that a regular ‘visible’ demonstrative
could be applied in the same context in which a ‘non-visible’ form is used. Perhaps
cultural norms govern its use. For instance, they might be used by a speaker who wishes
to be vague about a location or referent, either when being discreet or indirect out of
politeness.
In the Kurrama corpus there are four ‘non-visible’ demonstrative forms:
ngunyja(a)t, ngunyji,
nyinyji, and
nyunyji. The forms ngunyji and nyinyji have
adverbial functions in the corpus, where ngunyji refers to a location that is distant and
nyinyji refers to a location that is close by. The form nyunyji refers to an entity that is
close by. The forms ngunyjaat and ngunyjat seem to be used interchangeably to code a
distant location, but there is no evidence to suggest that this location is closer or further
away than the distal distance coded by ngunyji. It may well be that ngunyja(a)t is an
augmented distal form, while ngunyji is the regular distal form. However, I do not have
enough evidence to support this proposal.
The following example 3.63 illustrates the contrast of a ‘non-visible’ distal
location versus a ‘non-visible’ proximal location coded by ngunyji versus nyinyji.
However, although ngunyji ‘there’ may refer to a non-visible location one would expect
that the proximal location referred to with nyinyji ‘here’ would be visible to the speaker.
Yet, in example 3.64, a non-visible reading can be applied to nyinyji; the locations of
the hidden traps are not visible even though they have been set nearby.
3.63
Ngunyji-warnu
thereNV-EMPH5
parni
patiki-wu
live/stay/be.PRES paddock-ACC
warama-rnu
make-REL
nyinyji
pilakurta-rri-ngu
wartat.
here.NV. carpenter-INCH-REL north
‘(They're) over there making paddocks (fencing) and (we're) here doing
carpentry in the north.’
(P.050)
115
3.64
Nyinta-warnu
2sg.NOM-EMPH5
nyinyji-mpa
here.NV-TOP7
parni-i
stay-POT
nhungu mirta yanki-i nyinta,
here
not go-POT 2sg.NOM
ngarrwi
lie.down.PRES
ngayhalu
wantha-rnaanu
1sg.INSTR put-PPERF
warangarti-ngarli
trap-PL
wanyja-yi
dog-ACC
kurnta-rnu.
wait-REL
‘Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere). Traps are lying here, put by me
for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).’
(P.480-P.481)
In the following examples 3.65 and 3.66 the demonstrative ngunyji indicates a
distal location that is probably not visible. However, one would expect that a distant
location coded by a regular distal demonstrative, such as ngunhungat, is also often not
visible because of its distance from the speaker. But, the use of the indefinite wanthila
‘somewhere’ in conjunction with ngunyji in example 3.65 does add to the speaker’s
vagueness about the location that he is referring to; either because he wishes to be vague
or because he does not know the exact location. In example 3.66 the location marked by
ngunyji is not likely to be visible because it is ‘up top’ in the hills.
3.65
Ngawu! Wanthila
yes
somewhere
ngunyji - pa
jingkat.
thereNV-TOP2 upriver
"Yes, that was somewhere there upriver.'
3.66
(AP)
Ngayi
wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu
parni-lu
Mangkala-la-yu,
1sg:NOM return -PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4
ngunhangaata-wu
that-EMPH2
ngayi
1sg.NOM
parni-lu
stay-PURP
parni-yangu-la
ngunyji-mpa
live/stay/be-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7
work'em-pa-rri-ngu,
work-Ø-INCH-REL
kankala.
on.top
'I came back to stay at Mangkarla. I stayed there working while she was up top
there (in the hills).'
(P.393)
The following examples illustrate the use of nyunyji. In 3.67, below, the speaker
is curious as to what the contents of a bag may be before he opens the bag to look. The
contents of the bag, which he refers to with the demonstrative nyunyji, are not visible to
the speaker before he looks inside, but are close at hand.
116
3.67
Ngani-mpa-yi
what-TOP7-TOP4
nyunyji?
thisNV
ngayi
1sg.NOM
‘What's this?’ I thought (to myself).
kurtkaarri.
think.PRES
(P.240 – P.241)
In the context of the following example it is evident that someone is coming
towards the speaker and her children. The speaker first refers to this person with the
regular ‘visible’ demonstratives nhaa and ngunhat. However, the identity of the referent
is not completely clear, even though she is coming up close, so because of this it
appears that the speaker uses the non-visible proximal form nyunyji (and not one of the
regular ‘visible’ demonstratives) when attempting to identify this person.
3.68
Nhaa
this.(near)
yaayu-nha
aunty-SPEC
ngunhat
thatDEF
ngantha
also
wurnta-nmarri
come -COLL-PRES
nyunyji
thisNV
waa-marri-ngu.
fear/frightened-COLL-REL
‘This fellow that is coming along, it/this must be Aunty, frightening (the kids).’
(P.446)
In the following example nyunyji refers to a direction rather than an entity. This
example illustrates that a speaker’s choice of a demonstrative to express the distance of
a referent entity or location (from the speaker and listener/addressee) is somewhat
relative. I assume that the direction to be taken in 3.69 is relatively near and not
markedly distant.
3.69
Yaayu nyinta
yanki-i
nyunyji-pa
parni
warnaa-ngaa
aunty 2sg:NOM go-POT thisNV-TOP2 live/stay/be.PRES brother- PL
yawut, patiki-la
west
paddock-LOC
make'em-ma-rnu.
make-CAUS-REL
‘Aunty, you go this way. Your brothers are over to the west in the paddocks,
fencing (lit: making paddocks).’
(P.364)
Some examples of the use of ngunyjat follow. This form is used more often than
ngunyjaat in the corpus. However, its ‘non-visible’ status in these examples is not clear;
it would seem that a regular ‘visible’ distal demonstrative could be used in its place.
Further work, if possible, is required to determine the reason behind its use.
117
3.70
Nyinta
yanki -i
2sg:NOM go-POT
purtpi ngunyjat pulutha-nmarri-ngu.
want thereNV meet-COLL-REL
"You go over there, you want to meet one another."
3.71
Oh, ngayi
yanki-i
Oh 1sg.NOM go-POT
parni
be.PRES
ngunyjat kurta.
thereNV very
Ngunyjat
thereNV
mimi-nha-yi.
uncle.(m.b.)-SPEC-TOP4
"Oh, I'll go there. (Your) uncle is there."
3.72
(P.365)
(P.366)
Yaayu-warri-nha-yu
ngunyjat-pa-mpa
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thereNV-Ø-TOP2
murna-arri-ngu-wa
close-INCH-REL-TOP1
parni-yangu
be -REL
yanku-yangu-la-wa
go-REL-LOC-TOP1
ngayintharri-wu-yu
ngunhaata-wu-yu
1pl(disharmonic)-ACC-EMPH4 there-ACC-EMPH4
Marryiri-la-wa.
Gap.Well -LOC -TOP1
'Poor old Aunty was traveling along there and was getting close to us staying
there at Marryiri.'
(P.100)
3.73
Yurlaarri-nha
ngunyjat
pass.away-PAST thatNV
'She passed away right there.'
kurta.
very
(P.554)
An example of the use of ngunyjaat follows. It appears to code the same
distance from the speaker as does ngunyji which is first used in this sentence. However,
the ngunyi vs ngunyjaat contrast may relate to a change of perspective. That is, in
example 3.74, the use of ngunyji represents the speaker’s point of view while ngunyjaat
represents the point of view of the person being spoken about (Old Sarah).
3.74
But
but
yanku-nha
go-PAST
parni-ngumarnu
live/stay-PROG
ngunyji
thereNV
ngunyjaat
thereNV
parni-lu
live/stay-PURP
parntaya-nmarri-nha
find-COLL-PAST
marraa-la-yi.
young.brother-LOC-TOP4
'But (she) went off to stay over there. (She) found them and so stayed over
there with her young brother.'
(P.370)
118
In the following example both ngunyjaat and ngunyjat are used, and both code
the same distal distance of the same location. Also, they both seem to code a perspective
from the point of view of the subject of the sentence.
3.75
Munti
true
kurta-wa,
very-TOP1
parntaya-nmarri-lu
find-COLL-PURP
yaayu-warri-nha
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
ngunyjaat-pa,
thereNV-TOP2
yanku-nha-wa
go -PAST-TOP1
ngunyjat-wurtu-wa
parni-i.
thereNV-EMPH3-TOP1 stay-POT
'True enough. Old Aunty went to find (them) there, and stayed there.'
(P.054)
Further analysis of these ‘non-visible’ demonstratives is handicapped by a lack
of data. Dench (1991: 161) reports that the forms ngunyji and nyinyji are used in
Panyjima ‘to mark a place or referent as not visible to the speaker’. Dench (1991: 161)
also states that, in Panyjima, even though the place or referent may not be visible to the
speaker ‘it may be audible, remembered or may be visible to the addressee’. Perhaps a
simple situation such as the speaker having his or her back turned on a location or
referent may determine his or her use of a ‘non-visible’ demonstrative; that is, it may be
visible to the listener/addressee but not to the speaker, however this is unlikely.
Dench (1991) does not mention the use of nyunyji or ngunyja(a)t in Panyjima;
so I assume that they do not occur. Dench (1995: 124-125) lists two ‘non-visible’
demonstratives in Martuthunira that have forms that are totally different to the Kurrama
forms. Dench (1995: 124) states that the two Martuthunira ‘non-visible’ demonstratives
yilarni and ngularni ‘are extremely rare and are poorly understood’. Wordick (1982)
does not report any ‘non-visible’ demonstrative forms in Yindjibarndi. The closest
Yindjibarndi form that Wordick (1982: 322) does cite is ngunthi which he translates as
expressing ‘way over there, very distant’.
3.3
Interrogative/Indefinite Pronominals and Locationals
There are essentially two classes of interrogative/indefinite forms used in
Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi). The first class includes two sets of interrogative/indefinites
that are based on the form ngana ‘who/someone’ and the form ngani ‘what/something’.
Declinations of these forms function as pronouns that can be used either as
interrogatives or indefinites. The form ngana has human referents while ngani has nonhuman referents.
119
The second class of interrogatives/indefinites forms are built upon the bound
stems wantha- and wanthi-. This second class of interrogative/indefinites function as
adverbial
demonstratives
and
include,
for
example,
the
locational
interrogative/indefinite wanthila which expresses ‘where/somewhere’ and the temporal
interrogative/indefinite wantharta which expresses ‘when/sometime’.
A wide range of interrogatives and indefinites can be formed with the addition
of a variety of suffixes, clitics, verbalisers and supplementary nominals onto ngana,
ngani and the bound stems wanthi- and wantha-. Presented in the following Table 3.5 is
a summary of some of the main interrogative/indefinite forms used in Kurrama. A more
detailed list of interrogative derivations built upon the most productive stems ngani and
wanthi- is presented in §6.9.2.
Table 3.5 The main interrogative/indefinite forms used in Kurrama
‘who/someone/anyone’
ngana
‘what/something/anything’
ngani
‘how many’
nganimalu
‘which’
wanthinha
‘where’
wanthila
‘where to/how’
wantharni
‘when’
wantharta
Some examples of the use of ngana follow. In example 3.76 ngana acts as the
indefinite pronoun ‘someone’ while in example 3.77 it acts as the interrogative ‘who’.
In 3.78 ngana is placed within a passive clause and is inflected with the instrumental
suffix –lu. In the context of example 3.78 this construction is best translated as
expressing ‘by anyone’. In example 3.79 the accusative form nganangu is used as an
indefinite pronoun
3.76
Ngana
someone
yirralama-rrkayi pangkarri-i
make.sharp-POT go-POT
marliya-wu
wild.honey-ACC
'Someone will sharpen (axe) to go and eat honey.'
(MD)
ngarrka-yi.
eat-POT
120
3.77
Ngana
who
wanpi-rna-nta
mangkurlawu.
hit/beat -PAST -INTRRG child-ACC
'Who hit the child?'
3.78
(MD)
Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta
this-EMPH3 leg -ASSOC
not
palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta.
old
EMPH
new very
thuumaya- la-ngu- mu
wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu
store/shop -LOC -ABL -THEN come -PERF not
anyone-INSTR
nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu
kurta.
EMPH put.on-PPERF
nothing very
'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't
been worn by anyone, nothing at all.'
(P290 - P.291)
3.79
Wanyja winpa
thula-rnu
nganangu.
dog
run/chase bark.(dog) -REL someone.ACC
'The dog is running and barking at someone.'
(MD)
The following examples illustrate the use of ngani in its accusative form nganii.
In example 3.80 nganii translates as the accusative form of ‘something’, while in
example 3.81 it is best translated as the accusative form of ‘what’. In example 3.82
nganii translates best as an indefinite ‘anything’ and takes the accusative form because
it is part of the accusative clausal complement selected by the negated (potential
inflected) verb nhawi-i.
3.80
Wala
nhawu yamarti
parni
ngani- i
kurtkaarri-ngu.
that.(mid.dist) man alone/self sit-PRES something-ACC think-REL
'That man is sitting on his own thinking about something.'
3.81
Ngani-i
ngunyji
What-ACC thereNV
kurtkaarri-ngu parni.
think-REL
sit.PRES
'What is (he) sitting there thinking about?'
3.82
Mirta nhawi-i [ karla-yi-nyu
not
see-POT fire-ACC-TRUE
yurlu kurta.
nothing very
(AP)
(AP)
kampa-rnaarnu , ngani-i -nyu ] ,
burn-PPERF
anything-ACC-TRUE
(P.187)
'(I) couldn't see [where a fire had been burning or anything]. Nothing at all.'
121
In the Kurrama corpus the most frequently used interrogative/indefinite forms
built upon the bound stems wanthi- and wantha- are wanthila and wantharni. Some
examples of their use conclude this section.
3.83
Ngunyji-pa
ngurra-wali Yarra-wurraa,
Yarra- yu
thereNV-TOP2 country-ALL name.of.place-towards name.of.place-EMPH4
wangka-nguli
ngurra wanthila yaayu-warri-ngaarntu,
call-PASS.PRES country where
aunty-PRIV-GEN
thurlajantu-yharntu-yu,
papu-yarntu-yu,
Yithirtiny-tharntu.
old.woman-GEN-EMPH4 father-GEN-EMPH4 name.of.person -GEN
'(She) went there towards Yarra country. That country is called Yarra, that's
where (she) was, old Aunty’s country, the old woman's country that (she)
inherited from her father, Yithirtiny.'
(P.384)
3.84
Wanthila ngayarntu ngurra.
where
1sg.GEN camp
'Where is my camp?'
3.85
(AP)
Wanthila manku-yangarnu-yu ngurriny-a-wuyha-yu
where
get-PPERF –EMPH4 swag-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4
marnta-tkaayi?
tie.up-PERF
'Where had (she) got two swag straps to tie up (that swag)?' (P.218)
3.86
Wantharni
where.to
nyinta
2sg.NOM
pangkarri?
go.PRES
‘'Where to are you going?’ or ‘Where are you going to?’
3.87
Wantharni nhaa patjarri-yarntu warrapa
how
this
euro-GEN
spinifex
patjarri-tu
euro-INSTR
(MD)
tharrwa-nguli-ngu
go.in-PASS-REL
ngurra-ma-rnu.
camp-CAUS-REL
'It was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to make camp/shelter.
(P.191)
3.88
Wangka-yinyjarri-ngu
talk-COLL-REL
palangku-wurtu-wa
jurntat-ku
those –EMPH3-TOP1 like.that-ACC
wantharni ngayu muyu
how
1sg.ACC same
ngartarra
again
wangka-ayi.
tell/say-PERF
(She) told those fellas (the story) again, just like that, just the same as how (she)
had told me.'
(P.055)
122
3.4
Brief Concluding Remarks
The paradigms of the Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives presented in this
chapter are incomplete but do provide some insight into their differing forms and
functions. The Kurrama pronoun and demonstrative forms have been compared with the
Yindjibarndi forms, in this chapter, and it has been shown that there are some
differences between the two varieties, but overall the Kurrama forms, so far recorded,
are very similar to the Yindjibarndi forms. The morphology of the Kurrama and
Yindjibarndi demonstratives is notably complex. There are a number of different
demonstrative forms that have a number of different functions. Although not easily
determined it appears that there are a number of different shades of subtle meaning
associated with the differing demonstrative forms. Only a broad understanding has been
achieved in this chapter.
Within the limitations of working with an endangered language it could still be
possible to fill some of the gaps in the Kurrama paradigms. However, gaining an insight
into the differing meanings associated with the varying demonstrative forms in Kurrama
will prove to be difficult. The researcher will need to have become relatively competent
in Kurrama so as to be able to understand the shifts in meaning and the consultant, or
consultants, will require some competency in English so as to be able to help explain
and describe these shifts in meaning to the researcher. The opportunities for such a
detailed investigation into the meaning and functions of the demonstratives may have
now passed for the endangered Kurrama but may still be possible in Yindjibarndi.
123
4. VERBAL MORPHOLOGY
4.1
Introduction
Kurrama has a large open category of monomorphemic verb roots that can be
inflected with tense, aspect and mood (TAM) suffixes. There are three conjugation
classes of verbs in Kurrama and each class selects a specific set of TAM inflectional
allomorphs. In the following discussion I identify the three Kurrama conjugation classes
as the Ø, L and R verb classes. Verbal derivation is also possible in Kurrama and the
following sequence is observed: root + derivational suffix + TAM inflection.
Unlike the prototypical pattern of Australian languages with a split
ergative/accusative profile the nominative/accusative pattern of case marking in
Kurrama does not make a clear distinction between the marking of subject arguments of
transitive verbs and the marking of subject arguments of intransitive verbs. In the
Kurrama nominative/accusative case marking system both transitive and intransitive
subjects are in nominative case. Also, accusative marking is selected by both direct and
indirect objects as well as some optional peripheral arguments. Further, ellipsis of
arguments (including both subject and object) is common; they may have been
established in preceding text or are understood from context (see §1.9). As such,
transitivity is not an important grammatical category in Kurrama (and the other Central
Pilbara languages); unlike the importance of transitivity in many Australian languages
that have morphological ergativity. However, as a less than perfect guide, some general
trends of verb transitivity can be observed.
Without ellipsis, intransitive verbs typically select just a subject, whereas
transitive verbs select a subject and an accusative object, and ditransitive verbs select a
subject and two accusative objects. There is, also, a group of verbs, in Kurrama, that do
not fall into this pattern of transitivity; they can be classed as being either transitive or
intransitive. These ambitransitive verbs select an accusative object in some contexts but
in other instances do not. Some examples of Kurrama ambitransitive verbs are presented
in §4.2. In Table 4.1, on the following page, are presented the proportions of ditransitive
(1.5%), transitive (59%), intransitive (31%), and ambitransitive (8.5%) verbs located
within a sample of 135 Kurrama verbs. All of the verbs tallied in Table 4.1 are
124
monomorphemic verb roots except for one: the ditransitive causative derivation mirnuma ‘show/teach’ (causative derivation is discussed in §4.6.2).
In the discussion in this chapter I first present some examples of Kurrama
ambitransitive verbs, and then provide an overview of some of the general properties of
the Kurrama conjugation classes. In the Dixon and Blake (1979, 1981 & 1983; 1991 &
2000) handbook series on differing Australian languages the contributors usually
describe some of the properties of the verbs in each conjugation class in each of the
languages under investigation. I follow this practice in this chapter where I describe the
conjugation markers after which the three Kurrama conjugation classes are identified,
examine the transitivity of the verbs in each Kurrama conjugation class, and discuss the
final vowel configurations of the Kurrama verb roots in each class (which can influence
the TAM inflectional allomorphs that the verbs select). I then present the sets of TAM
inflections that belong to each of the Kurrama conjugation classes and discuss the
functions of these inflections. Following this I examine the two main verbal derivations
used in Kurrama: the collective derivation and the derivational passive. I finish with an
analysis of the Kurrama inchoative and causative suffixes which are used to derive
verbs from nominals.
Table 4.1 Conjugation membership and transitivity of 135 Kurrama verbs
Conjugation class
Ø
L
R
Total
1
0
1
2
Transitive
25
32
23
80
Intransitive
35
3
3
41
Ambitransitive
10
0
2
12
Total
71
35
29
135
Ditransitive
4.2
Ambitransitive Verbs
Ambitransitive verbs can either select or not select an accusative marked
argument. If the ambitransitive verb appears without an accusative argument it is not
125
implied that an ellipsed accusative argument is associated with the verb. Rather, a
meaning and transitivity shift is involved. That is, the ambitransitive verb acts as a
transitive verb when it selects an accusative argument, and acts as an intransitive verb
when it does not select an accusative argument. Some of the ambitransitive verbs in the
Kurrama corpus include:
kartpa-Ø ‘get up, climb’
kumpa-Ø or kurnta-R ‘wait (for)’
mirra-Ø ‘call out (to)’
kurtkaarri-Ø or kurtkanyja-R ‘think (about)’
ngalhi-Ø ‘cry (for)
thurni- Ø ‘laugh (at)’.
In the following examples 4.1a and 4.2a the ambitransitive verbs (presented in
bold) do not select an accusative argument; whereas in 4.1b and 4.2b they do select an
accusative argument (presented in bold and underlined).
4.1a
Ngayi
1sg.NOM
wanpi-rna
hit-PAST
mangkurla-wu ngalha-angu
child-ACC
cry-RSLT
'I hit the child until (s/he) cried.'
4.1b
Mangkurla ngalhi
ngangka-yi
child
cry-PRES mother-ACC
(MD)
piwi-i
purtpi.
breast-ACC want
'The child is crying for (her) mother, (s/he) wants breast/milk.'
4.2a
Ngayi
1sg.NOM
(MD)
kurtkaarri-ngu kurta
think-REL
very
‘(So) I was really thinking (now).’ (P.264)
4.2b
Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi
kurtkaarri-nha ngurnu
There-ABL
1sg.NOM think-PAST
that.ACC
karnti-ka-wu
stick-LOC-ACC
mutha-ngka-wu
point-LOC-ACC
parni.
be.PRES
(P.314)
''From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick.'
4.3
Conjugation Classes
I have identified three verbal conjugation classes in Kurrama which I have
labeled the Ø, L and R classes. These labels follow the usual Australian convention
where conjugation classes are named after the conjugation markers that precede (some
126
of) the TAM inflections in each class. That is, the L-class is characterized by the
conjugation marker –l-, the R-class by the conjugation marker –rr- and the Ø-class is
characterized by the absence of a conjugation marker. The combination of conjugation
marker and inflection takes the form: verb root (+ conjugation marker) + inflection but
not all TAM inflectional suffixes in the L-class and R-class contain a clear conjugation
marker; as can be seen in Table 4.6 (presented in §4.4). It can also be seen in Table 4.6
that the conjugation markers -l- and -rr- precede some inflections that begin with /k/. In
§1.7.3
it was stated that changes in the phonological history of Kurrama have moved
away from the articulation of /l/ before /k/ or /k/ after /rr/. However, these changes have
not affected the combinations of the conjugation markers plus TAM inflections that
begin with /k/. Note, however that the L-conjugation potential and perfective inflections
do not have the -l- conjugation marker onset but instead begin with /t/ ; this is discussed
further in §4.4.1.
Based on the same sample of 135 verb roots that were presented in Table 4.1 the
following Table 4.2 lists the percentages of ditranistive, transitive, intransitive and
ambitransitive verbs in each of the Kurrama conjugation classes. The overall
percentages of verbs in each conjugation class are also presented; as well as the overall
percentages of verbs in each transitivity category. For instance, 59% of the verbs in the
sample are transitive and of these transitive verbs 31% are in the Ø-conjugation class,
40% are in the L-conjugation class and 29% are in the R-class. Overall, the Øconjugation verbs make up 52.6% of the sample, while 26% are L-conjugation verbs,
and 21.4% are R-conjugation verbs.
Wordick (1982) does not provide an overall count of the percentages of verbs in
each conjugation class in Yindjibarndi. However, he does make some general
statements concerning the transitivity of the verbs in the differing Yindjibarndi
conjugation classes. These statements are in parallel with the overall trends exhibited in
Table 4.2 for Kurrama. Wordick (1982: 81) reports that most Yindjibarndi non-Øconjugation verbs are transitive with just ‘a few’ that are intransitive. Also, he states that
while most Yindjibarndi Ø-conjugation verbs are intransitive there are ‘a large number’
that are transitive. Further, ‘some’ Yindjibarndi Ø-conjugation verbs are ambitransitive,
while only ‘one or two’ non-Ø-conjugation verbs are ambitransitive.
127
Table 4.2 Conjugation membership and transitivity percentages of Kurrama verbs
Percentage in each conjugation class
Ø
L
R
Percentage
of sample
Ditransitive
50.0
0.0
50.0
1.5
Transitive
31.0
40.0
29.0
59.0
Intransitive
85.0
7.5
7.5
31.0
Ambitransitive
83.0
0.0
17.0
8.5
Percentage of sample
52.6
26.0
21.4
100
Dench (1991: 168; 1995: 139) does report some percentages from Panyjima and
Martuthunira that can be compared with Table 4.2. The Panyjima and Martuthunira
figures are presented in Table 4.3 on the following page. In the Kurrama sample the Rconjugation class has the lowest percentage of members. This pattern is also evident in
Martuthunira and Panyjima. Panyjima does not have an R-class at all. The Panyjima Rconjugation class has become fully incorporated into the L-class. In Martuthunira there
are only four remaining members in the R-conjugation class; all of which are transitive.
Like Kurrama, the L-conjugation classes in Martuthunira and Panyjima contain a high
number of transitive verbs while the Ø-conjugation classes contain a high number of
intransitive verbs. However, figures for ambitransitive and ditransitive verb membership
are only available for Panyjima. In the Panyjima sample 9 out of 11 ambitransitive
verbs are located in the Ø-conjugation class while two ditransitive verbs are divided
between the Ø-class and the L-class (Dench, 1991: 168).
There are also a small number of Kurrama verb root forms that are located
within two different conjugation classes based on a transitivity contrast; some of these
are presented in Table 4.4 on the following page. The Ø-class forms of these verbs are
all intransitive while the R-class forms and L-class forms are all transitive. In the
preceding tables these verb roots were counted separately so as to include their
membership within two conjugation classes (with their corresponding transitivity).
Similar verbs are also reported for Martuthunira and Panyjima by Dench (1991, 1995).
In these instances the transitive forms all belong to the L-class while the intransitive
forms all belong to the Ø-conjugation class (1991: 168; 1995: 139). See also Dixon
(2002: 181).
128
Table 4.3 Conjugation membership and transitivity in Martuthunira and Panyjima
Conjugation classes in:
Martuthunira
Percentage of transitive
verbs in each class
Panyjima
Ø
L
R
Ø
L
16%
79%
5%
15%
85%
Sample size
76 transitive verbs
Percentage of intransitive
verbs in each class
66%
Sample size
34%
60 transitive verbs
0%
58 intransitive verbs
75%
25%
39 intransitive verbs
From Dench (1991: 168; 1995: 138)
Table 4.4 Some Kurrama verb forms that belong to two conjugation classes
Conjugation class and intransitive meaning
Conjugation class and transitive meaning
kampa- Ø
be cooking/burning
kampa-L
cook/burn something
nhawungarra-Ø
look out/keep watch
nhawungarra-R
look after
puntha-Ø
bathe, swim
puntha-L
wash something
tharrwa-Ø
enter
tharrwa-R
insert, drive in
The final vowels at the end of each of the Kurrama verb roots also correlate for
each conjugation class. The following Table 4.5 presents the frequencies of final vowel
in each of the sample of 135 verb roots for each conjugation class. Overall, in the
sample the Ø-class and the L-class contain verbs that end in the vowels /a/, /i/ and /u/;
while the R-conjugation class contains verbs that end in /a/ and one lone verb that ends
in /i/ (wanpi - ‘hit/beat’).
129
Table 4.5 Frequencies of final vowel of verb in each conjugation class
Conjugation class
Final vowel in verb root
/a/
/i/
/u/
Total
Ø
L
R
22
43
6
24
9
2
28
1
0
71
35
29
The conjugation classes that I have analysed for Kurrama differ from the classes
that Wordick (1982: 79-81 and 97-100) proposes for Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 7981) distinguishes four conjugation classes in his Yindjibarndi grammar: Ø, L, R and N.
The extra class that he delineates, the N-class contains a small group of verbs which all
end in the vowel /i/, while his L-class contains a larger number of verbs that end in /a/
or /u/. As an alternative to this I have combined Wordick’s L-class and N-conjugation
class into one conjugation class for Kurrama: the L-class. I explain the reasons for this
in §4.4 after I have presented the sets of TAM inflections for each of the three Kurrama
conjugation classes.
Presented below are some Yindjibarndi verbs that Wordick (1982: 286-379)
classifies as belonging to the N-conjugation class. As stated, I have placed each of the
Kurrama correspondents in the L-conjugation class. Each Kurrama verb has the same
form as the Yindjibarndi verb except for ‘whittle/shave/scrape’ which takes the form
yurruwi in Kurrama and yurrwi in Yindjibarndi. Some of the verbs are
factitive/causative derivations (see §4.7.2).
Some Yindjibarndi verbs that are classified by Wordick (1982: 286-379) as
belonging to the N-conjugation class are:
ngayi-N
‘throw’
parntayi-N ‘find’
pirni-N
‘swear at’
purri-N
‘pull/extract’
thuwayi-N ‘spear by throwing’
kuwartayi-N ‘urinate’
kunayi-N
yurrwi-N ‘whittle/shave/scrape’
‘defecate’
130
4.4
Conjugation Classes and TAM Inflections
In simple terms, a conjugation class of verbs is a group of verbs that share the
same patterns of inflection. The following Table 4.6 presents the TAM inflections for
each of the Kurrama conjugation classes. The distinction between the Ø-class inflections
against those of the L- and R-classes is the most marked. There is some overlap in the
L- and R-class allomorphs where some of the forms, across these classes, are the same.
Table 4.6 Summary of Kurrama verb inflections in each conjugation class
Ø
L
R
Discussed in
PRESent
-Ø
-lku
-rrku
§4.5.1
POTential
-i, -yi
-tkayi
-rrkayi
§4.5.6
PERFective
-(a)ayi
-tkaayi
-rrkaayi
§4.5.3
-nha
-rna
-rna
§4.5.2
-ngu, -yangu
-rnu
-rnu
§4.5.9
Passive PERFective
-yangaarnu
-rnaarnu
-rnaarnu
§4.5.4
PROGressive
-ngumarnu
-rnumarnu
-rnumarnu
§4.5.10
IMPerative
-ma
-nma
-rnma
§4.5.7
HABITual
-marta
-nmarta
-rnmarta
§4.5.5
PURPose
-lu
-lu
-rlu
§4.5.8
ReSuLT
-(a)angu
-langu
-langu
§4.5.8
MIGHT
-wunta
-rtpunta
-rtpunta
§4.5.11
Passive MIGHT
-nyaa
-nnyaa
-rnnyaa
§4.5.12
PAST
RELative
For comparison, the following Table 4.7 contains a summary of the
corresponding Yindjibarndi verb inflections for each conjugation class reported by
Wordick (1982: 98). There are some noticeable differences between the corresponding
Kurrama and Yindjibarndi inflections. Also, I have named some of the Kurrama
inflections with a differing classification than that used by Wordick (1982). Note that
Wordick does not list a purpose inflection for Yindjibarndi.
131
Table 4.7 Corresponding Yindjibarndi verb inflections in each conjugation class
Ø
L
R
N
-Ø
-ku
-ku
-ku
Potential
-yi, -wayi
-kayi
-kayi
-kayi
Perfective
-(a)ayi
-kaayi
-kaayi
-kaayi
-nha
-rna
-rna
-na
-ngu, -yangu
-rnu
-rnu
-nu
Passive Perfective
-yangaarnu
-rnaarnu
-rnaarnu
-naarnu
Progressive
-ngumarnu
-rnumarnu
-rnumarnu
-numarnu
Imperative
-ma
-nma
-rnma
-nma
-marta
-nmarta
-rnmarta
-nmarta
Present
Past
Imperfective
Habitual
Purpose
Not listed by Wordick (1982)
Infinitive
-(a)angu
-langu
-langu
-langu
Optative
-yaa
-tyaa
-tyaa
-tyaa
Passive Optative
-nyaa
-nnyaa
-rnnyaa
-nnyaa
From Wordick (1982: 98)
A conjugation marker essentially distinguishes one conjugation class from
another. The conjugation markers after which each Kurrama conjugation class is named
are clearly evident in the present tense allomorphs presented in Table 4.6. The Ø-class
has no conjugation marker, the L-conjugation class has -l- as a conjugation marker and
the R-class has -rr- as a conjugation marker. However, this is a somewhat arbitrary
classification as most TAM allomorphs in each conjugation class are not preceded by
these conjugation markers.
O’Grady (1966) reconstructed five original conjugation classes for protoNgayarda which were linked to five distinct conjugation markers (see Table 4.9). These
included the extra classes N and NG which selected sets of TAM inflections that were
characterized by the conjugation markers /n/ and /ŋ/ respectively. In Kurrama the NGconjugation class has been lost as has the N-class. Wordick (1982: 79-81, 97-100) does
recognize an N-conjugation class in his Yindjibarndi grammar but, as indicated earlier, I
have combined what Wordick (1982: 79-81, 97-100) classifies as the N- and L-classes
in Yindjibarndi into the single L-conjugation class for Kurrama.
132
The small number of verb roots in Wordick’s Yindjibarndi N-class all end in /i/
and select TAM suffixes that begin with an initial alveolar consonant (most often /n/
after which the N-class is named). Whereas, in Wordick’s L-class the verb roots do not
end in /i/ and sometimes select TAM inflections that begin with an initial postalveolar
consonant. Except for these suffix initial alveolar or occasional postalveolar
articulations the TAM suffixes for the Yindjibarndi N-class and L-class are otherwise
the same. Dench (1991: 131) has made the observation that ‘a rule changing
postalveolar stops and nasals to alveolar stops and nasals (in the environment of the
vowel /i/) appears to have some morphophonemic status in Yindjibarndi where it relates
the N- and L-conjugations’.
That is, when a TAM suffix that begins with a postalveolar retroflex nasal or
stop is attached to a verb root that ends in the high front vowel /i/ the initial postalveolar
in the TAM suffix is articulated as an alveolar stop or nasal. Therefore, it is possible to
merge the L- and N-classes because the apparent occasional difference in articulation of
the initial consonant in their TAM inflections is the result of phonological conditioning
by the last vowel in the verb root and is not a distinct morphologically conditioned
difference. This can be said to apply in both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama.
4.4.1 Variation in Potential and Perfective Forms
It should be noted that the articulations of the potential and perfective
inflections, in the Kurrama corpus, are not as consistent as indicated in the
generalizations in Table 4.6. Within the data there is a collapse in the distinctions
between the R-conjugation and L-conjugation forms for these inflections. For instance,
in the Kurrama corpus the R-conjugation verb wurnta ‘come’ is often inflected with the
potential suffix -tkayi or the perfective -tkaayi which are usually L-conjugation
inflections. Or the L-conjugation verb wantha ‘put’ is often inflected with the potential
–rrkayi and the perfective –rrkaayi which are usually R-conjugation inflections.
Further, in the Kurrama corpus, there are some causative derived verb stems (that bear
the causative suffix -ma-) which belong to the L-conjugation class that are inflected, at
times, with the R-class potential and perfective suffixes; such as mirnu-ma-rrkayi ‘to
teach/show-POT’.
The distinction between the alveolar rhotic trill/flap –rr- and the alveolar stop
tap –t- in the initial consonant clusters of the R- and L-class potential and perfective
133
suffixes is minimal and is not always easy to recognize, and it seems that the R and L
distinctions for these inflections are merging, but have not yet settled into a single
allomorph; there is still some variation. For instance, when discussing the causative
jina-ma, ‘to track’ with the two consultants Maudie Dowton and Thomas Cox, MD
inflected this L-class verb with –rrkayi while TC seemed to inflect it with –tkayi.
This suggests speaker or dialect variation and it is possible that historically the
potential and perfective morphemes did once have quite distinct L and R forms but
these have since undergone change. Although only conjecture, possible diachronic
change may have occurred in a fashion similar to the following scenario. Historically
the potential L form may have been *–lkaji (like the Panyjima L-class Realis Future
inflection (Dench, 1991: 169)), and the R form may have been *–rrkaji. That is,
historically, both suffixes began with the conjugation marker that characterized the
conjugation class to which they belonged, but over time they began to merge with –lkaji
becoming most often –tkayi, and –rrkaji becoming most often –rrkayi and subsequently
these suffixes are now moving towards a singular articulation.
Notably, in Panyjima there are only two verbal conjugation classes, the Ø-class
and the L-class; there is no R-conjugation class. Dench (1991: 168) proposes that
historically there was once a separate R-class, in Panyjima, but it has since become fully
incorporated into the L-class. It is possible, then, that a similar convergence is beginning
in Kurrama where the L and R forms of the potential and perfective are also merging.
Further, the unsettled nature of the possible merger of the L and R forms of both
the potential and perfective inflections is also evident in another form that is used
occasionally in the Kurrama data. After L-class verbs such as kartaa ‘poke/spear’ and
wartki ‘open’ a differing potential inflection –rtkayi is often used instead of –tkayi. The
retroflex post-alveolar stop onset in this inflection appears to be conditioned by the
preceding retroflex stop in the verb stem, but its occasional use, I would argue, also
suggests that a process of change is going on where there is not yet a definite singular
articulation for these inflections.
In Yindjibarndi there is no difference between the L, R and N forms of the
potential and also no difference between the L, R and N forms of the perfective; as is
shown in Table 4.7. Each of these inflections has lost evidence of the conjugation
134
marker that characterizes the conjugation class to which they belong. The Yindjibarndi
L, R and N forms of the present tense inflections also occur without a conjugation
marker.
4.4.2 Changes to Verb Stems When Inflected with Vowel Initial Suffixes
There are some morphophonemic changes made to some Ø-class Kurrama verb
roots when inflected with some of the vowel initial Ø-class TAM inflections. Kurrama
verbs end in a vowel and the TAM inflections most often begin with a consonant
(sometimes a conjugation marker) and there is usually little morphophonemic change
made when a verb root and TAM inflection are combined. However, in the Øconjugation class some morphophonemic adjustments occur when vowel initial
potential, perfective and result allomorphs are added to verb roots that end in /i/ or /u/.
A representation of these changes (in blue) is presented in the following table.
For comparison, I have also listed in Table 4.8 examples of inflection with consonant
initial TAM suffixes that do not influence change in the end vowel of a Ø-class verb
root. As can be seen in Table 4.8 Ø-class verb roots ending in /a/ do not undergo any
marked adjustment when they are inflected with the vowel initial potential, perfective
and result suffixes. In Table 4.8 I represent them as selecting -yi for potential, -ayi for
perfective, and -angu for result. Also, Ø-class verb roots ending in /i/ do not undergo
any marked adjustment when inflected with the vowel initial potential so I have chosen
to represent them in Table 4.8 as selecting the potential suffix -i so as to form the long
vowel /i:/ across the affix boundary.
However, Ø-class verb roots ending in /i/ or /u/ do undergo an adjustment when
inflected with the perfective and result suffixes.
I have chosen to represent this
adjustment by changing these final vowels to /a/ when the perfective suffix -ayi or the
resultive suffix -angu are added. Also, Ø-conjugation verbs that end in /u/ undergo
adjustment when inflected with a potential marker. I have chosen to represent this by
changing the final vowel of the verb root to /i/ and adding the potential suffix -i so as to
form the long vowel /i:/ across the affix boundary.
Table 4.8 Some TAM inflections of zero conjugation verbs 1
135
136
Although rare, there are some examples in the Kurrama corpus where potential
inflection involves the addition of the suffix –wayi onto Ø-class verb roots that end in
the vowel /u/. This is the potential inflection that is used in Yindjibarndi for Ø-class
verb roots that end in /u/ (Wordick 1982: 100). The examples of its use in the corpus
were provided by MD and most likely represent a borrowing or influence from
Yindjibarndi rather than a transition from the common Kurrama form. The following
illustrate MD’s use of the Kurrama form (4.3) and the Yindjibarndi form (4.4).
4.3
Mirta ngarrki-i
not/no eat-POT
might be
might be
thintharr-karlaa.
poison-PROP
'Don't eat (it), (it) might be/have poison.'
4.4
Murla-yi
meat-ACC
purri-rtkayi
pull-POT
(MD)
kampa-rna-wa
karla-ngka-ngu
cook-PAST-EMPH fire-LOC-ABL
ngarrku-wayi
eat-POT.
‘The meat is cooked, pull (it) from the fire to eat (it).’
(MD)
4.4.3 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda Verb Inflections
O’Grady (1966: 81) reconstructed the following paradigm 21 for the ProtoNgayarda past, present, future and imperative inflections. This reconstruction is based
on ten sets of corpora from ten varieties of the ‘Ngayarda’ subgroup, which include:
Kurrama, Yindjibarndi, Kariyarra, Ngarluma, Palyku, Panyjima, Ngarla, Nyamal,
Martuthunira, and Nhuwala (O'Grady, 1966: 73).
Table 4.9 Proto-Ngayarda TAM allomorphs (from O'Grady, 1966: 81)
Ø
L
R
N
NG
Present
-ku
-lku
-rku
-nku
-ngku
Past
-nha
-rna
-rna
-rna
-nya
Future
-yi
-rru
-ru
-
-
Imperative
-ma
-nma
-rma
-
-
21
Note, that I have changed O’Grady’s orthography to one consistent with that used in this
thesis.
137
As stated earlier the N- and NG-conjugation classes are not part of present day
Kurrama. The Proto-Ngayarda N- and NG-conjugation classes have become absorbed
into the Ø- and L-conjugation classes in Kurrama. This has come about by the fusion of
some of the N- and NG-class inflections onto ancestral monomoraic verb roots to form
disyllabic stems that now select either Ø- or L-class inflections. For instance, the
Kurrama Ø-conjugation verbs manku ‘get/grab’ and yungku ‘give’ have been formed
by the fusion of N- and NG-class present tense allomorphs (which were originally
purposive/future 22 inflections) onto the ancestral monomoraic verb roots *ma- and *yu-.
This historical reanalysis of monomoraic verb stems in the Ngayarda languages is
discussed by O’Grady (1966: 80-81, 124-125), O’Grady and Laughren (1997: 136-138),
and Dench (1998: 95-97).
In Table 4.10 some of the Proto-Ngayarda and Kurrama TAM inflections from
the Ø, L, and R conjugation classes are compared. They prove to be very similar except
for the distinction between the Proto-Ngayarda future tense allomorphs and the
Kurrama potential/future allomorphs. These patterns of correspondence are not
unexpected because the Proto-Ngayarda reconstructions are shaped partly from
Kurrama data along with data from the other Ngayarda languages.
Table 4.10 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda TAM inflections
Ø
L
R
Kurrama Proto-Ng Kurrama Proto-Ng Kurrama Proto-Ng
Ø
-ku
-lku
-lku
-rrku
-rku
Past
-nha
-nha
-rna
-rna
-rna
-rna
Potential
-i, -yi
-yi
-tkayi
-rru
-rrkayi
-ru
Imperative
-ma
-ma
-nma
-nma
-rnma
-rma
Present
22
O’Grady (1966: 76), Dixon (1980: 381) and Dench (2003) propose that an ancestral
purposive/future inflection has shifted to marking present tense in Kurrama, Yindjibarndi,
Panyjima and Ngarluma. The present tense allomorphs in O’Grady’s (1966: 81) Proto-Ngayarda
paradigm thereby have a purposive marking ancestry.
138
Present day parallels between Kurrama and neighbouring languages other than
those of the Central Pilbara group can also be drawn for many of the TAM inflections.
A detailed account of this is not attempted here, but by way of example, in Jiwarli
(which is a member of the Mantharta languages to the south of Kurrama) the samesubject relative clause inflection allomorphs are –ngu, -rnu and –nhu (Austin, 1981:
323). These are comparable with the Kurrama relative equivalents –ngu and –rnu
(although –rnu is most often used as a different-subject relative marker in Kurrama, see
§4.5.9)
Also, similar suffixes –ngu, –rnu, and –nu are used to mark dependent verbs
within subordinate clauses in Walmatjarri, a language spoken well to the north of
Kurrama (Dixon, 1980: 385).
4.5
The Functions of the Kurrama Verb Inflections
4.5.1 Present
In Kurrama, a present inflected verb typically denotes an event or action that is
occurring at the time of speech. The present tense in Kurrama involves an imperfective
aspect where the events denoted by a present inflected verb are continuing, and events
that are telic are not completed. In the narratives in the Kurrama corpus a number of
instances of the use of present tense occur in quoted direct speech. The
historical/narrative present is also used, at times, in narratives that tell of past events and
serves to add an immediacy (and vividness) to the stories. The Yindjibarndi present has
the same functions as does the Kurrama present.
Following are some Kurrama examples of present tense use in direct speech.
4.5
Nhuurnu ngayi
this
1sg.NOM
yungku-Ø
give-PRES
'I am giving you this spear now’.
4.6
yala nyinku
mangumangu-u
now 2sg.ACC punishment.spear-ACC
(AP)
Yaayu, wanthila-ngu nyinta
wurnta-rrku
Aunty where-ABL 2sg.NOM come-PRES
ngurra-ngka-ngu-yu?
camp-LOC-ABL-EMPH
‘Aunty, where are you coming from, where's your camp?’
(P.161)
The following was originally elicited to demonstrate the Kurrama progressive
inflection (see §4.5.10). However, the unmarked Ø-conjugation verbs in this example
139
code present tense actions that are occurring at the time of speech. Note that this
example is very similar to a Yindjibarndi example provided by Wordick (1982: 208).
4.7
Ngayi
karri-Ø.
Ngayi
parni-ngumarnu. Yalaa parni-Ø -wu.
1sg.NOM stand-PRES 1sg.NOM sit-PROG
now sit -PRES-EMPH2
‘I am standing. I am sitting down. Now I am sitting.’
(MD)
The unmarked Ø-conjugation verbs in the following question and response
illustrate speech time present tense use.
4.8
Wanthila
Where
nyinta
parni-Ø ?
2sg.NOM live-PRES
Ngayi
parni-Ø
yalaa
1sg.NOM live-PRES now
nhungu-yu
Onslow-la.
here-EMPH4 Onslow-LOC
'Where do you live? I now live here in Onslow.'
(MD)
The following Kurrama clause, which includes a secondary predication, is
somewhat like a universal truth statement where the primary predicate selects present
tense.
4.9
Pajila-wu
ngarrku-Ø
caper.bush.fruit-ACC eat-PRES
kampaayi-wu.
ripe/cooked-ACC
'(You) eat the caper fruit (when it is) ripe.'
(MD)
The following examples illustrate the use of the historical/narrative present in the
retelling of events that occurred in the past.
4.10
Ngayi
karri-Ø
nganila-la-mpa
nhawu-Ø.
1sg.NOM stand-PRES thing-LOC-TOP7 watch-PRES
Nhawu-Ø nhaa
see-PRES this
payanyji-ngarli yaayu-warri-ngu manka-ayi-wa-yu.
Yanku-ngumarnu
policeman-PL aunty-PRIV-ACC get-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 go-PROG
ngayi.
1sg.NOM
'I am standing at thingy watching. (I) see these policemen who had got Aunty
And then I went over (to them).'
(P.526-P.527)
140
4.11
Ngayi
nhawu-Ø
1sg.NOM see-PRES
nhurnu
thisACC
pampikan-ku-waa
pumpkin-ACC-SEMBL
ngarrwi-yangu roundpalarrayi-ku.
lie.down -REL round-ACC
'I see this thing like a pumpkin lying there, all rounded.'
(P.269)
The last example in this section contains the punctual verb ngarra ‘chop/pound’
which is marked with the derivational passive suffix and is also in present tense. This
illustrates that present tense marked verbs that describe punctual actions have an
imperfective aspect reading and are interpreted as being ongoing and iterative. This
sentence also presents a universal truth (like example 4.9).
4.12
Warrapa
spinifex
nhaa
pirntu
manku–yungaarnu ngarra-nnguli-Ø
this.(near) food/seed get-PPERF
chop-PASS-PRES
marnta-ku
pirlin-ta.
rock-INSTR flat.rock-LOC
'This spinifex seed is collected and pounded on a flat rock, with another rock’
(P.403)
4.5.2 Past
A past inflected verb describes an event or action that occurred, or was
occurring, before the time of speech. The Kurrama past tense inflection differs from the
Kurrama perfective marker (discussed in §4.5.3) in that it does not specifically code
whether a past event or action is completed; it may still be ongoing. The Kurrama
perfective marker does indicate that a unitary event or action is completed. Wordick’s
(1982: 101) description of the Yindjibarndi past tense is the same as it is for Kurrama.
Wordick (1982: 101) states that the Yindjibarndi ‘past tense is used to describe actions
belonging to the past without reference as to whether they have been completed or are
still going on’
In the Kurrama corpus the past tense marker denotes a relatively recent past.
There is no specific remote past inflection in the Kurrama corpus. In the corpus the
temporal particle palamu ‘long time ago’ is used in conjunction with a past tense
inflected verb to code a remote past event or action. Palamu is also used in the same
manner in Yindjibarndi. Consider the following Kurrama examples.
141
In examples 4.13 and 4.14, below, the past tense marking denotes a relatively
recent past.
4.13
Jinkakurru ngayi
yanku-nha
up.river
1sg.NOM go-PAST
'I went up river looking for them.'
4.14
Jurntaat ngunhangkat
like.that those
ngurnu
that.ACC
(P.107)
kartpa-rna
take-PAST
payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta
policeman-PL-GEN-ALL
wayharri-ngu.
look.for-REL
murtiwarla-arta yini,
car-ALL
only
murtiwarla-arta.
car-ALL
'And like that they carried her until they got to the policemen's car.’ (P.521)
In examples 4.15 and 4.16, below, the use of the particle palamu in conjunction with a
past tense marked verb serves to denote a more distant past.
4.15
Wangka-nyjarri-ngu
talk-COLL-REL
parni-nha palamu
sit-PAST long.time.ago
‘They sat down to talk a long time ago.’
4.16
Ngawu, palamu
yes
long.time.ago
(MD)
nyinta-wu
2sg.NOM-EMPH2
jinpayi-nmarri-nha.
lose-COLL-PAST
“Yes, you lost (him) a long time ago.” (P.426)
4.5.3 Perfective
Comrie (1976: 16) states that cross-linguistically ‘perfectivity indicates the view
of a situation as a single whole, without distinction of the various separate phases that
make up that situation..’. The Kurrama perfective incorporates this property and like the
Yindjibarndi perfective ‘is used to describe any action which has been completed’
(Wordick, 1982: 102). In Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi) this distinguishes the perfective
inflection from the past inflection which does not specifically indicate whether a past
action is ongoing or completed. Overall, the view coded by the perfective effectively
has as its focus the completed endpoint of a singular situation/event/action and can
represent a resultant state.
142
Further, in some Kurrama examples the perfective marking appears to resemble
a nominalisation process where the inflected verb acts syntactically like an English
‘adjective’ or ‘participle’. That is, it seems that a perfective inflected verb can appear as
a modifier of one of its argument NPs. For instance, in the following example 4.17 the
perfective marked kampa-ayi ‘cooked’ denotes a unified and completed action that
could be interpreted as describing the resultant state of the pintu ‘food’ and wanyji
‘damper’. That is, the perfective marked kampa appears to act, in these instances, like
an ‘adjectival nominalisation’ which modifies its nominal arguments pintu and wanyji.
4.17
Nhaa
This
nyinku [ pirntu kampa-ayi ]
2sg.ACC food cook-PERF
[ wanyji kampa-ayi ].
damper cook -PERF
'This is for you, (some) cooked food, cooked damper." (P.491)
The perfective inflection also appears to be used in relative clauses which
modify a matrix NP argument; as the following examples illustrate. Example 4.19 was
presented earlier to also illustrate present tense use.
4.18
Shuu munti-mpa karri
Shuu true-TOP7 stand.PRES
wanthiwa-rru
where-NOW
[ nhawu [ wurnta-rrkaayi ]] mirtawaa,
man
come-PERF
big
nhaat
Kawayintharri
thisDEF Ashburton.side
nhanthawa.
must.be
Shuu, sure enough [a man [who just came up]], is standing (behind), a big
fellow. Now where is (he) from? He must be from the Ashburton side.' (P.414)
4.19
Ngayi
karri
nganila-la-mpa
nhawu.
1sg.NOM stand.PRES thing-LOC-TOP7 watch.PRES
payanyji-ngarli [ yaayu-warri-ngu
policeman-PL
aunty-PRIV-ACC
Nhawu
[ nhaa
see.PRES
this
manka-ayi-wa-yu ]].
get-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4
'I am standing at thingy watching. (I) see [these policemen [who had got
Aunty]].'
(P.526)
However, in the corpus, there are some apparent anomalies in the case marking
of NPs associated with perfective marked verbs. For instance, in the earlier example
4.17 the nominals pirntu and wanyji are not assigned accusative case marking even
though they appear to be object arguments of the perfective marked kampa–ayi
‘cooked’. Could one make an alternate translation and interpret example 4.17 as a series
of adjoined clauses, as in: ‘This is for you, the food(NOM) has cooked, the
143
damper(NOM) has cooked’? This, seems a little unwieldy in the context in which 4.17
is placed; but, in keeping with examples 4.18 and 4.19, perhaps the perfective marked
verbs are better considered as forming relative clauses in example 4.17. That is, 4.17
could be translated as: ‘This is for you, (some) food(NOM) that is cooked and
damper(NOM) that is cooked’.
However, in the second sentence in example 4.19 above, there is not only no
accusative marking of the object argument of the present inflected matrix verb nhawu
‘see’ but also no accusative complementiser marking of the perfective NP-relative that
modifies this matrix object argument (although the first accusative marking of ‘Aunty’
does block ‘Aunty’ from further accusative complementiser marking (see §2.6)). One
could again interpret 4.19 as a series of adjoined clauses, as in: ‘I am standing at thingy
watching. (I) see (it) (that) these policemen(NOM) have got poor old Aunty(ACC)’.
Yet, why is there a need to look for alternate translations of perfective constructions,
that deviate from the straightforward, when they are mostly not needed in the readings
of constructions made with the other TAM inflections?
In the following example 4.20 the object argument of the perfective marked
martkurra-ma does select accusative marking.
4.20
Palamu-mu-yu
long.ago-THEN-EMPH4
juju-ngarli
old.man -PL
mirnu-ma-rnaarnu
know-CAUS-PPERF
jiwarra-ngarli-lu,
they kanyja-nmarta-yu
whitefella -PL-INSTR they keep/have -HABIT-EMPH4
ngunhangkat,
those
ngarrarnmarta-wu martkurra-ma-tkaayi ngurnu.
rifle-ACC
good-CAUS-PERF
that.ACC
'Well, long ago the old people had been taught by the whitefellas, they used to
keep these things, that was a rifle cleaner (lit: makes good that rifle).'
(P.306)
Yet, in the following example 4.21 the object argument of the perfective marked
matrix verb is not marked accusative. This lack of accusative marking of ‘my dinner’
may be because ‘dinner’ is borrowed from English. However, there are many instances
in the corpus where borrowed English expressions are assigned Kurrama nominal suffix
marking appropriate to their syntactic function. One would expect ‘dinner’ to be treated
the same way, and one would expect that the first person genitive pronoun which
modifies ‘dinner’ to also select further accusative marking.
144
4.21
Ngayi-yi
ngarrka-ayi dinner yurlu-ma-rnu
ngayarntu-wi,
1sg.NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF dinner finish-CAUS -REL 1sg:GEN -TOP5
ngayi
yanku-nha nhawu-lu
1sg.NOM go-PAST see-PURP
yaayu-warri-ngu-rru.
aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW
‘So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to see poor old Aunty.'
(P.157 - P.158)
At this stage, more examples are needed to determine the patterns involved in
the marking of the arguments of perfective inflected transitive verbs. To determine
whether the perfective verb form does act ‘adjectivally’, and can form a NP with its
object, one would need to identify instances where the perfective verb and object are
both marked in concord with a nominal suffix. For instance, is the following
construction possible; and is example (a) its possible translation? This construction,
however, could also possibly be translated as forming a relative clause as represented by
interpretation (b).
? Ngayi
ngarrku-nha
1sg.NOM eat-PAST
pirntu-u
food-ACC
kampa-ayi-wu.
cook-PERF-ACC
(a) ? ‘I ate (some) cooked(ACC) food(ACC).’
(b) ? ‘I ate (some) food(ACC) that is cooked(ACC).’
4.5.4 Passive Perfective
Like the active perfective, the Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi) passive perfective
codes a situation as a single whole which is completed. Its focus is on the endpoint of
this situation and can represent a resultant state. As often occurs in both derivational
and inflectional passives, the agent of a passive perfective may not always be overtly
specified and often an agent may not be identifiable at all. In the following Kurrama
examples the passive perfective marked verbs most often have the appearance of
argument modifying nominalizations, or are used in relative clauses, where they
describe resultant states (rather than events).
4.22
Ngunhangaata-wa-yi kuyharra-nta kurrumanthu kuyharra-nta jarrwurti-nta,
that-TOP1-TOP4
two-INTRG goanna
two-INTRG three-INTRG
ngarra-rnaarnu yurntaa-ma-rnaarnu
chop-PPERF
powder-CAUS-PPERF
martkurra ngunyji-yu.
good
thereNV-EMPH4
‘That must have been two goannas, maybe two or three, chopped up, powdered
up. That's very good.'
(P.282)
145
4.23
Kuyharra cleanpala
two
clean
ngurnakuyha-mu, martkurra-wuyha ngurnakuyha
thatDUAL-THEN good –DUAL
thatDUAL
puntha-rnaarnu wirru-yu
ngungkumarta, wirru-yu
wangkarn.
wash-PPERF
other-EMPH4 heavy
other-EMPH4 light
'Two clean ones (flour bags), that were neat and washed, one was heavy, one
was light.'
(P.238 - P.239)
4.24
Jankaa-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnaarnu-yu ngunha purntura-ma-rnaarnu.
tie.up -PPERF good-CAUS-PPERF-EMPH4 that
rolled.up-CAUS-PPERF
'It had been rolled up, made neat and tied up.'
4.25
Murla nhuwa-ngku
ngayarntu-lu
meat spouse-INSTR 1sg:GEN-INSTR
‘The meat was cooked by my wife.'
(P.322)
kampa-rnaarnu.
cook-PPERF
(AP)
4.5.5 Habitual
The habitual inflection in the Kurrama corpus most often implies a past time
reference but it can have a present time setting. As its name suggests a habitual inflected
verb denotes a habitual action that has occurred more than once and is, or was, the
customary way that its subject does, or did, ‘things’. This is illustrated by the following
examples. Wordick (1982: 102) states that the Yindjibarndi habitual also ‘indicates
habitual action’.
4.26
Yanku-marta
go-HABIT
mirta murna-arta
not
close-ALL
nhula-arta
there-ALL
Ngama-ngka.
name.of.place-LOC
'(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, all over the Ngama (Hamersley
foothills and Buckland Hills).
(P.086)
4.27
Mirta nhungu yawut parni-marta, Ngama-ngka,
not here
west
stay-HABIT place.name-LOC
yawut ngunyji
west thereNV
Kartayirri-wa,
yimpaa-rnmarta ngartat Pinkaan-ta
Ngarraminyju-la.
place.name-TOP1 cross-HABIT
creek place.name-LOC place.name-LOC
'But (she) didn't stay around here in the west, but in the Ngama. West of
Kartayirri. (She) used to cross the creek at Pinkaan, at Ngarraminyju.’ (P.383)
4.28
but kurrumanthu-wu-yu
but goanna-ACC-EMPH4
yanku-marta wayharri-ngu kurta.
go-HABIT
look.for -REL very
'But (she) used to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.' (P.094)
146
4.29
Manku-nha
get-PAST
ngayi
kartpa-nmarta
1sg.NOM carry-HABIT
ngaliyampurraarntu-wu
1pl.exc.GEN-ACC
mangkurla-wu-wa
child-ACC-SEMBL
jarta-yu.
old.woman-ACC
"I picked (her) up, just like we used to carry children (just like we would carry a
child) this poor old lady of ours.'
(P.546)
4.30
Jaat kurta wangka-marta
shirt very call-HABIT
juju-ngarli.
old.man-PL
'(That's) what the old people used to call a shirt.'
(P.299)
The preceding Kurrama examples of the habitual all have a past time reference.
This is due, in part, to the fact that these examples were selected from the Payarrany
narrative which is set in the past. However, in the following example the habitual
inflection is used in direct speech and has a present temporal setting.
4.31
Kantharri-nha
granny-SPEC
karra-nyungu-wa,
scrub/bush -DWELL-TOP1
walangart-pa-mpa
there-Ø-TOP2
yanku-marta karra-ngka…
go-HABIT
scrub/bush-LOC
“It's old Granny who lives in the scrub, (the one) who travels around in the
bush.”
(P.451)
4.5.6 Potential
In the Kurrama corpus the potential inflection is used to indicate that an action
or event, denoted by a potential inflected verb, has yet to take place. Most often a
potential inflected verb describes an event or action that is an expected or intended
outcome of current events, or situations, and may represent the purpose for a prior
event. Within this parameter the potential can also be used to form mild to moderate
strength commands and hortatives that require an action to be carried out in the future.
The suffix can also be used to mark the stages of a sequence of events or actions.
In the following Kurrama examples the potential inflected verbs denote events
that are about to take place, or are likely to take place, and in most instances code the
purpose for which a prior action is enacted. Note that there is also a specific purpose
147
inflection in Kurrama that is used to indicate a more direct and immediate purpose for a
preceding event or action (see §4.5.8).
4.32
Ngana
yirralama-rrkayi
pangkarri-i marliya-wu
someone make.sharp/sharpen-POT go-POT
wild.honey-ACC
ngarrki-i.
eat-POT
'Someone will sharpen (the axe) to go and eat honey.'
4.33
Ngunhaat
thatDEF
ngurnu
that.ACC
mirna-yu,
while-EMPH4
mirna-wa
nhawi-i.
while-TOP1 see-POT
(MD)
ngayi
karlungka ngartarra
1sg.NOM aside
again
'Then I (put) that to one side again for a while, to look at it later.'
4.34
(P.274)
Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta
kurnta-tkayi
yes
1sg.NOM-EMPH2-INTRRG wait-POT
nhungu-mpa
here-TOP7
yanki-i
go-POT
payanyji-ngarli
policeman -PL
wurnta-langu-yu,
come-RSLT-EMPH4
ngunhangkarta-wa-yu
there-TOP1-EMPH4
mirnuma-rrkayi-thu
show-POT-TOP3
‘Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and
show them.'
(P.500)
The following illustrates the potential inflection as part of a short query about the future.
4.35
Ngarti
next
nhawi-i?
see-POT
'What would (I) see next?' (P.303)
The potential inflection can also be used to form a mild to moderate strength
positive command, but a forceful positive command is formed, in Kurrama, with the
imperative suffix (see §4.5.7). However, in Kurrama, there is not a specific negative
imperative inflection for negative commands and, instead, a negative command is
formed by negating a potential inflected verb with one of the negative particles mirta or
wala. The following example 4.36 illustrates the use of the potential inflection in a
148
moderate positive command and also in a negative command. Example 4.37 illustrates
the potential inflection in a mild positive command.
4.36
Nyinta-warnu
2sg.NOM-EMPH5
parni-i
stay-POT
nhungu, mirta yanki-i nyinta.
here
not
go-POT 2sg.NOM
"Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)."
4.37
Maya-arta yanki-i
house-ALL go-POT
(P.480)
ngarrku-ngu nyinta
eat-REL
2sg.NOM
“You go to the house and have a feed, get full.”
winya-arri-ngu
full-INCH-REL
(P.146)
The potential inflection can also be used in a hortative sentence.
4.38
Ngaliwu
1pl.inc.NOM
jinawa yanki-i
on.foot go-POT
nhaa,
this
purtajirri munti
rough
true
ngurra..
country
"We'll go on foot (from here), this is very/truly rough country..” (P.508)
Potential marking can also be used to indicate the next stage in a temporal sequence of
events.
4.39
Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha, ngayi
pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, wirru ngungkumarnta
that
bag-dual
1sg.NOM separate-CAUS-PAST other heavy
wirru wangkarn, nhawi-i
other light
see-POT
ngayi
ngunhangaata nhawi-i
1sg.NOM that
see-POT
purla
first
wirru-la-wu
ngarrayi purla-yu
ngungkumarnta-la ngarrayi.
other-LOC-ACC first
first-EMPH4 heavy-LOC
first
'Those two bags, I separated them, one heavy one light. I looked at that one first
and put the other aside. First I looked at the heavy one.’
(P.247)
4.40
Parrii
ngunha
whitefella that
jingkaku-rru
upriver-NOW
yanku-nha
go-PAST
wurnta-rrkayi
come-POT
ngulaarta wuntu-wa
there.LOC river/creek-LOC
kurta-wa
nhawu-lu-wa.
very-TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1
'That whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right
on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).’
(P.473)
In summary, the Kurrama potential inflection codes the potential for a future
event or action. As part of this overarching function it can be used to code a purpose
149
which is the expected or intended future outcome of a preceding event; or it can be used
to command (mildly to moderately) that a future action be carried out or not carried out.
The potential inflection can also be used to specify the next event in a temporal
sequence which follows on from a preceding event. The Yindjibarndi potential also has
this array of functions (Wordick 1982: 102-103).
It should be noted, however, that the allomorph of the Yindjibarndi potential
which is selected by Ø-class verb stems that end in /u/ is –wayi. This differs from the
potential inflection of Ø-class Kurrama verb stems that end in /u/ where the final /u/ of
the verb stem is changed to /i/ and the overall inflection is realized as the long vowel /i:/
across the verb stem and inflection boundary. This was illustrated by the earlier
examples 4.3 and 4.4 where the potential inflection of ngarrku ‘eat’ is ngarrku-wayi in
Yindjibarndi and ngarrki-i in Kurrama.
4.5.7 Imperative
It was shown in §4.5.6 that mild to moderate strength commands can be formed
with the use of the potential suffix. However, stronger and more forceful positive
commands can be made, in Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi), with the use of the imperative
suffix. Both moderate and forceful commands have second person addressee subjects
but often the subject is not overt. The following examples of forceful positive
commands formed with the imperative inflection do not have overt subjects, but overt
addressee subjects would be possible. Further, in the following examples, the object
arguments of the imperative inflected transitive verbs remain unmarked and are not
assigned accusative case. Also, only one argument of an imperative inflected
ditransitive verb is assigned accusative marking. In the ditransitive imperative, in
example 4.44, the argument with a theme/patient role selects accusative marking but the
recipient argument does not, it is left unmarked.
4.41
Pawa manku-ma
water get-IMP
muyhu-muyhu.
cold
'Get (some) cold water!'
4.42
(MD)
Waama-nma
wanyja, wangka-ma
scare/frighten-IMP dog
tell/say-IMP
'Scare the dog away tell (it) to go!'
(MD)
pangkarri-i.
go-POT
150
4.43
Karnti manku- ma karla-ma-rrkayi
stick get-IMP
fire-CAUS-POT
'Get sticks and make a fire!'
4.44
Yungku-ma murla-yi
give-IMP
meat-ACC
(TC)
wanyja
dog
‘Give the dog (some) meat.’
(MD)
In the Kurrama corpus there are 13 examples of imperative marking of transitive
verbs (which includes 3 examples from Hale’s (1959) field notes). In 2 of these
examples the objects of the imperative transitive verb are ellipsed. However, in 10
instances the objects are overt but are not marked. In 1 instance, in example 3.28, the
object of the transitive imperative is realized as a nominative demonstrative. Further
examples are required, but perhaps the absence of marking of the object arguments of
transitive imperatives represents zero nominative inflection and not just missing
accusative inflection? I have only 5 examples of ditransitive imperatives. I present 4 of
these examples in §6.7.1 when I discuss the possible patterns of marking assigned to the
arguments of imperative inflected ditransitive verbs.
In all, the inflection of a verb with the imperative suffix conveys a positive
command. As discussed in §4.5.6 there is not a specific negative imperative suffix in
Kurrama (or Yindjibarndi) and instead negative commands are conveyed by negating a
potential inflected verb with one of the negative particles mirta or wala. Both positive
and negative commands are discussed in more detail in §6.7 and §6.8.
4.5.8 Purpose and Result
It was shown in §4.5.6 that the purpose for a prior event or action can be
indicated by the potential inflection. However, the purpose inflection –lu or –rlu can be
used in Kurrama to indicate a more direct purpose for a preceding event or action. In
short, the purpose inflection is a marker of subordinate verbs that denote the direct
purpose for a preceding event or action described by a matrix clause. In these purpose
constructions, the subject of the subordinate purpose inflected verb is always the same
as the subject of the matrix clause. The following examples illustrate this.
151
4.45
Ngarti-mu- mpa
again/next-THEN-TOP7
wurnta-tkayi nyaa-nyarri-lu.
come-POT see-COLL-PURP
'And then another time (she) will come again to see (everyone).' (P.082)
4.46
Ngayi
kamungu
1sg.NOM hungry
pangkarri
go.PRES
ngarrku-lu-wa.
eat-PURP-EMPH
'I am hungry and am going (so as) to eat.'
4.47
(MD)
Yinti-ngumarnu ngayi
yawarta-la-ngu
wartaarni-lu.
go.down-PROG 1sg.NOM horse-LOC-ABL look.in-PURP
'Then I got down from/off the horse to look in.'
4.48
Ngayi
yanku-nha 23
1sg.NOM go-PAST
(P.201)
kayulu- warta- yi
pirraa-wari
water/water.hole-ALL-TOP4 bucket-PROP
manku-rlu.
get-PURP
"I'll go to the water hole to get (some water) with the bucket.”
(P.486)
Of almost parallel use to the purpose inflection, in Kurrama, is the subordinate
result inflection –aangu / –langu. In Kurrama, a result inflected subordinate verb
describes an action, or event, that is the direct result of a preceding action described by a
matrix clause. The subject of a result inflected subordinate verb is always co-referential
with an object argument of the matrix verb, and at first appears to be a different subject
(switch reference) inflection that stands in opposition to the purpose inflection which
has a same subject reference. However, this apparent switch reference opposition of the
same subject purpose inflection and the different subject result inflection is not
complete. The result inflection most often serves to mark the resultant end point of an
action and not the purpose for a prior action. This is explicitly expressed in the free
translations of the following examples where the matrix action is said to be carried out
‘until’ the result marked verb endpoint is reached.
4.49
Ngaliya
mirra-nha ngurnu
1du.exc.NOM call-PAST that.ACC
wurnta-langu ngurra-arta
come-RSLT
camp-ALL
'We two called out to him until he came home.’
23
(MD)
I am unsure as to why AP uses the PAST inflection here. In the context of the narrative one
would expect POT marking. The speaker is stating what he is going to do next. This example
was presented earlier as 2.46 where I also note this inconsistency.
152
4.50
Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta
kurnta-tkayi
yes
1sg.NOM-EMPH-INTRRG wait-POT
nhungu-mpa
here-TOP7
yanki-i
go-POT
payanyji-ngarli
policeman -PL
ngunhangkarta-wa- yu
there -TOP1-EMPH
wurnta-langu-yu,
come-RSLT-EMPH4
mirnuma-rrkayi-thu
show-POT-TOP3
‘Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and
show them.'
(P.500)
4.51
Ngayi
wanpi-rna
1sg.NOM hit-PAST
mangkurla -wu ngalha-angu.
child -ACC
cry-RSLT
'I hit the child until s/he cried.'
(MD)
However, at times there is overlap between the functions of the purpose and
result inflections suggesting that they may be merging into an incipient same and
different subject switch reference opposition. In the following example the result
marked verb effectively describes the ‘purpose’ for a preceding action but its subject is
co-referential with the object of the matrix verb. As such it is marked with the different
subject result inflection and not the same subject purpose inflection. The purpose and
result inflections are discussed in further detail in §7.3 and §7.4.
4.52
Ngayi
pangkarri nhawu-u nhawi-i wirra-yi
warama-langu.
1sg.NOM go.PRES man-ACC see-POT boomerang-ACC make-RSLT
‘I am going to see a man to (get him to) make a boomerang.
(MD)
Wordick (1982) does not mention a purpose inflection in his Yindjibarndi
grammar. Also, the marker that I have classified as the result inflection is labeled by
Wordick (1982: 102) as an infinitive aspect inflection. Yet, Wordick (1982: 102) does
report that the infinitive aspect ‘is employed to characterize an action which occurs or
may occur as a direct result of another earlier action’. He also states that the infinitve
‘never occurs in independent clauses’ and ‘the subject of the infinitive is always the
object of the verb describing the motivating action’ (Wordick 1982: 102). Therefore, the
Kurrama result and the Yindjibarndi infinitive have the same functions but why isn’t a
inflection with a purpose function reported by Wordick (1982)? I cannot say.
153
4.5.9 RELative
The Kurrama relative suffix allomorphs, -ngu, -yangu and –rnu, are often used
to mark dependent verbs in subordinate clauses to indicate that the event described in
the subordinate clause is contemporaneous with the event described in the matrix
clause. Occasionally, some of the relative markers (-ngu and –rnu) are used in
independent clauses (or co-subordinate clauses) where they code imperfective aspect;
but the most common use of the relative suffix is within subordinate relative clauses or
clausal complements. In these subordinate uses, the Kurrama relative markers are part
of an incipient switch reference system which is relatively straightforward for Øconjugation subordinate verbs but somewhat complex for L- and R-conjugation
subordinate verbs.
The relative allomorphs –ngu and -yangu belong to the Ø-conjugation class and
mark same subject reference and different subject reference respectively. However, the
relative suffix is represented by only one relative allomorph in the L- and R-conjugation
classes, –rnu. This L and R relative allomorph marks different subject reference by
default, but does allow same subject reference in certain instances.
4.5.9.1 Relative marking of subordinate clauses
The following discussion examines the subject references coded by the Kurrama
relative allomorphs when used in subordinate clauses. A summary of this discussion is
presented later in Table 4.11. Table 4.11 also includes a summary of the subject
references coded by the relative verb inflections that are used in Panyjima. The
Panyjima system is presented in Table 4.11 for comparison with that used in Kurrama
but the focus of the following discussion is on the Kurrama system. The comparison is
made with Panyjima and not Yindjibarndi, in Table 4.11, because it is difficult to
determine how the Yindjibarndi forms pattern from Wordick (1982).
The three forms in question -ngu, -yangu and -rnu do occur in Yindjibarndi and
are classified by Wordick (1982: 101-102) as allomorphs of the imperfective aspect
suffix. Wordick (1982: 101) states that ‘imperfective aspect is used to describe a
continuous action without reference to past, present or future time’. Wordick (1982:
101-102) does report that the Ø-class form –yangu is used in subordinate clauses and
(like the corresponding Kurrama form) does mark different subject reference; but he
154
states that there is no dependent form for non-Ø-class verbs. Wordick (1982: 101-102)
maintains that the forms –ngu and –rnu only occur in independent or conjoined clauses
in Yindjibarndi. This differs from the use of the relative allomorphs –rnu and –ngu in
the Kurrama corpus which are almost always employed as markers of subordinate
clauses.
In Kurrama the Ø-class relative allomorph –ngu can be used on verbs in
independent clauses (see §4.5.9.2) but foremost it is a same subject switch reference
marker which indicates that the subordinate verb that it marks and the matrix verb have
the same subject within a complex sentence (as shown in the following examples 4.53
to 4.55). The Ø-class relative suffix –yangu, which is never used in independent clauses,
is a different subject switch reference marker which indicates that the subordinate verb
that it marks and the matrix verb have different subjects within a complex sentence. The
bare form of the suffix, without further complementiser marking, indicates that the
subordinate verb, that it marks, has a subject that is coreferential with the accusative
object of the main verb (as shown in examples 4.56 to 4.58).
Alternatively, L- and R-conjugation verbs select only one relative suffix –rnu
which by default indicates that the subordinate verb that it marks and the main verb
have different subjects. The bare form of this suffix, without complementiser marking,
typically denotes co-reference between the subject of the subordinate verb and the
accusative object of the main verb (as shown in the following examples 4.59 to 4.61).
Yet, -rnu can be used in same subject situations when it is clear that there is no
possibility that it is actually marking a different subject relationship (as shown in
examples 4.63 to 4.67). In those situations where there may be confusion and same
subject relations are intended, and not different subject relations, then –rnu is not used
and both the main verb and the L- or R-conjugation verb are inflected with a regular
finite verb inflection to form conjoined independent clauses (with the same subject)
rather than forming a matrix and subordinate clause relation (as shown in example
4.62). Nevertheless, like the Ø-conjugation class suffix -ngu, there are some occasional
instances in the Kurrama corpus where the L- and R-conjugation class suffix –rnu
appears as the marker of an independent verb, and not a subordinate verb, but these
instances are rare (see §4.5.9.2).
Table 4.11 Subject reference of the Kurrama and Panyjima relative suffixes
155
156
Notably, different subject relative marked subordinate verbs (in all conjugation
classes) are not further inflected with an accusative complementiser when their subject
is co-referential with an accusative argument in the main clause. If a RELative –rnu
marked L- or R-class stem was to be further inflected with an accusative
complementiser it would select –wu as in: ‘Verb-rnu-wu’ (or alternatively would be
pronounced [ɳu:]); so it is possible that there may have been phonological
simplification of this accusative complementiser marking over time. If this accusative
complementiser marking of -rnu was still present the expectation would be that it would
mark different subject reference, while –rnu on its own, without complementiser
inflection, would mark same subject reference. However, this distinction was not made
by the language consultants.
Yet, locative and instrumental complementisers can be added to different subject
–rnu and –yangu inflected subordinate verb stems to indicate that their subjects are coreferential with the locative or instrumental argument of an active or passive main
clause. As well as forming these locative and instrumental NP-relatives it is also
possible to form a T-relative by marking either -rnu or -yangu inflected subordinate
verb stems with a locative complementiser. Examples of NP-relatives and T-relatives
formed with instrumental or locative complementiser marking of –rnu and -yangu
inflected verb stems are discussed in §7.1.1.2 and §7.1.1.3.
In the following I first present some examples of the inflection of Ø-conjugation
verbs with the relative markers –ngu and –yangu and then examine in further detail the
L- and R-conjugation class relative marker –rnu.
The relative markers are also
discussed in §7.1.1
The following examples illustrate the same subject marking of subordinate Ø-class
verbs with the relative suffix –ngu.
4.53
Ngali
parni
1du.inc.NOM sit.PRES
wangkayi-nyjarri-ngu
wangka-yi.
talk/converse-COLL-REL language/word-ACC
'We two are sitting talking to one another (about) language/words.’
4.54
Kumpa-ngu nyinta
parni-nha parraa.
wait-REL
2sg.NOM sit-PAST long.time
'You have been sitting waiting for a long time.'
(MD)
(MD)
157
4.55
Walharri-ngu pungkanyu pangkarri-nha nhawu-wu
look.for-REL woman
go-PAST
man-ACC
'The woman went looking for the man.’
(MD)
The following examples illustrate the different subject marking of subordinate
Ø-conjugation
verbs with –yangu where the subject of the inflected subordinate clause
is co-referential with the accusative object of the main clause. In 4.57 and 4.58 the
matrix clause subject is ellipsed but the accusative matrix argument is overt and is coreferential with the subject of the –yangu inflected subordinate verb.
4.56
Ngayi
nhawu
wanyja-yi
1sg.NOM see.PRES dog-ACC
'I see the dog running away.
4.57
winpa-yangu
run.away-REL
(MD)
Karntirri-wu nhawu-ngumarnu jinkarrku kampa-yangu Warluru-la-wu.
smoke-ACC see-PROG
up.river burn-REL
Warleru-LOC-ACC
'And then (they) see smoke burning up river at Warleru.’ (P.110)
4.58
Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
wurnta-tkaayi
come-PERF
Jalurrpa-la-wu
Authur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC
ngaliya-warri-wu-yu
1du.exc-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4
parni-yangu
ngunhungu-mpa
live/stay-REL there-TOP7
Pantuwarnangka-la.
Pannawonica-LOC
'And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two who were staying with A.
Lockyer there at Pannawonica.’
(P.014 - P.015)
In the following examples the L- and R-conjugation suffix –rnu has a different
subject reading.
4.59
Mangkurlarra-yi nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa,
kantharri-wa-yu
wurnta-rnu.
children -TOP4 see-COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH4 come-REL
Those kids, (her) grannies, saw (her) coming.'
4.60
(P.438)
Ngayi
pajarri-wu thuwayi-rna
pawa-yi
mija-rnu
1sg.NOM euro-ACC spear.by.throwing-PAST water-ACC drink-REL
'I speared the kangaroo which was drinking water.’
(MD)
158
4.61
Ngayi
mangkurla-wu
1sg.NOM child-ACC
nhawu-nha
see-PAST
'I saw the child who hit the dog.'
wanpi-rnu wanyja-yi
hit-REL
dog-ACC
(MD)
When discussing example 4.61 with MD she stated that if the verb wanpi ‘hit’
was inflected, instead, with the past tense inflection –rna this ‘would mean that I am
hitting the dog’. That is, the following sentence would be formed with the past
inflection of wanpi.
4.62
Ngayi
mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha wanyja-yi
1sg.NOM child-ACC
see-PAST dog-ACC
I saw the child and I hit the dog.'
wanpi-rna
hit-PAST
(MD)
Thus, same subject reference is gained in 4.62 by conjoining two finite clauses
that share the same subject. But foremost, MD’s statement reinforces my finding that
the relative marker –rnu has a default different subject reading when used in cases like
examples 4.59 to 4.61.
However, in the following examples it appears that a same subject reading can
be applied to the suffix –rnu. In these instances it would not be logical to assign a
different subject reading to it. That is, in 4.63 the accusative object ‘someone’ would
not be ‘barking’ and in 4.64 the inanimate object that is ‘tied up’ would not be able to
‘make anything neat’.
4.63
Wanyja winpa
thula-rnu
dog
run.PRES bark.(dog)-REL
nganangu.
someone.ACC
'The dog is running and barking at someone.'
4.64
Jankaa-rna
ngurnaat-ku,
tie.up-PAST thatDEF-ACC
(MD)
ngarti-mu
martkurra-ma-rnu.
again-THEN good-CAUS-REL
'So (I) tied it/that up, made (it) neat again.'
(P.259)
There are 18 instances in the corpus where the subordinate verbs marked with
the RELative suffix –rnu have the same subject as the matrix verb. In these instances it
is neither logical nor possible to assign a different subject reading to this marking; as the
following examples illustrate.
159
4.65
Ngayi
parni
1sg.NOM sit.PRES
kurlkanyja-rnu.
think.about -REL
'I am sitting and thinking.'
4.66
Wala
kari-i
that.one grog-ACC
(MD)
mija-rnu
ngarri.
drink-REL lie.down.PRES
That one is lying down drinking grog.'
4.67
Yirra-wuyu-kurta
edge-SIDE-very
(MD)
ngarra-rna
nhungu
chop/cut -PAST here
waji-ma-rnu-wa
bad-CAUS-REL-TOP1
thangkat-pa
enough -TOP2
thurla-yi.
eye-ACC
'The edge cut/chopped (her) right here and destroyed (her) eye.
(P.464)
When first examining the REL suffix –rnu I initially thought that the transitivity
of the main verb and the inflected subordinate verb may possibly influence a same or
different subject reading. The following table lists the results of an analysis of 39
instances of the use of the REL suffix–rnu on transitive and intransitive verbs. As stated
earlier, in each of the 18 instances of a same subject reading of the suffix -rnu it is not
possible, nor logical, for the subject of the subordinate verb to be interpreted as being
co-referential with a main clause accusative argument; they can only be interpreted as
being co-referential with the main clause subject.
Table 4.12 Main and subordinate verb valency and the subject reference of –rnu
MAIN
verb
SUBORD verb DIFFERENT SUBJECT
inflected with
(S of subordinate verb is
– rnu
co-ref with O of main verb)
SAME SUBJECT
(S of subordinate verb cannot
be co-ref with O of main verb)
Transitive
Transitive
14
7
Transitive
Intransitive
7
2
Intransitive
Transitive
-
5
Intransitive
Intransitive
-
4
21
18
Total
160
Because the overall numbers of different subject and same subject readings are
almost equivalent in Table 4.12 one could reasonably ask if the L- and R-class REL
inflection –rnu actually marks subject switch reference at all. Yet, in the sample tested,
there are no different subject marked subordinate clauses associated with intransitive
matrix clauses. That is, in the sample, there are no different subject marked subordinate
verbs (which would have a main clause object as their subject) associated with
intransitive matrix verbs that have no object. This is what is expected if –rnu does mark
different subject reference; a main clause object is required so that it can act as the
subject of the subordinate clause. Further, in the sample tested, there are nine instances
of –rnu inflected subordinate verbs (both transitive and intransitive) that have a subject
that is co-referential with the subject of an intransitive matrix verb. It is in these
situations that a same subject reading is definitely intended because in each situation a
different subject reading is not possible.
So, based on the data at hand, it has been argued in the discussion above that a
different subject reference is the default reading for the L- and R-class RELative suffix
–rnu when used in a subordinate clause. A same subject reading of the REL suffix –rnu
occurs only when a different subject reading is neither logical nor possible. This is
discussed further in §7.1.1.1.
4.5.9.2 Independent clauses and relative marking
The Ø-conjugation suffix –yangu only marks dependent verbs. Yet, although
relatively rare, there are instances in the Kurrama corpus where the L- and R-class
suffix -rnu and the Ø-class suffix -ngu mark verbs in independent, or co-subordinate,
clauses and in these instances code imperfective aspect. Some examples follow.
In example 4.68 the Ø-conjugation verb parni is inflected with –ngu and acts as
an imperfective copula verb in an independent copula clause. There is no matrix clause
to which the independent -ngu inflected copula clause is subordinate in this instance.
4.68
“Yaayu, nyinta-rnta
walartu?” “Nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi-yu
aunty 2sg.NOM-INTRRG that.one
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4
parni-ngu ngayu
yaangana.”
be-REL
1sg.ACC nephew
(P.026-P.028)
“Aunty, is that you?” “(Yes), this is me my nephew (lit: ‘this I be my nephew’).”
161
In example 4.69, below, the –rnu inflected verb jankaa ‘tie’ has an independent
status while the locative and –yangu inflected verb karri ‘stand’ is part of a dependent
T-relative clause. In 4.69 the T-relative designates the temporal/spatial setting of the
action described by the –rnu inflected clause. That is, the speaker is tying the bag again
‘while the other bags are standing there’ or ‘while amongst the other bags standing
there’. There is no matrix verb to which the –rnu inflected verb is subordinate in this
instance.
4.69
Ngayi
ngarrku-nha ngunhart-ku kupijawi-yu, jarrwurti-yu. Ngarti-mu
1sg.NOM eat-PAST thatDEF-ACC little-EMPH4 three-EMPH4 again-THEN
jankaa-rnu wirru-ngaa karri-yangu-la, maru ngartarra wirru-wurtu-wa.
tie-REL
other-PL stand-REL-LOC many again
other-EMPH3-TOP1
‘I ate a few, just three of them. Then (I) tied it up again (a bag containing some
bush food) while the others are standing there/while amongst the others standing
there; lots of others again (other bags containing bush food).’
(P.251-P.252)
The status of the following complex sentence is somewhat problematic; it may
represent coordination or co-subordination. In 4.70 the events described by the –rnu and
–ngu inflected clauses are temporally co-extensive; that is, both events are occurring
together, are ongoing, and are extending over the same period of time. But, these –rnu
and –ngu marked clauses describe different events; one clause describes ‘aunty
chopping for honey’ and the other describes ‘the children calling out to each other’.
Neither of these clauses is subordinate to a matrix clause; so it could be said that they
represent independent coordinated clauses. Yet, in a sense the –rnu and –ngu marked
clauses are subordinate to one another, each describes an event that is occurring while
the other event is occurring; so perhaps they represent co-subordinate clauses.
4.70
Marliya-wu
wild.honey-ACC
yirra-marri-ngu
call-COLL-REL
wirlu-ngka-wu
tharni-rnu mangkurlarra-yu
blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4
jingkaa-la.
upriver-LOC
'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum
and/while the children were calling out to each other up the river.’ (P.436)
Instances like 4.70 are very rare in the Kurrama corpus and little more can be
said about them without further examples. Yet, it does appear that –ngu and –rnu code
imperfective aspect when used in independent or co-subordinate constructions. The free
162
translation of example 4.70 captures the imperfective aspect coded by the suffixes.
Unlike the perfective suffixes discussed in §4.5.3 which code an event as a completed
whole, the use of the –ngu and –rnu suffixes in example 4.70 codes a view from within
the middle of the ongoing events without making reference to the beginning or end of
these events.
As stated earlier, Wordick (1982: 98-102) overtly classifies the corresponding
Yindjibarndi morphemes -ngu, -yangu and –rnu as imperfective aspect allomorphs. He
reports that in Yindjibarndi the allomorphs –rnu and –ngu are used to indicate
independent imperfective aspect and only the allomorph –yangu occurs in ‘non-main’
clauses. However, to also restate, the Kurrama relative allomorphs –rnu and –ngu are
almost always used as markers of subordinate clauses in the Kurrama corpus.
4.5.9.3 A possibility for further research
A trend concerning dependent RELative marked verbs is observable in a
number of Kurrama examples presented in this thesis. The trend concerns the use of a
subordinate REL marked verb in conjunction with an independent ‘stance’ verb or
‘motion’ verb to form a serial verb-like construction. For instance, examples 4.15, 4.28,
4.53, 4.54, 4.55, 4.65 and 6.28 exhibit this trend. In these examples a RELative marked
verb occurs either with the main clause verb parni ‘sit’ or the main clause motion verbs
yanku or pangkarri 24 which usually translate as ‘go’. In each of the examples of this
verb collocation the main semantic ‘load’ is carried by the RELative marked verbs;
while the ‘sit’ or ‘go’ verbs act somewhat like auxiliaries that have little semantic
content but carry the tense and aspect marking that extends to the REL marked verbs.
The RELative allomorphs that are used in these situations are the Ø-class same-subject
allomorph –ngu, and the L- and R-class allomorph –rnu which has a same subject
reading in these circumstances.
Consider the following examples (which were previously presented as 4.28 and
4.53 respectively). The event described in 4.71 mainly concerns ‘looking for’ and not
‘going’; while example 4.72 mainly concerns ‘talking’ and not ‘sitting’. That is, the
REL marked verbs carry the main semantic content of the construction; but the ‘go’ and
‘sit’ verbs carry the TAM marking.
24
It appears that pangkarri ‘go’ may be borrowed from Yindjibarndi; while yanku ‘go’ is the
original Kurrama term. Both AP and MD use these verbs interchangeably as ‘go’. Yet, in
some instances pangkarri is used to specifically express ‘to return’.
163
4.71
but kurrumanthu-wu-yu
but goanna-ACC-EMPH4
yanku-marta wayharri-ngu kurta.
go-HABIT
look.for -REL very
'But (she) used to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.' (P.094)
4.72
Ngali
parni
1du.inc.NOM sit.PRES
wangkayi-nyjarri-ngu
wangka-yi.
talk/converse-COLL-REL language/word-ACC
'We two are sitting talking to one another (about) language/words.’
(MD)
Austin (1998) has demonstrated that there is a similar trend in Jiwarli
(traditionally spoken to the south of Kurrama). In Jiwarli the verb kumpa has meanings
such as ‘to sit, camp, stay, live, be’ (like parni in Kurrama). Yet, when kumpa is placed
adjacent to a dependent imperfective same-subject inflected verb and is effectively
‘bleached of its lexical semantics’ it acts like an auxiliary verb that as well carrying
absolute tense also codes continuous aspect (Austin, 1998). The Jiwarli imperfective
same-subject allomorphs are -ngu, -nhu and –rnu (Austin, 1998: 21). Consider the
following example, provided by Austin (1998: 24), where kumpa acts like an auxiliary
that carries usitative marking and expresses continuous aspect; while the imperfective
same-subject inflected verb conveys the primary semantics.
4.73
Jiwarli
Ngatha
1sg.nom
kumpa-artu tharla-rnu
papa-jaka.
sit-usit
feed-imperfSS water-comit
‘I used to feed (him) with water.’
(Austin, 1998: 24)
Similarly in the following Kurrama example continuous aspect is also conveyed.
4.74
Ngayi
kurtkaarri-ngu parni-nha
1sg.NOM think-REL
be-PAST
'I thought about that.' or ‘I was thinking about that.’
(P.165)
Austin (1998: 29) proposes that the frequent juxtaposition of a dependent
imperfective same-subject verb and the verb kumpa, in Jiwarli, ‘is possibly indicative of
incipient grammaticisation of kumpa as an auxiliary verb coding continuous aspect’.
Austin (1998: 30) also lists a number of Australian languages in which there has been
development ‘of ‘sit’ as a compounding or auxiliary verb’; this includes Diyari,
Ngamini and Yankuntjatjarra.
164
Further research into this phenomenon could prove to be fruitful (if not in
Kurrama then in Yindjibarndi). Austin (1998) proposes that shifts involving kumpa and
imperfective same-subject marked verbs could represent a possible mechanism of
change from a split ergative language to a nominative/accusative marking language.
Austin (1998: 21 & 29) reports that in Jiwarli dependent imperfective same-subject
verbs select dative marked object arguments ‘rather than the usual accusative case
employed in main clauses’. It is possible that if kumpa where to become fully
grammaticised as an auxiliary that carries tense and aspect and the dependent
imperfective verbs were reanalyzed as main verbs then the dative arguments of the
imperfective could then be reanalyzed as accusative arguments.
As stated in various sections of this thesis it appears that the accusative suffix in
Kurrama is a reflex of an old dative. However, in Kurrama, parni ‘sit’ has not been fully
grammaticised as an auxiliary verb and instead acts like the Jiwarli kumpa ‘sit’. Yet, the
object arguments of the REL marked verbs do select the accusative/dative inflection and
there are instances in Kurrama where the REL allomorphs –ngu and –rnu do inflect
independent verbs (see §4.5.9.2).
As part of further research into the behaviour of parni in the presence of REL
marked verbs it would also be worthwhile investigating the behaviour of the motion
verbs pangkarri and yanku ‘go’ in similar situations. It seems that ‘go’ acts like an
auxiliary that not only carries tense and aspect but also codes motion associated with the
event described by the REL verb, while ‘sit’ codes lack of motion.
4.5.10 Progressive
As will be discussed in §7.2 there are a number of languages in the area that
have an inflection similar to the Kurrama progressive. This inflection has been assigned
different labels in the grammars of each of these languages. However, the labels given
to this inflection on their own do not capture the full range of its uses. Yet, rather than
introduce a new term (which also would not capture all the functions of the inflection) I
have decided to use the label that is used by Wordick for this inflection. In the following
discussion, I first introduce the functions of the Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi) progressive
inflection and provide some examples. Then I briefly discuss the apparent composite
morphology of the progressive inflection which appears to play a part in the functions of
this inflection overall.
165
4.5.10.1 The functions of the progressive inflection
The progressive inflection in Kurrama has several related functions. It can mark
a verb to denote the consequence of a preceding action or event, or it may denote that an
event follows on from a preceding event but is not strictly a consequence of that prior
event. In these uses the progressive suffix acts pragmatically like the English ‘and then’.
That is, a preceding event is described as being enacted ‘and then’ the event described
by the progressive inflected verb follows which is sometimes, but not always, a
consequence of the preceding event. This contrasts with the result inflection which
usually codes the resultant end point of a prior event, or action, where the preceding
action, or event, is carried out ‘until’ the result marked verb endpoint is reached.
The progressive suffixes can also indicate movement towards a goal. For
instance, the verb parni ‘sit’ can be marked with the progressive suffix to indicate the
‘progressive’ motion of sitting down but not yet actually being seated; or the suffix may
mark the verb karri ‘stand’ to denote the ‘progressive’ movement of standing up but not
yet standing completely upright. The earlier example 4.7 contains an instance of the
progressive marking of ‘sit’ and is presented again on the next page as example 4.79
(for ease of reference).
In the following examples 4.75 and 4.76 the progressive marked verbs describe
the direct consequence of a preceding action.
4.75
Ngayi
nhawu-nha
1sg.NOM see-PAST
ngurriny-ku
swag-ACC
kurtkaarri-ngumarnu.
think-PROG
'I spotted the swag and thought about that then.'
4.76
Ngurnawuyha
that.DUAL
wajpala-wuyha
purlaa-la
whitefella -DUAL front-LOC
karri-rnumarnu 25 murruka-wu.
stop-PROG
car-ACC
(P.208)
nhawu-nha,
see-PAST
(P.352)
'These two whitefellas in the front saw (her) and so (they) stopped the car.'
25
This is the only example I have where karri acts as a transitive verb (with the meaning ‘to
stop X’). It acts as an intransitive verb when it has the meaning ‘to stand’.
166
In the following examples the progressive suffix marks a sequence or
‘progression’ from a preceding event to a following event, but not necessarily a
consequence of that preceding event.
4.77
Yawarta-wu janka-rna ngayi,
purri-numarnu
horse-ACC tie-PAST 1sg.NOM pull-PROG
'I tied up the horse, and then pulled out that swag.'
4.78
Wurnta-rna
parni-ngumarnu wuntu-wa
come-PAST sit-PROG
river-LOC
ngurriny-ku.
swag-ACC
(P.211 - P.212)
marratha-la
river.gum-LOC
malu-ngka.
shade-LOC
'(She) came there and then sat (was sitting) in the river bed, in the shade of a
river gum.
(P.017)
The following example 4.79 illustrates the progressive marking of the verb parni
to describe movement towards the goal of being ‘seated’.
4.79
Ngayi
karri-Ø .
Ngayi
parni-ngumarnu, yalaa parni-Ø-wu.
1sg.NOM stand-PRES 1sg.NOM sit-PROG
now sit-PRES-EMPH2
‘I am standing. I am sitting down. Now I am sitting.’
(MD)
Example 4.79 is very similar to an example (from a short Yindjibarndi text)
which is presented by Wordick (1982: 208). I present the Yindjibarndi example in
§7.2.2
as 7.24. Wordick (1982: 102) states that this use of the Yindjibarndi progressive
occurs in descriptions of goal oriented movements like ‘sitting down’ and ‘standing up’.
He reports that there are no specific verb stems which directly indicate these movements
and instead the progressive is added to verb stems like parni ‘sit’ and karri ‘stand’ to
convey these goal oriented actions.
Otherwise Wordick (1982: 102) reports that the Yindjibarndi progressive usually
‘specifies that the action described by the verb in which it occurs follows the action
described by a preceding verb to which it is conjoined’. This statement conveys that the
Yindjibarndi progressive is used to conjoin independent clauses. However, I would
argue that a progressive marked clause in Kurrama is essentially a subordinate clause. It
will always have same subject as the clause that precedes it and this same subject is
omitted in the subordinate progressive clause under this co-reference. Yet, more
importantly, the temporal reference of the progressive clause is relative to the time
167
frame of the preceding main clause. That is, the event described by a progressive clause
follows after the time of the preceding main clause event.
4.5.10.2 The morphological structure of the progressive inflections
The polysyllabic progressive suffix –ngumarnu / -rnumarnu appears to be built
up of transparent monosyllabic parts, as follows:
-ngu or –rnu: the zero class or the L and R class RELative suffixes + ma: the
causative marker + rnu: the L and R class RELative suffix.
Although difficult to substantiate I would argue that these composite parts play a
part in the overall meaning and functions of the progressive inflection. Overall, the
progressive inflection denotes the next stage in a temporal sequence where it acts
pragmatically like the English ‘and then’. In Kurrama the inflections -ngu or -rnu are
not only markers of subordinate verbs but can also encode imperfective aspect (see
§4.5.9.2).
Their use in the progressive inflection may denote that the event described by
the inflected verb is in progress. The causative suffix -ma- may further denote that the
event or action described by the inflected verb is in the process of being made to come
about (or made to come into being). That is, when a series of verbs are inflected with
the progressive marker the composite parts of the inflections denote a temporal
sequence where a prior process is occurring and then a following process is made to
come about.
The composite structure of the progressive inflection may have been formed,
historically, to present a ‘flowing movement’ through a sequence of events in
preference to perfective marking which presents an ‘abrupt movement’ from one
completed unitary event to the next. However, such a scenario is difficult to test and
remains conjecture on my part. The progressive inflection is discussed further in §7.2.
4.5.11 Might
The Kurrama active ‘might’ suffix is –wunta (on Ø-class verbs) and –rtpunta (on
L- and R-class verbs). This inflection is added to a verb to indicate that the action or
event described by the verb might be carried out or might occur. The ‘might’ inflection
is often used in lest clauses. That is, the ‘might’ inflection is often used to denote that an
unwanted or undesirable event or situation might occur unless a preceding action is, or
168
is not, carried out. Following from this, the inflection is often used in negative or
positive commands to warn against possible danger or an unwanted consequence.
Wordick (1982: 100 & 103) labels the corresponding Yindjibarndi inflection as
an optative mood inflection and quotes one of the Yindjibarndi consultants, Gilbert
Bobby, as stating that an optative marked verb indicates that there is ‘50/50 chance’ of
the described action occurring. However, as can be seen in Tables 4.6 and 4.7, the forms
of the Yindjibarndi active optative and the Kurrama active ‘might’ differ markedly;
even though the Yindjibarndi passive optative and the Kurrama passive ‘might’ have the
same allomorphs.
I use the label ‘might’ instead of ‘optative’ because it reflects how speakers
describe, in English, the function/meaning of this inflection. MD described this
inflection as expressing that ‘something might happen’. Further, Wordick (1982: 103)
reports that an alternate optative can be constructed in Yindjibarndi with the borrowed
mayit ‘might’; as illustrated by the following example 4.80. This borrowing of the
English ‘might’ is also employed by the Kurrama consultants. Dench (1991: 175) uses
the label ‘might’ for the corresponding inflection in Panyjima.
4.80
Yindjibarndi
Ngayi mayit pangkarrii warrungkam’
I
might go-POT
tomorrow
‘I might go tomorrow.’ (Wordick, 1982: 103)
Some examples of the use of the Kurrama active ‘might’ suffix follow. In
example 4.81 the ‘might’ inflection simply codes the likelihood of an action occurring.
In examples 4.82 to 4.84 the ‘might’ inflection is used in lest clauses.
4.81
Kantharri
nyinta-yu
ngayu-yu
ngarra-rtpunta.
Daughter's.chld 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 hit-MIGHT
'Granny you might hit me!'
4.82
Mirta pangkarri-i
not/no go-POT
(P.118)
ngurnu-warta jankara
there-ALL
police
'Don't go there or the policeman might get (you).'
manku-wunta.
get-MIGHT
(MD)
169
4.83
Mirta pangkarri-i murna
not/no go-POT
close/near
karla-ngka kampa-rtpunta.
fire-LOC
burn-MIGHT
‘Don't go near the fire it might burn (you)’.
4.84
(MD)
Nyinta
yinti-i
pungka-wunta.
2sg.NOM go.down-POT fall-MIGHT
'Get down, you might fall.'
(MD)
4.5.12 Passive Might
Like active ‘might’ inflected verbs, passive ‘might’ inflected verbs also denote
events that might occur or actions that might be carried out. The most common usage of
a passive ‘might’ inflection is also in lest clauses, where an addressee is warned of an
unwanted result that might occur, or might not occur, if a preceding action is carried
out, or is not carried out. Following are the passive alternatives of two active lest
clauses that were presented in the previous section. The syntactic properties of the
Kurrama passive inflections along with the derivational passive are discussed in §6.6.
4.85
Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta
not/no go-POT
there-ALL
jankara-lu
police-INSTR
manku-nnyaa
get-P.MIGHT
'Don't go there or (you) might be caught by the policeman.'
4.86
Mirta pangkarri-i murna
not/no go-POT
close/near
(MD)
karla-ngka kampa-nnyaa.
fire-LOC burn-P.MIGHT
‘Don't go near the fire or (you) might be burnt.’
(MD)
In example 4.85, above, the nominative argument of the passive ‘might’
inflected verb is ellipsed, and in example 4.86 the nominative argument and the
instrumental argument are ellipsed, but they are understood from the context of the lest
clauses. The following example from Hale (1959: 40) also illustrates the use of the
passive ‘might’ inflection. In this example the passive ‘might’ inflected verb has an
ellipsed nominative subject argument and an ellipsed instrumental argument, but the
protagonists in this clause are understood from their introduction in the preceding
clause.
4.87
Ngayi
warlu-wu
waa-rri,
1sg:NOM snake -ACC fear/frightened-INCH.PRES
paa-nyaa.
bite-P.MIGHT
'I am frightened of the snake, (I) might get bitten (by it). (Hale, 1959: 40)
170
The Yindjibarndi passive optative inflection has the same allomorphs as does the
Kurrama passive ‘might’ inflection and also has the same functions.
4.5.13 Irrealis mood
There are no examples of irrealis marking in the Kurrama corpus. However,
Wordick (1982: 100 & 103-104) does discuss a Yindjibarndi irrealis inflection. Wordick
(1982: 100) describes the Yindjibarndi irrealis as being a composite of the potential
inflection allomorphs and the Ø-cojugation imperfective marker –ngu. That is, the
Yindjibarndi Ø-class irrealis allomorphs are –yingu and –wayingu; while the L, R and N
Yindjibarndi irealis allomorphs are –kayingu. If there is a Kurrama irrealis its
allomorphs should prove to be interesting if it is constructed in the same way as the
Yindjibarndi irrealis. How would the conjugation onsets of the irrealis be represented in
Kurrama? As discussed in §4.4.1 there is some variability in the articulation of the
conjugation onsets of the potential allomorphs in Kurrama.
Wordick (1982: 103-104) states that the Yindjibarndi irrealis mood ‘is used in
situations in which information that is contrary to fact is being presented’. Some
examples that Wordick (1982: 103-104) provides follow.
4.88
Yindjibarndi
Yirramakartu-la ngayi parni-ingu yaala-yhu, mitya-rnu
muyhmuyhu
Roebourne-LOC I
be-IRR
now-DET drink-IMPF cold
kari-i
ngawurrarlaa-u.
alcoholic.beverage-OBJ beer-OBJ
(Wordick, 1982: 103-104)
‘Right now I could be in Roebourne, drinking a cold beer.’
4.89
Yindjibarndi
Minytyuwa-rna.
point.at-PAST
Muntiyaam’ ngayi
apparently
I
thuu-kayingu.
spear-IRR
‘I was threatening him with it. Apparently I was going to spear him.’
(Wordick, 1982: 104)
4.5.14 Short Conclusion to Functions of TAM Inflections
There are several notable features evident in the functions of some of the
Kurrama tense, aspect and mood inflections. Notable, is the development of incipient
systems of same and different subject switch reference functions exhibited by the
171
relative inflections, and also by the different subject result and same subject purpose
inflections. Also notable is the composite morphology of the progressive inflections
which appears to be related to its range of functions. Further, the nominative/accusative
core case marking system in Kurrama allows the use of two inflectional passives; the
passive perfective and the passive ‘might’ inflections.
I now discuss the two main verbal derivations used in Kurrama: the collective
derivation and the derivational passive. I finish the chapter with an examination of the
main verbalising processes used in Kurrama which derive verbs from nominals.
4.6
Verbal Derivations
There are two main productive verbal derivational suffixes used in Kurrama.
These are the collective and the derivational passive suffixes. I classify the collective
and derivational passive as derivational suffixes because they derive new verb stems
that select only Ø-conjugation class TAM inflections regardless of the original
conjugation class of the verb to which the derivational passive or collective is attached.
Unlike collective derivation, the derivational passive does change the grammatical
relations associated with the verb to which it is attached.
As stated, the derivational suffixes are added after a verb root/stem and before
one of the Ø-conjugation class TAM inflections; as follows:
Verb root/stem + derivational suffix + TAM inflection.
Collective and derivation passive constructions also occur in Yindjibarndi. A
brief note on them is made in each relevant section.
4.6.1 Collective
The Kurrama collective derivation does not affect the basic argument structures
of the verbs to which it is attached. However, no matter what conjugation class a
Kurrama verb belongs to, when it is combined with the collective suffix the resultant
stem takes on the features of the Ø-conjugation class and selects Ø-class TAM
inflections. The main allomorphs of the Kurrrama collective are: -nmarri which is
added to L-class verb stems; –rnmarri which is added to R-class verb stems; and –marri
and -nyjarri which are added to Ø-class verb stems. The Ø-class allomorphs –marri and
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–nyjarri are mutually exclusive, yet I am unable to determine a rule that governs their
selection by each Ø-class verb; they seem to be lexically conditioned. Wordick (1982:
90-91) lists the same collective allomorphs for each of the Yindjibarndi verb
conjugation classes (the variant used with L-class verbs is also used for N-class verbs).
Wordick (1982: 90) does state that the allomorph –nyjarri is used on transitive Ø-class
verbs that end in /i/ or /u/. Yet, as observed by Dench (1987a: 323), the Yindjibarndi
transitive Ø-class verb ngarrku ‘eat’ selects the collective allomorph –marri where
Wordick’s (1982: 90) criteria expects –nyjarri.
The following Table 4.13 lists the collective allomorphs that are selected by a
sample of Ø-class Kurrama verbs; their vowel endings and transitivity do not appear to
influence the choice of collective allomorph. In the corpus there are no instances of Øclass verb stems selecting one collective allomorph on one occasion and another
collective allomorph on another occasion; they always only select just the one
allomorph. This is discussed later but, by way of example, in Table 4.13 there are listed
two Ø-class verbs, nyaa and nhawu, which both translate as ‘see’. Yet, in the corpus,
nyaa only selects the collective allomorph –nyjarri and nhawu only selects the
allomorph –marri.
Table 4.13 Collective suffix and the transitivity of some Ø-class Kurrama verbs
Zero conjugation verb
collective allomorph
that the verb selects
translation
transitivity
yungku
kurtkaarri
wanyaarri
nyaa
‘give’
‘think’
‘listen’
‘see’
ditransitive
ambitransitive
transitive
transitive
-nyjarri
-nyjarri
-nyjarri
-nyjarri
muyirri
walawanti
wangka
‘run’
‘look back’
‘talk’
intransitive
intransitive
intransitive
-nyjarri
-nyjarri
-yi-nyjarri
nhawu
wanta
kurlkayi
parni
‘see’
‘leave’
‘hear’
‘sit’
transitive
transitive
transitive
intransitive
-marri
-marri
-marri
-marri
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There are three possible interpretations associated with the collective derivation
in Kurrama (and in the other Ngayarda languages). Dench (1987a: 334) lists these three
interpretations as follows:
•
Action is performed by a group acting together in unison (collective
function)
•
Action involves members of a group each acting on the other (reciprocal
function)
•
Action involves persons in the same alternating generation set (kin group
function)
There appears to be no correlation between these differing interpretations of the
collective and the choice of collective allomorph selected by a Kurrama Ø-conjugation
verb. Indeed, these functions can overlap and a verb (from any conjugation class) when
combined with a collective allomorph may have more than one interpretation in a
collective clause. Some examples of the use of the collective derivational suffixes
follow.
4.90
Kanarri-nyjarri-nha
thurrurtpa kupiyarri-wu
mangkurlarra-yi
come.upon-COLL-PAST straight
small.(plural)-ACC children-TOP4
nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa
see-COLL-PAST-TOP1
kantharri-wa-yu
wurnta-rnu.
granny-TOP1-EMPH come-REL
(P.438)
"She came straight on to those little fellas. Those kids, (her) grannies, saw (her)
coming.'
In 4.90, above, the collective derivation kanarri-nyjarri has a singular subject
and has a kin group interpretation. The children the subject ‘comes upon’ are her
grandchildren and are, therefore, in the same alternating generation set. However, in the
second collective clause in example 4.90, the derivation nyaa-nyjarri allows both a
collective reading and a kin group reading; the children ‘saw’ their granny all together.
In the following example the collective marking of the inchoative marked
nominal ‘close’ has a kin group interpretation, as also does the collective marked verb
‘talk’. Both collective constructions have the same (ellipsed) singular subject, and both
the subject and his granny are in the same alternating generation set.
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4.91
Pangkarri
go.PRES
kantharri-yarta-yu
granny-ALL-EMPH4
murna-arri-nyjarri-ngu-yu
close-INCH-COLL-REL-EMPH4
wangka-yinyjarri-ngu-wa
talk-COLL-REL-TOP1
'(He) went over to his old granny, went up close and talked to (her).'
(P.422)
In 4.92, below (which was presented earlier as 4.70), the collective marked ‘call’
allows both a reciprocal reading and a kin group reading. The children are in the same
alternating generation set and they are interacting with one another by ‘calling out to
each other’.
4.92
Marliya-wu
wirlu-ngka-wu
tharni-rnu mangkurlarra-yu
wild.honey -ACC blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4
yirra-marri-ngu
call-COLL-REL
jingkaa-la.
upriver-LOC
'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum
and/while the children were calling out to each other up the river.
(P.436)
The collective derivations used in the preceding examples are made on Ø-class
verbs. It was stated earlier that the choice between the two possible collective
allomorphs selected by Ø-class verbs, -marri and –nyjarri, is not determined by the
differing interpretations intended for a collective derivation. Each example of a
collective derivation in this section has, at least, a kin group interpretation even though
both allomorphs, –marri and –nyjarri are used. Therefore, a kin group function does not
seem to influence the choice of collective allomorph selected by a Ø-class verb; either
can be selected to indicate a kin group function.
Also, in example 4.90 the Ø-conjugation verb nyaa ‘see’ selects the collective
marker –nyjarri when it has a collective function; but in the following example 4.93 the
alternative Ø-conjugation verb for ‘see’ nhawu selects –marri when it has a collective
function. Therefore, the collective function does not seem to influence the choice of
collective allomorph selected by a Ø-class verb; both allomorphs can be selected to
indicate a collective function (albeit by different Ø-class verbs).
175
4.93
Ngarli-yu
PLURAL-EMPH4
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu
see-COLL-PROG
‘And then they all saw the husband.’
nhuwa-yi.
spouse-ACC
(AP)
Further, in the following example the Ø-class verb puyhu selects the collective
allomorph -marri but its function is ambiguous; it has both a possible reciprocal
interpretation and a collective interpretation: the ‘tracks’ meet ‘each other’ and meet ‘all
together’. So it can be argued that neither the collective function nor the reciprocal
function influence the choice of collective allomorph selected by a Ø-class verb.
4.94
Marnta- a
karri-ngumarnu
rock/hill -LOC stand-PROG
kankala nhawu-marra-yu
on.top
see-COLL?-EMPH4
jina puyhu-marri-wu
yawut-ku-mu-yu
partkarra-la
track meet-COLL-EMPH2 west-ACC-THEN-EMPH4 flat.ground-LOC
partkarra-la-wu
flat.ground-LOC-ACC
parnaa -yu
walking.about-EMPH4
'(He) stood on top of the rock and could see tracks, meeting each other/together
from the west, all over this flat where (she'd) been walking about.’
(P.401)
MD did state, in our work on the collective derivation, that each Ø-conjugation
verb exclusively selects only one Ø-class collective allomorph; and the examples in the
corpus support this statement. A Ø-class verb does not select a different allomorph for
each function/interpretation nor does the possible range of functions/interpretations that
can be associated with a Ø-class verb influence the collective allomorph that it selects.
Also, all L-class verbs only select the collective allomorph -nmarri for all collective
interpretations and all R-class verbs only select the collective allomorph -rnmarri for all
collective interpretations. The collective derivation is discussed further in §6.10.
4.6.2 Derivational Passive
It was shown earlier that the Kurrama passive perfective and the passive might
suffixes inherently encode aspect and/or mood and do not select further TAM inflection.
However, there is a derivational passive suffix, used frequently in Kurrama, which does
not inherently encode tense, aspect and/or mood. This derivational passive, like the
inflectional passives, is also used on verbs that select one or more accusative marked
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arguments. A derivational passive marked verb takes on the features of a Ø-conjugation
class verb stem and is further inflected with one of the Ø-conjugation class active TAM
suffixes. The allomorph of the derivational passive suffix selected by Ø-conjugation
class verbs is –nguli-Ø while L- and R-class verbs select –nnguli-Ø.
Like the inflectional passives the derivational passive is a grammatical relation
changing construction. The actor or agent argument of a passive transitive verb is
assigned an instrumental suffix and the patient or theme argument is left unmarked in
nominative case. In a ditransitive passive the recipient or beneficiary argument is
usually left unmarked in nominative case and the theme or patient argument is usually
marked accusative. The possibility of alternative marking of the arguments of
ditransitive passives is discussed in §6.6.2.
The main use of a passive construction is to realign a verb’s arguments to allow
conjunction or subordination between clauses.
In Kurrama only the nominative
argument of a subordinate clause can act as the pivot that links a dependent clause to an
argument in the main clause. So an accusative marked argument in a subordinate active
clause which has coreference with an argument in the matrix clause has to be realigned
to a nominative argument by use of a passive so that it can act as the pivot between the
two clauses. Similarly, two independent clauses can be conjoined when they share the
same nominative argument, so a passive may be used to realign an accusative marked
argument, in one of the active clauses, to a nominative argument to enable conjunction.
Some simple examples of the derivational passive follow.
4.95
Pajarri nhawu-nguli-nha nhawu-ngku
euro
see-PASS-PAST man-INSTR
‘The euro was seen by the man.’
4.96
Ngayi
yungku-nguli-nha
1sg.NOM give-PASS-PAST
'I was given meat by the man.'
4.97
Kupija
baby
kartpa-nguli-nha
take-PASS-PAST
(MD)
murla-yi
nhawu-ngku.
meat-ACC man-INSTR
(MD)
ngurra-yi ngangka -lu
camp-ACC mother-INSTR
'The baby was taken home/camp by (her/his) mother.'
(MD)
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In the following example 4.98 the use of the derivational passive forms a pivot
so that a subordinate clause can be linked to a matrix clause. In the matrix clause the
nominative subject is the expression ‘poor old Aunty’. And by the use of the passive
derivation the expression ‘poor old Aunty’ is realigned as the nominative subject of the
passive subordinate clause. Thereby, the expression ‘poor old Aunty’ acts as a pivot
linking the two clauses. The inflection of the subordinate passive verb stem with the
same subject RELative marker indicates this pivot link between the clauses.
4.98
Wantaawa maya-arta-wa-yu
well
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4
yanku-nha
go-PAST
yaayu-warri-nha
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
Yarrarlurlu-warta-wa,
Yarraloola -ALL-TOP1
murruka-la-wa
car-LOC-TOP1
[ kartpa-rnmarri-nguli-ngu
take-COLL-PASS-REL
Chev 4- la ].
Chev.4-LOC
'Well, poor old Aunty went to the homestead then, went to Yarraloola, taken in
the car, in the Chev 4.
(P.168)
In the following example 4.99 the pivot between the two clauses is the nominal
expression nhuwa ‘spouse/husband’. This expression is the accusative argument of the
main clause and by the use of passive derivation is the realigned nominative subject in
the subordinate clause. The different subject RELative marking of the passive
subordinate verb indicates this pivot link between the clauses.
4.99
Ngarti-yu
again/then/next
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu
see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5
nhuwa-yi,
spouse-ACC
warrungkamu-l
ngarti-yu
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu
next.morning -THEN again/then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
kaliku-la-wa
walypala-ngarli-lu.
sheet-LOC-TOP1 whitefellow-PL-INSTR
‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet
(killed) by whitefellows.'
(P.005-P.007)
In the following example 4.100 the use of a derivational passive allows two
independent clauses to be conjoined. A nominative pivot is shared by both the active
clause and the passive clause. The nominative pivot is actually ellipsed in both clauses
in this example but is understood from the context of the sentence.
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4.100 Wantaawa
alright
yanku-nha,
go-PAST
mirta-wa
not-TOP1
nhawu-nguli-nha ngarti.
see-PASS-PAST again
'Alright (she) went off (somewhere) and wasn't seen again.'
(P.343)
Also, in both derivational and inflectional passives an agent, or actor, may not
always be overtly specified and often may not be identifiable at all. In the following
example 4.101 AP avoids specifically stating who the agents are that call his old Aunty
‘Karranyungu’ by the use of a derivational passive. That is, by the use of a passive
construction he is able to leave out the peripheral instrumental marked agent argument.
Specifically identifying the varied ‘agents’ who use this name is not relevant to the
story, in this situation, and is avoided. This device is used a number of times by AP in
the Payarrany narrative; 4.102 is another example.
4.101 Ngayu
yarukal
1sg.ACC aunty
thurlajinkarri
poor.fellow
Yithirltany-nguyharntu,
name.of.person-GEN
Karra-nyungu-yu
parni-marta
wangka-nguli-marta.
scrub/bush-DWELL-EMPH4 live/stay-HABIT tell/say-PASS-HABIT
'That poor old Aunty of mine was Tithirltany's daughter, the old lady who used
to live in the scrub, she used to be called Karranyungu, scrub dweller. (P.003)
4.102 Ngunhu motorcar Chev 4 wangka-nguli
that
motorcar Chev.4 call-PASS.PRES
'That car is called a Chev 4.'
murtiwarla-yi.
car-TOP4
(P.105)
Yindjibarndi passives are constructed in the same manner as they are in Kurrama
with the same inflectional and derivational passive allomorphs. However, there is a
strict rule that governs case assignment in Yindjibarndi ditransitive passives. In a
Yindjibarndi ditransitive passive only the recipient or beneficiary argument can be
assigned nominative marking and the theme/patient argument can only be marked
accusative. As stated earlier this assignement of case marking also usually occurs in
Kurrama ditransitive passives. Yet, I cannot state conclusively that this pattern of
marking is governed by a strict rule in Kurrama (see §6.6.2). Passive constructions are
discussed further in §6.6.
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4.7
Verbalising Derivations
There are three main ways to derive verbs from nominals in Kurrama. This can
be done by the inchoative verbaliser, by the causative verbaliser or by the psychinchoative verbaliser. Each of these is now discussed in turn.
4.7.1 Inchoative
The inchoative verbaliser has several allomorphs in Kurrama. Overall, the
syllabic structure of a nominal and its vowel or consonant ending determines to some
degree the inchoative allomorph that is selected by that nominal, but the selection of
some allomorphs appears to be lexically conditioned. The main allomorphs of the
inchoative verbaliser are: -warni, -arri, -rri and -jarri.
The selection of –jarri is relatively constant; it is selected by nominals (of any
syllable length) that end in any consonant other than /rr/.
For example, kuthurn – jarri
‘become weary/tired’ kuthurn ‘weary/tired’
wangkarn – jarri ‘become healthy’
wangkarn ‘healthy’
mirnart – jarri
‘get ready’
mirnart ‘ready’
The selection of –warni is somewhat constant; it is typically selected by
nominals ending in /rr/ or by disyllabic nominals that end with a vowel.
For example, mirnu – warni ‘learn’
mankarr – warni ‘become hard’
mirnu ‘know’
mankarr ‘hard’
However, disyllabic nominals that have a penultimate laminal consonant, or a
penultimate apical consonant /rt/, before the end vowel do not select –warni. Instead
they select either –rri or –arri; but the choice between the allomorphs –rri or –arri, for
these nominals, appears to be lexically conditioned.
For example, paja – rri ‘become bad/not right’
paya - arri ‘become savage/angry
winya – arri ‘become full’
paja ‘bad/not.right
paya ‘savage/wild’
winya ‘full’
The allomorph –rri is also selected by nominals of more than two syllable length
that end with a vowel.
For example, majarra – rri
‘become sick/sore’
majarra ‘sick/sore’
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martamarta –rri ‘become ripe/red’
martkurra – rri ‘become good/recover
martamarta ‘red’
martkurra ‘good’
Yet, the nominal predicate –waa also selects –rri.
That is, waa –rri ‘become frightened/fearful’ waa ‘fear/fright’
However, monoyllablic nominals that contain a long vowel are rare in Kurrama and
I have no other examples of nominals with the same structure as waa that may also
select –rri.
Wordick (1982: 86 - 89) reports that the same inchoative allomorphs are selected
by nominals with the same configurations in Yindjibarndi. However, he notes some
extra allomorphs selected by Yindjibarndi nominals. Wordick (1982: 88) lists the use of
–karri on Yindjibarndi nominals that ‘describe physical activities concerning the body’.
For instance, thumpurtan ‘somersault’, ngurtu ‘diarrhoea’, and ngayiny ‘breath’ select
the inchoative –karri to form thumpurtankarri ‘to turn a somersault’, ngurtukarri ‘to
have diarrhoea’, and ngayinykarri ‘to breathe’.
Also, Wordick (1982: 88) notes that –ari is used on Yindjibarndi nominals
ending in /rr/ that ‘describe physical activities concerning the body’. For instance, –ari
is added to nominals such as karnrtarr ‘burp’ and nguthurr ‘snoring’ to form
karnrtarrari ‘to burp’ and nguthurrari ‘to snore’.
Lastly, Wordick (1982: 87-88) states that the Yindjibarndi inchoative allomorph
–ri is used on nominals that end in /rr/ plus a short vowel and are trimoraic or longer.
For example, wanarra ‘long’ and nyutyuwirri ‘soft’ select –ri to form wanarrari ‘to get
long’ nyutyuwirriri ‘to get soft’.
I have no examples in the Kurrama corpus like those presented above for
Yindjibarndi; but (given the similarity of the forms that I do have in the data) it is
probable that similar inchoative allomorphs are selected by Kurrama nominals that have
the same configurations and semantics.
Overall, the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi inchoative derives verb stems of the Øconjugation class that select Ø-class TAM inflections. The inchoative derives verbs that
181
express the development of a state; such as a physical, mental, spatial or temporal state.
The nominal to which the inchoative suffix is attached determines the state ‘type’ and
the added inchoative suffix codes the development (or ‘becoming’) of that state. The
following Kurrama examples illustrate the subject of an inchoative verb developing a
physical or mental state.
4.103 Mangkurlarra
children
majarra-rri ,
sick/sore-INCH.PRES
ngani ngarrku-nha?
what eat-PAST
‘The children are becoming/getting sick, what (did they) eat?'
(MD)
4.104 Wantha-rtkayi karlungkarra muyhumuyhu -rri -yangu
put-POT
to.one.side
cold-INCH-REL
'Put (it) to one side to get/become cool.'
4.105 Nhaa
this
waa-rri
fear/fright-INCH.PRES
(MD)
wanyja-yi.
dog-ACC
'This one is getting/becoming scared of the dog.'
4.106 Pajila
caper.fruit
(MD)
martamarta-rri.
red-INCH.PRES
'The caper fruit is becoming red/ripe.’
4.107 Kurlu-warni
hot-INCH.PRES
(MD)
yala
now/today
'(It) is becoming/getting hot now/today.'
(MD)
4.108 Ngayi
kuthurn-jarri
1sg:NOM weary/tired-INCH.PRES
'I am getting/becoming weary/tired.’
(MD)
4.109 Wantaawa ngulaarta-ngu-yu,
parni-ngumarnu jampa-wa,
well
thereLOC-ABL-EMPH4 be-PROG
moment-TOP1
walyurn-jarri-ngu-wathu-wa.
old-INCH-REL-DIM-TOP1
(P.460)
'Well after that, from then on, (she) was starting to get old, getting a little bit
older.'
The following example 4.110 illustrates the use of an inchoative on a nominal
predicate. In example 4.111 the inchoative appears to be added to a verb. In 4.110 the
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inchoative derivation codes the ‘development’ of a state and in 4.111 the
‘development/instigation’ of an action.
4.110 Ngayi
Kurrama-ngu mirnu- warni.
1sg.NOM Kurrama-ACC know-INCH.PRES
'I am learning Kurrama.'
4.111 Mangkurla
Child
(MD correcting Peter Hill)
kuwartu-rri
crawl-INCH.PRES
might ngarrku
might eat.PRES
something.
something
‘The child is starting to crawl around (s/he) might eat something (and choke).
(MD)
The use of the inchoative in Kurrama most often derives intransitive verb stems.
In most of the preceding examples of inchoative derivation the inchoative verbs are
intransitive. However, some verbs derived by the Kurrama inchoative are ambitransitive
and can occur in both intransitive and transitive clauses. For instance, in the preceding
examples 4.105 and 4.110 the inchoative verbs act in transitive clauses and are assigned
an accusative marked argument. However, both waa-rri in 4.105 and mirnu-warni in
4.110 are ambitransitive and do not always select an accusative argument. They may
also occur in intransitive clauses as the following examples 4.112 and 4.113 illustrate.
Their ambitransitive nature is predictable from their valency as nominal predicates
before inchoative verbalisation. That is, the nominal predicates waa and mirnu (without
an inchoative verbaliser) may or may not select an accusative argument.
4.112 Mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i,
not
fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT
'Don't become frightened! Its Granny.'
4.113 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
kantharri-nha.
granny-SPEC
(P.450)
mirnu-warni.
Nhaa
mirnu-ma-lku
ngayu.
know-INCH.PRES this/3sg.NOM know-CAUS-PRES 1sg.ACC
‘I am learning. This one/she is teaching me.’
(MD correcting Peter Hill)
4.7.2 Causative
The causative verbaliser, in Kurrama, is the marker -ma-. This causative
verbaliser derives verbs of the L-conjugation class which select the L-class TAM
inflections. The Kurrama causative derivations are most often transitive but can be
intransitive or ditransitive. The causative is typically added to a nominal that denotes
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either an entity or a state, and the resultant derivation describes the creation of that
entity or state by the causative verb’s agent subject. The nature of the nominal stem to
which the causative is added determines the transitivity of the derived verb stem.
For instance, the nominal stems in the following list mostly denote ‘states’ and
their causative derivations would select an accusative marked argument.
kurru - ma - L
dead - CAUS
‘to kill’
murlurru - ma - L
straight - CAUS
‘to straighten’
parli - ma – L
bent - CAUS
‘to bend’
murlimurli - ma - L
wrap - CAUS
‘to wrap up’
waa - ma - L
‘to frighten’
fright/fear - CAUS
waji - ma - L
bad - CAUS
‘to ruin/make bad’
The nominal stems in the following list of causative verbs denote ‘entities’ and
their causative derivations usually do not select an accusative marked argument.
However, they may select an accusative argument that denotes the material out of which
the entity, described by the nominal stem, is made or created.
karla - ma - L
fire – CAUS
‘to make/light a fire’
ngurriny - ma - L
swag - CAUS
‘roll a swag’
ngurra -ma - L
camp - CAUS
‘to make camp’
The causative verb ‘to track’, however, differs from the examples given above.
The causative verb ‘to track’ is derived by the addition of the causative suffix to the
nominal stem jina. The nominal stem jina denotes the entities ‘foot, footprint, or track’.
But, the subject of the causative verb, derived from the nominal stem jina, is not the one
who makes or creates ‘footprints’ or ‘tracks’. Instead, the subject of this causative
derivation is the one who ‘follows’ and ‘reads’ these ‘footprints’ and ‘tracks’.
jina - ma - L
foot/footprint/track - CAUS
‘to track’
The following sentences illustrate transitive actions denoted by causative
derivations. The nominal stems in these causative derivations denote ‘states’.
184
4.114
Parni-marta
be-HABIT
mujira-lu-wa
kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi
dingo-INSTR-TOP1 dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5
manku-ngu murla-ngarli-wu.
get-REL
meat-PLURAL-ACC
‘(She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo.
(P.092)
4.115 Mirta ngayi
nhurnaat-ku waa-ma-rtkayi
nyirtiyunu.
not 1sg.NOM this/her-ACC fear/fright-CAUS-POT poor.fellow
"I'd better not frighten her, poor thing.
(P.407)
The causative verbs in the following example select accusative arguments. The
nominal stems in these causative derivations also denote ‘states’ rather than ‘entities’.
4.116 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
kurti-ma-rna
round-CAUS-PAST
ngartila-mu
next-THEN
ngurnaat-ku
that/it-ACC
jankaa-rnumarnu martkurra-ma-rna.
tie.up-PROG
good-CAUS-PAST
'I made it all round again, tied it up and made it nice and neat.'
(P.285)
The causatives in the following example code the creation of an ‘entity’ in the
first instance and then in the second instance code a following ‘state’. The causative
verb stems, in this example, are further inflected with a passive inflection so that the
theme of these verbs (nganila ‘thing’/‘thing-a-ma-jig’) is marked nominative rather than
accusative. The agent (instrumental) argument is ellipsed in this sentence.
4.117 Nganila parni
thing
be.PRES
ngunhat
thatDEF
janka-rnaarnu
tie-PPERF
kurtan-ma-rnaarnu
bag-CAUS-PPERF
martkurra-ma-rnaarnu
good-CAUS-PPERF
purntura.
rolled.up
'That thing had been tied up into a bag, had been made neatly and rolled up.'
(P.224)
The following examples illustrate the use of causatives that are intransitive. The
nominal stems in these causative derivations denote an ‘entity’ and not a ‘state’. In
example 4.119 the theme karnti ‘stick(s)’ is an argument of the imperative marked verb
manku-ma and not the causative verb karla-ma. Nominal theme arguments of
imperative inflected verbs are not assigned accusative marking in Kurrama (see §6.7).
185
4.118 Wantharni nhaa
how
this
patjarri-tu
euro-INSTR
patjarri-yarntu warrapa
euro-GEN
spinifex
tharrwa-nguli-ngu
go.in-PASS-REL
ngurra-ma-rnu
parni.
camp-CAUS-REL be.PRES
'It was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to make camp.’ (P.191)
4.119 Karnti manku-ma
stick get-IMP
karla -ma-tkayi
fire-CAUS-POT
'Get sticks and make a fire.'
(TC)
The following example illustrates the addition of the causative suffix on the
nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’. This forms the causative verb ‘to teach or show’
which is ditransitive. In example 4.120 the ditransitive mirnu-ma-rna selects the indirect
object nhurnu ‘her-ACC’ and the direct object wangka-yi ‘word/story-ACC’.
4.120 Ngayi
mirnu-ma-rna
1sg.NOM know-CAUS-PAST
'I taught her (those) words/stories.'
nhurnu
3sg.ACC
wangka-yi
word/story-ACC
(MD)
The final Kurrama examples, in this section, illustrate borrowed English verbs
acting as hosts for causative derivation. The causative verbaliser is used in these
instances to derive verbs that can be inflected with Kurrama TAM suffixes in the usual
manner. As expected these derivations select the Kurrama L-class verb inflections.
4.121 Purri-tkaayi-wa-yu
cleanem-ma-rnu ngurnu,
pull-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 clean-CAUS-REL that.ACC
pawurta-wu-yu,
powder-ACC-EMPH4
ngarrarnmarta-la-wa-yu.
rifle-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
'(You) pull it through and it cleans that powder out of the rifle.' (P.308)
4.122 Mirta kurta ngunhu openem-ma-rnaarnu, yurlu kurta murntu, murntu kurta.
not very that open-CAUS-PPERF nothing very CONJ CONJ very
'It had never been opened, never been used at all.'
(P.332)
Wordick (1982: 83) lists -ma-L ‘make, do’ as the most frequently used factitive
verbaliser in Yindjbarndi. This factitive acts the same as the corresponding Kurrama
causative -ma-L. Yet, he states that -rni-Ø is preferred, instead of -ma-L, as a ‘verbaliser
186
for borrowed English nouns, which have come into Yindjibarndi with the pidgin
English ending -am(u-)’. Some examples that Wordick (1982; 26 & 83) provides
follow. The final /u/ in the oblique stem of the noun to which –rni is attached is replaced
by /a/.
payilamarni-Ø ‘boil’ < payilamu- ‘the oblique stem of payilam ‘boil’’ + -rni
warrkamarni- Ø ‘work on’ < warrkamu- ‘the oblique stem of warrkam ‘work’’ + -rni
Wordick (1982: 84-85) also lists a number of other Yindjibarndi verbalisers that
he classifies as factitive verbalisers. For example:
-ka-L
e.g.
wirtiwirtaa-L ‘hang’
wirtiwirti ‘hanging’
-nytya-L
e.g.
kurkanytya-L ‘think’
kurka ‘ear’
-yhu-L
e.g.
maluyhu-L ‘cast a spell on’
malu ‘shade, shadow’
-pi-N
e.g.
purtatpi-N ‘can’t do’
purtat ‘can’t’
e.g.
partuwi-N ‘pluck (a bird)’
partu ‘feather’
-yi-N
e.g. kunayi-N
‘defecate’
kuna ‘faeces
Similar verbalisers seem to be frozen on certain nominals, in Kurrama, to form
some commonly used verbs, such as:
kurtkanyjaa-L ‘think’
kurtka
‘ear’
purluyhu-L ‘go.in.front’
purlu
‘above’
jurluwi-L
jurlu
‘all’
kurtkayi-L ‘hear, listen’
kurtka
‘ear’
kuwartayi-L ‘urinate’
kuwarta ‘urine’
‘get.all’
Wordick (1982: 89) does actually list two Yindjibarndi verbalisers that he labels
as causative verbalisers; these are: -pima-L and –yirraa-R. These causative forms
appear to be composites of some of the factitive suffixes (-ra is listed by Wordick
(1982: 84) as a variant of –ka). I could not locate any examples of these verbalisers in
the Kurrama corpus. Wordick (1982: 89-90) states that -yirraa-R is used on Ø-stem
verbs; but he reports that ‘there are no causative verbalisers for non-Ø-stem verbs’. The
causative -pima-L is used on Yindjibarndi nouns. Some examples that Wordick (1982:
89) provides follow.
187
purrkurnpima-L ‘puff on’
purrkurn ‘smoke’
wangkawima-L ‘make someone talk
wangka ‘speech’
karpayirraa-R ‘cause something to rise’
karpa-Ø ‘rise’
karriirraa-R ‘ make someone stand up
karri-Ø
‘stand’
4.7.3 Psych – Inchoative
The Kurrama psych-inchoative verbaliser is the suffix –nguli- . This verbaliser
derives verbs of the Ø-conjugation class which select Ø-class TAM inflections. The
suffix is homophonous with the derivational passive suffix but has a distinct and
differing function. Like the standard inchoative the psych-inchoative encodes the
development of a state, but unlike the standard inchoative it expresses the development
of psychological states or non-physical body states. When the psych-inchoative suffix is
added to nominals that describe body parts the resultant interpretation is that the subject
of this psych-inchoative verb is developing a pain in this body part or the body part is
not functioning properly.
Dench (1991: 155) reports that an identical psych-inchoative suffix, with the
same function, also occurs in Panyjima, Yindjibarndi, Martuthunira and Jiwarli. Yet,
Dench (1991: 155) notes that although the psych-inchaotive suffix is identical in form to
the derivational passive, in these languages, these homophonous suffixes ‘cannot be
related synchronically and there is no obvious diachronic link’. The same also holds in
Kurrama where there is also no evidence of a synchronic connection between the psychinchaotive and the derivational passive.
In example 4.123, below, the addition of the psych-inchoative to the Kurrama
nominal puyha expresses that its subject ‘has, or is getting, a headache’.
4.123
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
puyha-nguli-Ø
head-PSYCH-PRES
‘I have (or I am getting) a headache.’
(MD)
In the following Kurrama sentences the psych-inchoative verbaliser is added to a
nominal that describes a psychological state in example 4.124, and is added to a
nominal that describes a non-physical body state in example 4.125. The resultant psychinchoative derivations code the development of these states.
188
4.124 Nhawu-nguli-nha
see-PASS-PAST
ngunhangaata
that
yaayu-warri-nha,
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
ngunhat
thatDEF
yalamu munti-yu
wanta-nguli-ngu,
1928 in March.
first
true-EMPH4 mad/crazy-PSYCH-REL
'Aunty was seen there, the first time that she really went a bit mad, was in 1928,
in March.'
(P.067)
4.125 Nyinta
parni-i nhungu, kamungu-nguli-ngu-yu
2sg.NOM stay-POT here
hungry/empty-PSYCH-REL-EMPH4
nyinta
2sg.NOM
parni
nhaa-mpa
be.PRES this-TOP7
nyinta
kampa-rrkayi
2sg.NOM cook-POT
nyinku
yurntaa-wayhu-yu-warnu
2sg.ACC flour-DIM-EMPH4-EMPH5
nhurnu.
thisACC
(P.493)
‘You stay here. If you get hungry, here's a little bit of flour, you can cook this.’
Wordick (1982: 89) reports that the Yindjibarndi inchoative verbaliser –nguli
‘is generally used with nouns which describe non-physical body states’. For instance:
muyhu-nguli
pampa-nguli
4.8
‘get cold’
‘get sleepy’
muyhu
pampa
‘the cold, winter’
‘sleep’
Concluding Summary
A brief summary of the verb inflections and derivations discussed in this chapter
follows. The main functions of the Kurrama TAM verb inflections are summarized in
Table 4.14 which is presented on the following page.
The Kurrama collective and derivational passive suffixes where discussed in
§4.6.1
and §4.6.2. They are also discussed further in §6.10 and §6.6 respectively. The
functions of the collective are presented in point form in both §4.6.1 and §6.10. The
derivational passive, like the inflectional passives, is a grammatical relation changing
construction. This property is most often used to place a non-agent argument into
prominence within a passive clause and to move an agent argument to peripheral status.
The derivational, and inflectional, passives can also realign a verb’s arguments to allow
conjunction or subordination between clauses by provision of a relevant nominative
pivot.
189
Table 4.14 Main functions of the Kurrama verb inflections
Main function
Discussed in
PRESent
Indicates that an event/action is occurring at the
time of speech.
§4.5.1
POTential
Indicates that an event/action is expected, or
intended, to take place. Can denote the purpose
for a prior event and may be used to form both
moderate positive, and negative, commands or
hortatives. Also, can mark the stages of a
sequence of events.
PERFective
Denotes an event/action as a single undivided
whole that is completed.
§4.5.3
PAST
Indicates that an event/action was occurring
before the time of speech. This event/action need
not be completed.
§4.5.2
RELative
Used to mark a dependent verb but some
allomorphs occasionally mark independent verbs.
In its subordinate use it marks switch reference
and indicates contemporaneity between events
described in the subordinate clause and the matrix
clause.
Passive PERFective
The passive voice alternative of the active voice
perfective inflection.
PROGressive
Indicates that an event/action follows on from a
preceding event/action and may, or may not be, a
consequence of the prior event. Can also mark
movement towards a goal.
IMPerative
Used to form forceful positive commands.
HABITual
Denotes a habitual action that has occurred more
than once and is the customary way that its
subject does, or did, ‘things’. Can have either past
or present time reference.
PURPose
Marker of dependent verbs that describe the
purpose for a preceding event/action described by
a matrix clause.
§4.5.8 and
ReSuLT
Marker of dependent verbs that describe the result
of a preceding action/event described by a matrix
clause.
§4.5.8 and
MIGHT
Indicates that an event/action described by a verb
might occur or might be carried out.
§4.5.11 and
Passive MIGHT
The passive voice alternative of the active voice
might inflection.
§4.5.12 and
Inflection
§4.5.6
§4.5.9 and
§7.1
§4.5.4
§4.5.10 and
§7.2
§4.5.7 and
§7.3
§4.5.5
§7.3
§7.4
§7.5
§7.3
190
The Kurrama inchoative, causative and psych-inchoative verbalisers derive
verbs from nominals in Kurrama. The inchoative is added to nominals that describe a
state (other than a psychological state) to code the development of that state. The psychinchoative verbaliser –nguli-Ø is added to nominals that describe a psychological state
to code the development of that state. The psych-inchoative verbaliser can also be added
to nominals that describe body parts to express the development of a pain in this body
part or to express that the body part is not functioning properly. The causative is added
to nominals that denote either an entity or state to express the creation of that entity or
state by the causative verb’s agent subject.
That then is some of the nature of Kurrama verb morphology. Each verb
inflection or derivation can potentially play a critical role in the construction of simple
and complex sentences. In Chapters 6 and 7 I will expand on some of the descriptions
presented in this chapter when I examine the characteristics of Kurrama simple and
complex sentences. Many of the Kurrama sentence types that I describe in Chapters 6
and 7 are named after the type of verb inflection or derivation that is used in their
construction.
191
5. PARTICLES AND CLITICS
Some of the Kurrama discourse clitics were briefly introduced in §1.9.2. In this
chapter I examine a broader range of particles and clitics that are used Kurrama.
However, a detailed description cannot be presented here. The differing functions of
particles and clitics are naturally difficult to elicit (cross-linguistically) and in the field
sessions with Maudie Dowton we had difficulty in determining their differing functions
in detail. Also, the functions of particles and clitics are difficult to determine from text
and I have not gained a detailed understanding from an examination of the Payarrany
narrative. However, the Kurrama particles and clitics are discussed in broad terms, in
this chapter, so as to complete the discussion (which began in Chapter 2) on the forms
and functions of the differing parts of speech that are used in the construction of
Kurrama simple and complex sentences.
Clitics have the potential to be attached to a host from any part of speech, except
interjections, and follow after nominal or verbal suffixes which are first attached to the
host. Particles are free form lexical items that do not select nominal or verbal
inflections; except in instances where they are part of a subordinate clause and are
assigned a complementising nominal suffix. However, particles can host clitic
attachments. Overall, clitics are phonologically dependent on a preceding host but are
otherwise semantically and syntactically comparable with free standing particles.
This chapter begins with a brief examinantion of the functions of the differing
Kurrama clitics and particles. I start with the emphatic particle and the emphatic clitics
which add emphasis to either a word, a phrase, or a clause. I then examine the
topicaliser clitics which appear to indicate the main topic of the clause or sentence in
which they occur. Temporal clitics and particles are then discussed and then two
negative particles. A dubitative clitic that codes the speaker’s uncertainty in what s/he is
saying is then contrasted with a clitic and a particle that code the speaker’s belief in the
truth of what s/he is saying. I then provide some examples of the use of the intensifier
particle kurta.
Sequences of more than one clitic can be attached to a single host word (but a
sequence of more than two clitics is rare). I follow the discussion on the intensifier
192
particle with a brief examination of the relative order in which clitics are usually placed
in sequences on a host word. I finish the chapter with some brief remarks on both the
interrogative clitic, which can be used in polar interrogative sentences, and the
semblative clitic, which codes an entity as something that someone or something
resembles. The interrogative and the semblative clitics are discussed in further detail in
other sections within this thesis. The interrogative clitic is discussed in §6.9.1 and the
semblative clitic is discussed in §2.7.
Wordick (1982 129-136) has attempted a more detailed examination of the
functions of the Yindjibarndi clitics but these functions do not always coincide with the
apparent functions of the corresponding Kurrama forms. Within the following sections I
draw comparisons between the forms and functions of the Yindjibarndi clitics described
by Wordick (1982 129-136) and those that I have determined for Kurrama.
Also, as a means of comparing the different uses and properties of the Kurrama
clitics, discussed in this chapter, a large test sample was selected from the Payarrany
narrative for analysis so that comparative counts could be made of the relative
frequencies of use of the differing clitics as well as to determine some of their salient
properties. The results of this analysis is listed in the tables presented in this chapter
where some of the differing properties of the clitics are itemized and the counts of the
varying frequencies of clitic use are compared. The test sample encompasses a large
proportion of the Payarrany narrative and is a good representation of the narrative
overall. The exact count of the use of each clitic, in the sample, is not significant on its
own, but the comparison between the frequencies of use of each clitic serves to indicate
which clitics are rarely used and which are frequently used.
5.1
Emphatic Particle and Clitics
There are five emphatic clitics used in the Kurrama corpus. As stated in §1.9.2 I
gloss these clitics as EMPH1 to EMPH5. The following numbers apply to the differing
emphatic forms:
1. –ju
2. –wu
3. –wurtu
4. –yu
5. –warnu
193
There is also a free form particle nganthayi which is used as an emphatic marker
in Kurrama. Overall, the emphatic clitics place emphasis on the host word to which they
are attached within a clause, while the particle nganthayi adds emphasis to the
locutionary content of the phrase, clause or sentence to which it is added. In the
examples I have of its use, nganthayi serves to emphasize contrastive statements made
by the speaker. Some examples of the use of nganthayi follow and then the emphatic
clitics are examined.
In example 5.1 the emphatic nganthayi serves to emphasise in the first instance
that the trousers are ‘not old but are very new’ and in the second instance that the
trousers ‘hadn’t been worn by anyone’.
5.1
Nhaa-wurtu
this-EMPH3
thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi,
leg-ASSOC
not
old
EMPH
yalaa kurta, thuumaya-la-ngu-mu
wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu
new very store-LOC-ABL-THEN come-PERF not
anyone-INSTR
nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu kurta.
EMPH
put.on-PPERF
nothing very
‘These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they
hadn't been worn by anyone, nothing at all.’
(P.290 - P.291)
In 5.2 below nganthayi serves to emphasize that the subject ‘couldn’t look for
meat’ and only had ‘wild beans to eat’.
5.2
Mirta-wa
not-TOP1
yanku,
go.PRES
mirta-wa
not-TOP1
wayharri-ngu
look.for-REL
murla-ngarli-wu
meat-PL-ACC
nganthayi waju-rru
yini-lha parni-nha wayhu ngarrku-ngu,
EMPH
wild.bean-NOW only-? be-PAST DIM
eat-REL
ngunhangat-ju.
thatDEF-EMPH1
'(She) couldn't go anywhere, couldn't look for meat, there was only wild beans to
eat, that was that.
(P.467)
In example 5.2 above nganthayi emphasizes the alternative to a prior statement –
old Sarah could not get meat so she had to eat wild beans. In the following example
nganthayi also emphasizes a contrastive alternative - old Sarah would not only be found
near Duck Creek but would also be seen on the top country at Yirranti Spring.
194
5.3
Parntaya-nmarta-mpa, Kartajirri-wuyhaa
find-HABIT-TOP7
Duck.Creek-NEAR
Thinuu-la
Yirranti.Spring-LOC
nganthayi
EMPH
nganthayi
EMPH
kankala ngunyji,
on.top thereNV
ngunyji,
thereNV
nhawu-marta-mpa.
see-HABIT-TOP7
'(She) would be found near Duck Creek and there at Yirranti Spring, (she) would
be seen on the top country, up there.'
(P.378)
The emphatic clitics add emphasis to the host word to which they are attached.
However, I am unable to determine why a specific emphatic clitic is used in one
situation and not in another. In the test sample the most frequently used emphatic clitic
is –yu. This is then followed in order of decreasing frequency by -wurtu, -warnu, -wu
and -ju. Each of the emphatic clitics, except –ju, can be added to a host that ends in any
vowel. In the test sample –ju was only added to a host ending in /t/. The hosts to which
the clitics are added seldom end in a consonant so examples of the attachment of
emphatic clitics to a consonant final host are rare (except for the instances of the
attachment of –ju). Yet, in the test sample there is an instance where the clitic –wurtu
follows the consonant /ny/. Also, there are a few instances where -wurtu or -warnu
follow /t/ but in these situations they take the allomorphic forms –purtu and –parnu
respectively in this environment.
In the following Table 5.1, some properties of the emphatic clitics are compared.
These properties are determined from the test sample taken from the Payarrany
narrative. Overall, there are no trends revealed in Table 5.1 that influence the choice of
a clitic in one situation but not in another (other than the selection of –ju as an emphatic
marker of demonstratives ending in /t/). The absence of examples of the clitics in some
of the TAM marked clauses probably reflects the low frequency of the use of these
clitics in the test sample rather than a constraint against their use in these particular
TAM inflected clauses; although this cannot be stated definitively. Emphatic clitic
marking can occur on verbs and in all argument types that are selected by verbs. Factors
such as the marking of hosts located within arguments versus adjuncts, or locted within
subjects versus objects, and in new information versus old do not appear to determine
the selection of a specific clitic; although –yu is used most often in all of these
circumstances.
There are numerous examples of the use of the emphatic clitics throughout this
thesis; some follow (the clitics are marked in bold).
195
5.4
Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa
policeman-PL come-RSLT three
car-LOC
get-PURP-TOP1
nhurnu
juju-ngu
wanyjaman-ku-yu,
this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC-EMPH4
ngurnu
that.ACC
nhawa-ayi-wu-yu
yaayu-warri-ngu.
see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-ACC
‘So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man that had seen poor
old Aunty.’
( P.504-P.505)
Table 5.1 Some properties of the emphatic clitics from the test sample
-yu
Host
type
Position
of host in
clause
Clause
type in
which
located
TAM
marking
of the
clause in
which
located
-wurtu
Nominal
√
√
Proper noun
√
√
Pronoun
√
Demonstrative
√
Verb
-warnu
-wu
-ju
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
Particle
√
√
√
√
Start
√
√
√
√
√
Middle
√
√
√
√
√
End
√
√
√
√
√
Main
√
√
√
√
√
Subordinate
√
√
√
√
√
Non Verbal
√
√
√
√
√
Present
√
√
√
√
Past
√
√
√
√
√
Potential
√
√
√
√
Habitual
√
Perfective or
Pass.Perfective
RELative
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
Progressive
√
√
√
Purpose
√
√
√
196
5.5
Purri-nha
ngayi
kurtan-ku.
Pull-PAST 1sg.NOM bag-ACC
Nhaa-wu
wirru-yu
this-EMPH2 other-EMPH2
kurtan martkurra puntha-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-lu.
bag
good
wash-PPERF
good-CAUS-REL-INSTR
'I pulled out the bag. This other bag was clean and washed (by her) (she) had
cleaned it properly.’
(P.248)
5.6
Kawayintharri-wurtu
ngunhaatu, Kawayintharri ngunhaat-ju,
Ashburton.side-EMPH3 that.one
Ashburton.side thatDEF-EMPH1
Ngarranngarri-nha
nhanthawa.
Ngarranngarti-SPEC must.be
‘This one is from the Ashburton side, from Ashburton country for sure. That
must be Ngarranngarti.'
( P.416)
5.7
Ngayi
wangka-nha
ngurnatkuyha-wu
1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST that.DUAL-ACC
nhaat-pa-mpa-warnu
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7-EMPH5
Sarah
Sarah
wangka-nguli-ngu.
call-PASS-REL
‘I said to them, “This one is called Sarah”.’
(P.357)
Wordick (1982: 135) reports that in Yindjibarndi the clitic –pa is ‘ordinarily
used to express emphasis’. I have categorised the clitic –pa as a topicaliser in Kurrama.
Throughout Wordick’s (1982: 199-280) Yindjibarndi texts the emphatic clitic –pa takes
the form –wa when attached to a host ending in a vowel. Wordick (1982: 135-136) also
cites ‘two less important functions’ of the Yindjbarndi clitic –pa.
The Yindjibarndi clitic can translate as the English ‘-time’, as follows:
karrwarn-pa
summer-EMPH
‘summertime’
and
muyhu-wa
winter-EMPH
‘wintertime’ (Wordick, 1982: 135)
Or it can ‘indicate inceptive and cessational action’, as in the following examples:
5.8
Yindjibarndi
Ngayi
ngarrku-wa.
1sg.NOM eat.PRES-EMPH
‘I am starting to eat.’
Ngayi
yurra-rna.
1sg.NOM dig-PAST
‘I was digging.’
Mirta-wa yurra-rna.
not-EMPH dig-PAST
‘(I) stopped digging.’
(Wordick, 1982: 136)
197
I could not find any definite examples of these functions of –pa and -wa in the
Kurrama corpus. However, although I categorise –pa as a topicaliser in Kurrama it is
possible to apply an emphatic reading to this clitic in many of the contexts in which it is
employed in the Kurrama corpus (see §5.2).
Wordick (1982) does not list any other clitic forms as being emphatic markers in
Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 134 ) identifies the forms –wurtu and –purtu as being
allomorphs of the categorial clitc in Yindjibarndi and classifies –yu as a determiner
(clitic). The other Kurrama forms that I have classified as emphatics –warnu, –wu, and
–ju are not recognized by Wordick (1982) as being clitic forms (of any category) in
Yindjibarndi.
The Yindjibarndi categorial clitic is interpreted by Wordick (1982: 134) as
having the meanings ‘kind, sort, type’. Wordick states that ‘it is usually found attached
to the free stem paya ‘vicious’ as is shown in the following phrase’:
5.9
Yindjibarndi
Paya-wurtu
vicious-SORT
wanytya
dog
‘Vicious (sort of) dog.’
(Wordick, 1982: 134)
The Kurrama use of –wurtu in example 5.6 could be stretched to encompass this
meaning. For instance a translation of 5.6 could be: ‘This one/fellow is an Ashburton
type/kind, from Ashburton country for sure…’. Indeed in many Kurrama examples the
meanings ‘kind, sort, type’ can be applied to –wurtu . Consider the following.
5.10
..jurntat-kaa
ngunhu ngunta-yu,
ngurra-wurtu
like.that-SEMBL that
style-EMPH4 camp-EMPH3
ngunhaat.
thatDEF
'It was in that style, just like that, that's the sort of camp it was.'
(P.192- P.193)
5.11
Mirta pangkarri-I ngurnuwarta wanyja paya-wurtu.
not/no go-POT
there(far)-ALL dog savage-EMPH3
'Don't go over there the dog is savage/vicious (a vicious sort).’ (MD)
So it seems that Wordick’s (1982: 134) interpretation of -wurtu/-purtu can be
applied to its use in Kurrama. However, in the following Kurrama example it is difficult
198
to apply the meaning ‘kind, sort, type’ to –wurtu; it seems to predominantly emphasize
the verb content that it marks.
5.12
Murnti-pa piningkarra-ngu kankala kartpa-nha
ngunhaa-ku marnta-yi,
true-TOP2 run-REL
on.top go.up-PAST that-ACC
hill -ACC
yaayu-warri-nha-yu
ngunyjat-u-mpa tharra-ngka kupija-la-t
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thatNV-Ø-TOP7 cave-LOC
little-LOC-DEF
ngamarlangu-la ngarrwi-ngu, nyaa-nyjarri-ngu-wurtu.
hollow-LOC
lie.down-REL see-COLL-REL-EMPH3
(P.113)
'True enough, (he) ran to the top, climbed up the hill and Old Aunty was right
there, out of sight, in a little cave, lying in a hollow. (She) saw (him).'
Wordick (1982: 136) lists -yu as a variant of the Yindjibarndi clitic -yhu which
he classifies as being a determiner that expresses ‘the, or certain/particular’. Wordick
(1982: 136 & 209) reports that -yu is rarely used in his Yindjibarndi corpus and may be
borrowed from Kurrama. The following Yindjibarndi use of -yhu illustrates the meaning
given to it by Wordick (1982: 261).
5.13
Yindjibarndi
Ngunhaa ngaarta-wa-yhu wangka-nha tyulu-u
That
man-EMP-DET tell-PAST everyone-OBJ
purpiwarni-nha
want-PAST
patharri-i
ngunhaakuyha-arrnrtu manyka-uyha-yi
be.painted-POT they.two-GEN
son-DUAL-DEIC
‘Those same/particular men told everyone that they wanted those sons of theirs
to be painted.’
(Wordick, 1982: 261)
The following Yindjibarndi example illustrates the use of -yu with the meaning
‘certain/particular’; it is also used in a similar sense in the (only) other example of its
use in Wordick’s (1982: 224) Yindjibarndi texts.
5.14
Yindjibarndi
Yurala
nyurnrtiwarni-nha. Yuntu parnrta-ku-wa.
Muntiwayi nhaa-mpa
rainmaker die-PAST
rain fall-PRES-EMPH Perhaps
this-TOP
yuntu-yu
rain-DET
puyama-a
orphan-LIKE
(Wordick, 1982: 209)
‘The rainmaker died. Rain is starting to fall. Perhaps this particular shower that
I am talking about is like an orphan’ (that is, it is crying for its father).
199
The Kurrama uses of -yu in examples 5.4 and 5.5 can fit the meanings that
Wordick applies to –yu. Yet, in the following Kurrama example from Hale (1959: 47)
the use of –yu on a (causative) verb seems to act as an emphatic rather than having the
meaning ‘certain/particular’. However, Wordick (1982: 136 & 185) states that in
Yindjibarndi the determiner –yhu can also express ‘if/then’. Perhaps –yu has this
function in the following Kurrama example.
5.15
Ngayi
yirrarnma-rtkayi jalurra-wu wirra
ngayu
yungku-ma.
1sg:NOM sing-POT
song-ACC boomerang 1sg:ACC give-IMP
Mirta -nta
ngayu
thurni -i
yirrarnma-rnu-yu
not/no-INTRRG 1sg:ACC laugh.at-POT sing-REL-EMPH4
'I am going to sing a song, give me the boomerang! Will (nobody) not laugh at
me when/if I sing?'
(Hale, 1959: 47)
In all, the Kurrama use of –yu is difficult to pin down. It seems to act as an
emphatic but the meanings given to the Yindjibarndi –yhu, as defined by Wordick
(1982; 136), can also be made to fit the Kurrama –yu in differing contexts. This clitic is
the most frequently used clitic (of all the clitics used) in the Payarrany narrative (see
§5.7).
Therefore, overall, although an emphatic reading can easily fit the various clitics
that I have classified as emphatics there are possibly more exact meanings/functions
applicable to their use. Some of Wordick’s alternate interpretations of some of the
functions of the corresponding Yindjibarndi clitic forms can be made to fit the Kurrama
data but not always. Notably, Wordick (1982) classifies –pa as the emphatic clitic in
Yindjibarndi whereas, in the main, I categorise it as a topicaliser clitic in Kurrama.
5.2
Topicaliser Clitics
I have grouped together seven clitics under the title of topicaliser which I gloss
as TOP1 to TOP7. These clitics appear to indicate the main topic of the clause or
sentence in which they occur.
The clitics that I provisionally classify as topicalisers are numbered as follows:
1. -wa
2. -pa
3. -thu
5. -wi
6. -ja
7. -mpa
4. -yi
200
In the following Table 5.2 are listed some of the properties of these clitics. The
clitic –pa is discussed after this table. The data used to compile Table 5.2 comes from
the test sample that was selected from the Payarrany narrative.
Table 5.2 Some properties of the topicaliser clitics from the test sample
-wa
Host
type
Nominal
√
√
Proper noun
√
√
Pronoun
√
Demonstrative
√
√
Verb
√
√
Particle
√
√
√
-thu
-yi
√
√
-wi
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
Past
√
√
√
Potential
√
√
Habitual
√
Perfective or
Pass.Perfective
RELative
√
√
√
√
Progressive
√
√
Purpose
√
√
117
71
Number of times used in
test sample
-ja
√
√
Position Start
of host Middle
in
End
clause
Main
Clause
type in Subordinate
which
located Non Verbal
Present
TAM
marking
of the
clause
in
which
located
-mpa
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
result
3
25
2
1
As can be seen in Table 5.2 the clitics -thu, -wi and –ja were rarely used in the
test sample, whereas the clitic -wa occurs extensively. The clitic –pa can also operate as
a topicaliser in Kurrama. However, there are two distinct uses of -pa in the test sample.
It can be used as a topicaliser clitic or it can be used as an empty morpheme that breaks
201
up syllable clusters that are not permitted in Kurrama. These functions are distinct.
When -pa acts as an empty morpheme, in the test sample, it is most often added to a
demonstrative host that ends in /t/ to enable addition of the topicaliser clitic –mpa.
Phonological constraints, in Kurrama, do not allow the addition of the clitic –mpa
directly onto a host ending in /t/. In some instances -pa is also attached to a host ending
in /t/ to allow attachment of the emphatic clitic –yu or the interrogative clitic -nta. In the
test sample –pa was used as an empty morpheme 23 times and as a topicaliser clitic 14
times. The possibility that –pa and –wa are actually allomorphs of the same topicaliser
clitic is discussed later in this section.
Examples of the use of the topicaliser clitics occur throughout this thesis but
some examples follow. Perhaps the reader may be able to identify a pattern, or patterns,
of their use that I am unable to determine. The final vowel on the host to which the
clitics are added can vary. In example 5.16 three topicalisers are used and each follow a
different vowel, but in other situations these same clitics follow differing vowels or
differing clitics follow the same vowels. The parts of speech to which the hosts (of these
clitics) belong also vary.
5.16
Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta
yes
1sg.NOM-EMPH2-INTRRG
kurnta-tkayi nhungu-mpa
wait-POT here –TOP7
payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu-yu,
policeman-PL come-RSLT-EMPH4
yanki-i
go-POT
ngunhangkarta-wa-yu
there-TOP1-EMPH4
mirnuma-rrkayi-thu wanthila-wu ngunhat.
show-POT-TOP3
where-ACC thatDEF
‘Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and
show them where she is."
(P.500)
5.17
Parna-ayi thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta
be-PERF pet.dog-PRIV-DUB
be-HABIT
kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi
dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5
manku-ngu
get-REL
mujira-lu-wa
dingo-INSTR-TOP1
murla-ngarli-wu.
meat-PL-ACC
'I don't think (she) had a pet. (She) used to get meat that had been killed by a
dingo.'
(P.092)
202
5.18
Ngayi
parnti-nha-wa
ngayi
1sg.NOM smell-PAST-TOP1 1sg.NOM
nhulangka
there
ngunhangata-yi, munti-pa
thatDEF-TOP4 true -TOP2
pepper-murntu salt-murntu parnti.
pepper-CONJ salt -CONJ smell.PRES
'I smelt that stuff. That's right, I could smell salt and pepper in there.'
5.19
(P.263)
Maatha, an’ mangkurla kupiyarri-murra
Red-ngu-waya Karntawayi,
boss
and child
small(plural)-LOST Red-ACC-?
person's.name
an’
and
juju-warri-nha,
old.man-PRIV-SPEC
Donkeyman, maatha-la-ja-wu.
person’s.name boss-LOC-TOP6-EMPH2
‘The boss, and a little boy who we've lost now, Red's boy Karntawayi, and the
old man, Donkeyman, were with the boss.'
(P.103)
In the previous example 5.18 the clitic –pa acts as a topicaliser. However, in
example 5.20 below, the form -pa acts as an empty morpheme that enables the addition
of the topicaliser –mpa onto a demonstrative host that ends in /t/.
5.20
Mirta murna, tharna yanku-marta ngunhangkaat-pa-mpa …. ngurra
not
close far
go-HABIT those-empty.morph-TOP7 country
yini nhawu-nguli-ngu
only see-PASS-REL
wirru-ngaa-lu.
other-PL-INSTR
‘(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, and those people (the others)…
only the country was seen by the others (they didn't see her)’.
(P.386)
Yet, if –mpa is a topicaliser clitic and –pa can also act as a topicaliser clitic, then
why is –pa used as an empty morpheme to allow the addition of –mpa onto a host when
just the addition of –pa as a topicaliser clitic would seem to be sufficient? It is possible
that the Kurrama clitic –mpa has a distinct function similar to the Panyjima clitic –mpa.
Dench (1991: 208) reports that in Panyjima ‘this clitic is used to reintroduce something
which the speaker assumes the addressee already has in mind, either because it has
already been identified in the discourse, or because it can be inferred from the
discourse’. If –mpa has this function in Kurrama then it may differ from –pa and the
other topicaliser clitics.
A number of contributors to Mushin and Baker (2008) report that it is common
for speakers of Australian languages to place their reference to a discourse participant
(or event) in prominent clause-initial position (or sometimes clause-final position) when
reintroducing that participant (or event) back into discourse. Yet, the use of –mpa in
203
Panyjima, and perhaps Kurrama, can serve to overtly reintroduce a participant (or event)
back into discourse and does not necessarily rely on clause prominent placement. The
general sense and meaning of the clitic is conveyed by Dench’s (1991: 208) Panyjima
gloss of –mpa as ‘YouKnow’.
In the following Kurrama example, from the test sample, the clitic –mpa does
appear to function like the Panyjima clitic when attached to the demonstrative host
ngurnu. That is, in the context of the Payarrany narrative, the addition of –mpa on
ngurnu, in the following instances, serves to overtly reintroduce the topic/participant
‘that blanket’ back into discussion within the narrative. The blanket had been discussed
earlier on in the story, in some detail, prior to its reintroduction here. Further, in the
context in which –mpa is used in the earlier example 5.20 it also appears to reintroduce
a participant back into discussion within the Payarrany narrative. In example 5.20 it
reintroduces ‘those other people’ who had previously spent time with old Sarah and
who are now expecting to see the old lady again as she travels about.
5.21
Wantha-rna karlungka, ngurriny-ku nhawu-ngumarnu, nhawu-ngumarnu
put-PAST
aside
swag-ACC see-PROG
see-PROG
blanket
blanket
wanyja-yi
dog-ACC
blanket-ku
ngurnu-mpa,
blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7
yirra-ngka-wu
edge-LOC-ACC
ngurnu-mpa
that.ACC-TOP7
blanket-ku
blanket-ACC
kanyja-rnu.
have-REL
'(I) put it to one side and then looked at the swag. And then (I) saw that blanket,
you know that blanket I told you about, that blanket which had the (pictures
of) dogs around the edges.'
(P.229 - P.230)
Wordick (1982: 130) classifies –mpa as a topic clitic in Yindjibarndi. He gives it
a meaning similar to that outlined above. He states, ‘the topic clitic can usually be
translated as that’s what I’m talking about’; as illustrated by the following
Yindjibarndi example.
5.22
Yindjibarndi
Warnrta-a katyarti kurraurra. Nhunhaa-tu-mpa wangka-nguli
tree-LOC lizard rough
that-ONE-TOP
called-PASS.PRES
kartantyi
dwarf.bearded.dragon.
‘A rough-looking lizard lives in trees. The one that I’m talking about is called
the dwarf bearded dragon.’
(Wordick, 1982: 202)
204
This Yindjibarndi use appears to be a little different to the Panyjima use outlined
above. From Wordick’s translation it seems it does not serve to reintroduce something
(that the addressee already has in mind) but rather is used by the speaker to point out
immediately what she or he is talking about; as a topic clitic. There is a slight difference
here, but there could well be overlap in the way Yindjibarndi and Panyjima speakers use
this clitic.
Is it possible that the Kurrama clitics –pa and –wa, in their topicaliser function,
represent different allomorphs of the same clitic in differing phonological contexts? In
the Kurrama corpus the clitic –wa always follows a host that ends in a vowel and does
not follow a consonant; there is a phonological constraint against this in Kurrama.
Alternatively, the clitic –pa is most often added to a host that ends in a consonant
(usually /t/ or /rt/). So it may be that –pa and –wa are allomorphs of the same clitic, in
Kurrama, whose use is determined by a consonant versus vowel ending on a host.
However, there are instances in the Kurrama corpus where –pa follows a host
ending in the vowel /i/; but, there are no instances where –pa is added to a host ending
in the vowels /a/ or /u/. Yet, there are instances where the same host ending in /i/ selects
either –wa or –pa in differing contexts. For example, there are instances where the
particle munti ‘true/truly’ selects -wa in one example and –pa in another; and there are
instances where the ‘non-visible’ demonstrative ngunyji selects either –wa or –pa in
differing examples. I was unable to find any instances where the form –pa is added to
hosts (ending in /i/) that are not demonstratives or particles; whereas –wa can be
attached to a host from any part of speech. Overall, this suggests that –wa and –pa have
different functions and are not allomorphs of the same clitic; but determining what these
functions are has so far proven to be difficult. Also, I am not convinced that they are not
allomorphs of the same clitic in some circumstances. The addition of –pa on the particle
munti in the earlier example 5.18 can be compared with the addition of –wa on munti in
the following example 5.23 (munti is discussed in §5.6).
5.23
Yalaa munti-wa
new true-TOP1
ngunhaatu, jilirra-arntu
that.one
big-GEN
ngunhu
that
nhawu-yarntu.
man-GEN
'That one (was/is) truly/really new (brand new) and for a big man too.'
(P.292-P.293)
205
As was discussed in §5.1 Wordick (1982: 135-136) does identify –pa and –wa
as allomorphs of the one clitic; however, he identifies them as allomorphs of the
Yindjibarndi emphatic clitic.
Wordick (1982) only lists –mpa as a topic clitic in
Yindjibarndi; he does not mention any other topic clitic forms. Of the clitic forms that I
have identified as Kurrama topicalisers (other than –mpa) Wordick (1982: 136) only
discusses the clitic –yi ; he identifies it as the Yindjibarndi deictic clitic. However, he
states that the deictic clitic is rarely used and there only ‘three sure examples’ of its use
in the Yindjibarndi corpus. Wordick (1982: 136) does not explain why he uses the
classification ‘deictic’ for the Yindjibarndi clitic –yi nor does he define the clitic’s
meaning/function. He states that the following is the clearest example of its use
(presented earlier as 5.13). This example is from a reasonably lengthy narrative; the
‘men’s sons’ were first introduced earlier on in the story. The use of the deictic seems to
refer/relate again to these same sons.
5.24
Yindjibarndi
Ngunhaa ngaarta-wa-yhu wangka-nha tyulu-u
That
man-EMP-DET tell-PAST everyone-OBJ
purpiwarni-nha
want-PAST
patharri-i
ngunhaakuyha-arrnrtu manyka-uyha-yi
be.painted-POT they.two-GEN
son-DUAL-DEIC
‘Those same/particular men told everyone that they wanted those sons of theirs
to be painted.’
(Wordick, 1982: 261)
The following examples illustrate the use of –yi in the Payarrany narrative. In
example 5.25 the specific ‘winter’ that is referred to was specified earlier on in the
narrative; so Wordick’s deictic function could possibly apply.
5.25
Wanyjarri-ngumarnu, wanyjarri-ngumarnu-warnu,
run.away-PROG
run.away-PROG-EMPH
ngulaarta ngunhaan
there.LOC that
muyhu-ngka-yi.
cold/winter-LOC-TOP4
(P.068-P.069)
'And then (she) ran away, (she) ran away again from there that was that winter.'
The following example reintroduces the main thread of discussion in the plot of
the Payarrany narrative. Before this sentence AP expanded in some detail on a side
issue; the blankets that the people at Deepdale were given to keep warm. AP’s use of
the clitic –yi seems to mark AP’s return of reference to the people who ‘stayed’ together
206
at Deepdale. AP was discussing these people, before he digressed to discuss the
blankets that they had been given (see appendix for clarity, P.070-P.080).
5.26
Ngulaarta-ngu-yu
there.LOC-ABL-EMPH
parni- marta-yi
martkurra-mu-yu
live/stay-HABIT-TOP4 good-THEN-EMPH
parna-ayi
palanku
kuma.
live/stay-PERF they/those together
(P.080)
'Well from there, (they) stayed there, quite happily. They all stayed together.'
In broad terms the use of –yi in the two Kurrama examples above does mark a
topic of discussion (which was first introduced earlier on in the narrative); so it can be
said to be acting as a form of topicaliser. Yet, perhaps Wordick’s deictic classification
narrows down the scope of this clitic by specifying that the topic is relative to what was
discussed before. However, Wordick (1982: 136) does not explicitly define the
meaning/function he assumes for this clitic in Yindjibarndi; so I am not sure that this is
what he intends by using the term deictic.
5.3
Temporal Clitics and Particles
There are a number of particles and clitics used in the Kurrama corpus that have
temporal functions. Their use in forming a temporal succession is discussed in §8.1.1. In
the following brief discussion the temporal clitics –rru, -l and –mu are examined and
also the temporal particles yala, palamu and ngarti(mu).
The temporal clitic –rru NOW indicates that the time of prior described events
is now past and that the time of new events is now taking place. Most often –rru
denotes that the new events are happening ‘now’ at the time of speech. However, the
new events marked by -rru may have a reference time other than the present moment of
speech, but in these situations they still begin after the completion of previously
described events. This is illustrated below in example 5.27 where –rru is used within the
description of events that occurred long before the time of speech. In example 5.27 –rru
marks the new event ‘I went then/now to see poor old Aunty’ which follows after the
subject ‘had finished eating dinner’.
5.27
Ngarrka-ayi ngayi
pintuwuyu ngayi-yi,
ngarrka-ayi dinner
eat-PERF
1sg.NOM dinner
1sg.NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF dinner
207
yurlu-ma-rnu
finished-CAUS-REL
ngayarntu-wi,
ngayi
yanku-nha nhawu-lu
1sg.GEN-TOP5 1sg.NOM go-PAST see-PURP
yaayu-warri-ngu-rru.
aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW
Martkurra munti, mirta wantawanta
good
true
not
mad/crazy/silly
nganthayi, mirnu kurta.
EMPH
know very
'I was eating dinner. So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to
see poor old Aunty. (She) was very well, not silly or anything, very sharp.’
(P.157-P.159)
The following example is a description of what old Sarah is thinking. The clitic
–rru marks a point of change within these thoughts; it marks the change from her
observation that ‘a man has just come up and is standing behind her’ to the new (present
time) questioning thought - ‘now where is he from?’.
5.28
Shuu,
Shuu
munti-mpa
true-TOP7
wanthiwa-rru
where-NOW
karri
stand.PRES
nhaat
thisDEF
nhawu
man
wurnta-tkaayi
come-PERF
Kawayintharri
Ashburton.side
nhanthawa.
must.be
mirtawaa,
big
“Shuu, sure enough a man, who just came up, is standing (behind), a big fellow.
Now where is he from? He must be from the Ashburton side.”
(P.414)
The Kurrama particle yala is best translated as simply expressing the English
‘now’; it indicates that an event, or situation, is occurring ‘now’ in present time. In the
following example 5.29 the speaker (AP) uses yala to indicate that the situation he is
describing occurred not only in the past but also occurs ‘now too’.
5.29
Well, juju-ngarli nhaa
well old.man-PL this
yurrama-ma-kayi
soak-CAUS-POT
karrala-wuyu-mu
clear-SIDE-THEN
wirrumu-mu-yu,
long.ago-THEN-EMPH4
ngunyji
thereNV
murruwa-arta-la
up.stream-ALL-LOC
yala
now
nganthayi,
EMPH
manki-i
get-POT
pawa-yi
wurnta-langu.
water-ACC come-RSLT
'Well, the old people once upon a time, and now too, would make a soak there,
up stream a little, to get clear water to come.'
(P.179)
In the following threat the speaker uses the particle yala to emphasize the
likelihood that he will spear the addressee in the immediate present.
208
5.30
Nhurnu
this.ACC
ngayi
yungku
1sg.NOM give-PRES
‘I will give you this spear now.’
yala nyinku
mangumangu-wu.
now 2sg.ACC punishment.spear-ACC
(AP)
The particle palamu serves to indicate events, or situations, that have occurred
much earlier than the present. There does not seem to be a remote past verb inflection in
Kurrama and instead the particle palamu is used in conjunction with past tense marking
of a verb to describe a distant past event or situation. Palamu is not synchronically
analyzable but appears to be etymologically based on the demonstrative form *pala
which is realized as wala in Kurrama.
5.31 Wanyja-ngarli
dog-PL
pangkarri-nha
go-PAST
thuwayi-nmarta-mu
spear.by.throwing –HABIT-THEN
kurryarta-wari jilaman-tu
spear-PROP
rifle-INSTR
pajarri-nyaa-ngarli
euro-ASSOC-PL
palamu-yu
long.time.ago/before-EMPH4
yurlu
kurta.
no/nothing very
‘They went along with kangaroo dogs, they didn't have a rifle back then, they used
to spear them with a spear.'
(AP)
The particles ngarti or ngartimu aid in introducing an event or situation into a
temporal sequence and often indicate that it is a repeated event or situation that first
occurred some time earlier. Examples 5.32 and 5.33, presented below, illustrate this.
The particle ngartimu always codes a repeated event or situation, but the particle ngarti
may introduce a new event or situation into a temporal sequence that is not a repeat.
Example 5.36, which is presented later in this section, illustrates the use of ngarti where
it does not code a repeated event.
5.32 Wantaawa,
Alright
wantha-rna jurlu-u tharra-ngka-mu
ngarti.
put-PAST all-ACC humpy-LOC-THEN again/then/next
'Alright, (I) put all those things back into the little humpy again.' (P.334)
5.33 Wantaawa yurni-ngumarnu marnta-arta-mu-wa
ngartimu, ngunyjiwa-wa-yu
Alright
go.away-PROG hill-ALL-THEN-TOP1 again
there-TOP1-EMPH4
209
Waliji-watha-wu,
place.name-NEAR-ACC
ngurra-nhanu-la-mu-wa.
country-3sg.POSS-LOC-THEN-TOP1
'Alright, and then (she) went away, disappeared into the hills again, somewhere
up near Waliji Pool, in her own country.'
(P.342)
The particle ngartimu is probably a frozen form that has as its origins the
addition of the temporal clitic –mu onto ngarti. In Kurrama, the clitic –mu denotes a
time frame that is different to the time of speech and is calculated relative to another
time previously presented in the discourse. The clitic –l also appears to have the same
function. However, I would suggest that –l is a borrowing from Martuthunira. It appears
only twice in the test sample while the clitic –mu occurs 32 times. Also, -l is only used
by Algy Paterson, who was also a Martuthunira speaker, and is not used, in the Kurrama
corpus, by the other language consultants. Some examples of the use of –mu and –l
follow.
In the following example the temporal clitic –mu takes part in a secondary
predication used in direct speech. The clitic is added to the depictive secondary
predicate to aid in indicating the time frame when the primary predication took place.
This time frame is not at the time of speech but is calculated in relation to the time of
speech; that is, ‘she didn’t carry me’ at the time of speech but ‘when I was little’.
5.34
Ngayu
ngantha tharnangka-rrkaayi kupija-wu-mu
1sg:ACC also
piggyback-PERF
little-ACC-THEN
'(She) used to carry me piggyback when (I) was little.'
(P.533)
In example 5.35 the clitic –mu marks a time that is not the time of speech but is
calculated relative to prior past actions; ‘he left her, she stayed’ - ‘then he went back...’.
5.35 Ngunha
that
wantha-rna,
leave-PAST
wayinyjarri-nha-mu
return-PAST-THEN
ngunhangat
thatDEF
murtiwarla-arta-mu,
car-ALL-THEN
parna-angu,
stay-RSLT
juju-nha-yu
old.man-SPEC-EMPH4
wanyjamantu.
dingo.man
'He left her and she stayed. Then (he) went back to the car then, this old dingo
man (dingo trapper).'
(P.495)
210
In the following sentence the temporal clitic –l is used along with several other
temporal devices; including the use of the particle ngarti (which does not code a
repeated event in this instance) and progressive marking of the verb nhawu ‘see’. The
clitic –l marks the time when the subject saw her husband, ‘one morning’. This time is
not at the time of speech but is calculated in relation to the time of prior events
described in the Payarrany narrative. That is, in the narrative, AP first describes a group
of Kurrama who were living together at Red Hill in the past. Then following this
description he uses the clitic –l to help state ‘then one morning’ the old lady ‘saw her
husband wrapped in a sheet’.
5.36
Ngarti
then/next
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu
see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5
warrungkamu-l
ngarti-yu
one.morning -THEN then/next-EMPH4
kaliku-la-wa
sheet-LOC-TOP1
nhuwa-yi
spouse-ACC
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu
wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
walypala-ngarli-lu.
whitefellow-PL-INSTR
‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet
(killed) by whitefellows.’
(P.005 – P.007)
Wordick (1982: 129) does not list –l as a clitic form in Yindjibarndi. He does list
-rru- and -mu. Wordick’s classification of the functions of each clitic follows.
Wordick (1982: 130) maintains that -rru- is a variant of –tu. He states that –tu is
added to demonstratives such as nhaa ‘this’ and ngunhaa ‘that’ to express nhaatu ‘this
one’ and ngunhaatu ‘that one’. This also occurs in Kurrama but I have classified this as
a formative process which forms ‘definite’ demonstratives (see §3.2.1). Wordick (1982:
130) states that –tu may lenite to -rru- when another clitic follows. For instance, it is
added to the demonstrative –nhaa before the attachment of -mpa to form the following
end to a Yindjibardi narrative:
5.37
Yindjibarndi
Nhaarrumpa
This-ONE-TOP
‘This is it’
(Wordick, 1982: 257)
211
Wordick (1982) does not classify 5.37 as an example of the temporal use of –rru
but sees it as a variation of the similar addition of –tu onto the demonstrative nhaa
before –mpa in the expression:
5.38
Nhaatumpa
muthayhu
this-ONE-TOP end-DET
‘This is the end.’ (Wordick, 1982: 255).
Wordick (1982: 131-132) classifies –mu as an anaphoric clitic in Yindjbarndi
but recognizes that it can be used in a ‘temporal domain’. That is, he states that the
clitic can be used anaphorically to mean ‘previously mentioned’ but can also mean
‘back’, ‘before’ or ‘after’. These temporal uses seem to fit the function that I have
assigned –mu in Kurrama, where the clitic aids in indicating the time frame of a
described event.
For instance, Wordick (1982:131) lists the following Yindjibarndi use of –mu as
expressing ‘before’. It can be interpreted following the formula I have outlined for
Kurrama. In this instance it denotes a time that is not the time of speech but is calculated
in relation to the time of speech; that is, ‘I am not camping there at the time of speech’
but ‘I used to camp there when there wasn’t any water there’.
4.39
Yindjibarndi
Pawa-warrimarta-la-mu
water-PRIV-LOC-ANA
ngayi ngarri-marta.
I
lie-HABIT
(Wordick, 1982:131)
‘Before when there wasn’t any water there, I used to camp there.’
Wordick (1982: 131) also points out the Yindjibarndi use of –mu on ngarti to
express ngartimu ‘again’. He sees this use of the clitic as expressing ‘back’ and
similarly gives it the same meaning in its replication on palamu-mu ‘long long ago’.
However, as stated previously, the form palamu is not synchronically analyzable but
does appear to be etymologically based on the locative demonstrative *pala plus –mu.
5.4
Negative Particle
The negative particle mirta ‘no/not’ is most often used to negate a predicate that
it precedes. It can be used to negate either verbal or nominal predicates but it can also
212
negate regular nominal expressions. I originally also classified the form yurlu as a
negative particle but, with feedback from the examiners, it seems that yurlu is better
classified as a nominal with the meaning ‘none/nothing’.
The following examples illustrate the negation of verbs with mirta. In example
5.40 the particle mirta negates the potential inflected verb yanki-i to express ‘don’t go’.
In this instance mirta immediately precedes the verb. However, this is not always so. In
example 5.41 mirta is not placed immediately adjacent to the verb that it negates; but it
still precedes it. Mirta is always placed before the predicate it negates, although not
always adjacent to this predicate.
5.40 Nyinta-warnu
parni-i
nhungu, mirta yanki-i
2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here
not
go-POT
"Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)."
nyinta.
2sg.NOM
(P.480)
5.41 Ngayi
wangka-nha-yu,
mirta kurta ngayu
ngalaarri-nha,
1sg.NOM talk/say-PAST-EMPH4 not
very 1sg.ACC forget-PAST
wangka-nha
thurtapurta.
talk/say-PAST straight.away
(P.541)
'I spoke to (her), (she) had not forgotten me at all, (she) spoke straight away."
Mirta can also be used to negate a nominal predicate. In the following example
mirta negates the nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’. Note, however, that I am unable
provide an adequate gloss for the later part of this example.
5.42 And he mirta mirnu, mirta mirnu
and s/he not
know
not know
ngawarna
?
marraa-yi
young.brother -TOP4
mimi-warri-ngu
uncle(m.b.)-PRIV-ACC
thurtu-yu.
elder.sister-EMPH4
'And she didn't know. Didn't know that uncle of mine was gone. The younger
brother had left the older sister behind.'
(P.411)
The following examples illustrate the use of yurlu where it codes the absence of
an entity. In 5.44 the privative nominal suffix –warrimarta is also used to indicate the
lack of an entity (money).
213
5.43 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
yurlu
murla yurlu.
no/nothing meat no/nothing
'I have nothing, no meat.'
5.44 Nhaa nhawu yurlu
this man
no/nothing
(MD)
marnta-warrimarta.
money-PRIV
'This man has nothing, no money.'
(MD)
In the following example the speaker (AP) finishes a section of his story, in the
Payarrany narrative, with yurlu. He cuts short his extraneous train of thought
‘ngurnaata-ngu-yu …’ to finalize with this nominal expression.
5.45 An’
and
ngunhaata thangkat, ngurnaata-ngu-yu…..,
there
enough
there-ABL-EMPH4
ngawu, yurlu-wa
ngunhaatu.
yes
nothing-TOP1 that.one
(P.311 – P.313)
‘And, well that's enough of that. From there.....Yes, that's the end/finish of that.'
As previously stated yurlu seems more nominal-like than the particle mirta. It is
not used to negate a verb or nominal predicate. I have no examples where yurlu is
assigned case or nominal suffix marking, in the data, which could indicate it status as a
nominal. However, there is an example of causative derivation of yurlu (which is
presented below). The causative verbaliser is used to derive verb stems from nominals,
and not particles, in Kurrama (see §4.7.2). Wordick (1982: 379) classifies yurlu
‘nothing/none’ as a common noun in Yindjibarndi.
5.46
Ngarrka-ayi ngayi
pintuwuyu ngayi-yi,
ngarrka-ayi dinner
eat-PERF 1sg:NOM dinner
1sg:NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF
dinner
yurlu-ma-rnu
ngayarntu-wi. Ngayi
yanku-nha nhawu-lu
finished-CAUS-REL 1sg:GEN-TOP5 1sg:NOM go-PAST see-PURP
yaayu-warri-ngu-rru.
aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW
'I was eating dinner. So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to
see poor old Aunty.
(P.157- P.158)
In the following examples 5.47 and 5.48 mirta negates nominal expressions. It
indicates the absence of a fire or anything else in 5.47 and negates the nominal
214
palamuntaa ‘old’ in 5.48. Note that example 5.47 is also presented as part of the later
example 5.55 and is discussed further in the footnote appended to 5.55.
5.47 Mirta
not/no
karla-nyu,
fire-TRUE
mirta ngani-nyu
not/no anything-TRUE
karri-yangu-la.
stand-REL
'There was no fire at all, and not anything where it (a small spinifex shelter) was
standing.
(P.197)
5.48 Nhaa-wurtu
this-EMPH3
thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta.
leg-ASSOC
not
old
EMPH
new very
'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new.'
(P.290)
As a last comment, the negative particle mirta is most often placed in clause
initial position. However, the following example illustrates that this is not always so.
Yet, to restate, mirta does always precede the item that it negates but is not necessarily
placed adjacent to it.
5.49 Ngayi-yu
mirta nhawu-nha yaayu-warri-ngu ngulaarta-ngu.
1sg:NOM-EMPH not
see-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC thereLOC-ABL
‘I did not see Aunty from there (on).’
5.5
(P.380)
Dubitative Clitic, Truth Clitic, and Truth Particle
The Kurrama dubitative clitic has the form -rra. The Kurrama truth clitic is –nyu
and the truth particle is munti. The dubitative clitic marks the speaker’s uncertainty
about what she, or he, is saying. The truth clitic codes the speaker’s belief in the truth of
what she, or he, is saying. The truth particle also codes the truth of a statement, but it
can also act as a form of intensifier that amplifies the locutionary content of a preceding
expression or statement; somewhat like the English adverb ‘truly’.
In the following examples 5.50 and 5.51 the speaker distances himself, a little,
from what he has been told by others and marks his uncertainty in what he has been told
with the dubitative clitic. In example 5.52 the dubitative clitic marks the speaker’s
uncertainty in what he is recounting.
5.50
Mijirri-ma-rnu-rra
parni
squashed-CAUS-REL-DUB be.PRES
parraa-mu-yu
long.time-THEN-EMPH5
215
parna-angu
murla-ngarli-wu.
be/stay-RSLT meat-PL-ACC
'Apparently that squashed goanna meat keeps for a very long time.'
5.51
(P.095)
Yanku-nha ngayi
murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkaayi Yalyarra-ngu-yu
go-PAST 1sg.NOM straight very come-POT
Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4
wangka-yangaarnu ngunhungat-ku-rra ngurra-yi, pawa-arta.
call-PPERF
there-ACC-DUB
camp-ACC water-ALL
‘I went straight (there) and came to that place called Yalyarra, where the camp
was apparently, near water.’
(P.172)
5.52
Murla-ngarli-wu-yu
parni-marta, manku-ngu wanyja-warrimarta-rra,
meat-PL-ACC-EMPH4 be-HABIT
get-REL
dog-PRIV-DUB
parna-ayi
be-PERF
thaalu-warrimarta-rra,
pet.dog-PRIV-DUB
parni-marta
be-HABIT
kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi
manku-ngu
dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL
mujira-lu-wa
dingo-INSTR-TOP1
murla-ngarli-wu.
meat-PL-ACC
‘(She) used to get meat without a dog, apparently. I don't think (she) had a pet.
(She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo.’
(P.091 - P.092)
In examples 5.53 and 5.54, below, the speaker marks what he believes to be true
with the truth clitic. In 5.55 the speaker uses both the truth clitic and the truth particle to
assert the truth of what he is reporting to have seen.
5.53
5.54
Thurntaarli-nyaa mirta kurta
leg-ASSOC
not very
ngana-nyu
someone/anyone-TRUE
tharrwa-yangu.
put.on-REL
‘These trousers no-one at all had worn, it seemed.'
(P.294)
Wantharni-yu
how-EMPH
kurtkaarri-ngu
think-REL
yanku-nha,
go-PAST
wurnta-rtpunta-wu
come-MIGHT-ACC
muyirri-nha-nyu
run-PAST-TRUE
nganangu.
someone.ACC
'How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought
someone might come?'
(P.514)
216
5.55
Mirta karla-nyu, mirta ngani-nyu
karri-yangu-la. 26
not/no fire-TRUE not/no anything-TRUE stand-REL-LOC
Yurlu munti, kuyhi-nyu
Nothing true
bone-TRUE
mirta ngani-nyu.
not
what/anything-TRUE
'There was no fire at all, and not anything where it (a small spinifex shelter) was
standing. Nothing at all. There were no bones or anything around.'
(P.197 - P.198).
The particle munti in the following examples 5.56 and 5.57 overtly expresses the truth
of a statement.
5.56
Ngayi
1sg.NOM
mirta walawangka
ngayi
munti wangka
not
lie/speak.wrongly-PRES 1sg.NOM true speak-PRES
nyinku.
2sg:ACC
'I am not lying I am telling you the truth.'
5.57
Ngawu
munti
yes(that's.right) true
(MD)
pala jurntart.
that like.that
‘Yes that's true. It's like that.’
(P.036)
However, in the earlier example 5.55 and in the following example 5.58 the
particle munti not only marks a truth but also acts as an intensifier. In 5.55 it is used
with yurlu to also express ‘(truly) nothing at all’ and in 5.58 is used with purtajirri to
express that the country is ‘truly/very rough’. In 5.59 munti also acts as an intensifier
that asserts a truth.
5.58
Ngaliwu
jinawa
1pl.inc.NOM on.foot
murtiwarla-wu-yu
car-ACC-EMPH
yanki-i
go-POT
nhaa,
this
purtajirri munti
ngurra
rough
true/truly/very country
yanka-angu.
go-RSLT
‘We'll go on foot (from here). This is truly/very rough country for the car to go
through.’
(P.508)
26
This example is part of a description of a small camp that was discovered by the speaker.
There was barely any sign of it having been occupied. There was no fire place nor bones etc
laying about. The locative marking on karri-yangu refers to the location of a small spinifex
shelter that was standing in the camp. The shelter was discussed in preceding text.
217
5.59
Martkurra munti
ngunhaan
good
true/truly/very that
'That's really/truly good, that is.'
ngunhaatu.
that.one
(P.284)
Wordick (1982: 129, 132-134) also lists the clitics -nyu and –rra as the
Yindjibarndi truth and dubitative clitics respectively. They have the same functions in
Yindjibarndi as they do in Kurrama. Wordick (1982: 312) also lists munti as expressing
‘really/truly’ in Yindjibarndi.
5.6
Intensifier Particle and Clitic
As shown above the truth particle munti can act as an intensifier. However, in
Kurrama, the particle kurta is most often used as an overt single purpose intensifier that
translates best to English as ‘very’ or ‘really’ (or in some instances as ‘at all’). Kurta is
placed after the statement or expression that it intensifies. Some examples follow. Kurta
differs from the emphatic particle and clitics in that it serves to amplify the meaning of
the expression that it modifies (as does the English ‘very’ or ‘really’), whereas the
emphatics add stress to a word or clause so that it is emphasized and stands out (in the
mind of the listener) from the rest of the statement made by the speaker.
In the following example 5.60 the particle kurta is placed immediately after the
expression it intensifies. In examples 5.61 to 5.63 the particle kurta is used to intensify a
negative statement. In each instance in examples 5.61 to 5.63 the intensifier particle is
placed directly after the negatives yurlu or mirta irrespective of where yurlu or mirta are
placed within the negative statement.
5.60
Mathit kurta-wa, majawa-mpa yanku-nha
weak very-TOP1 luckily-TOP7 go/be-PAST
parrii
parntaya-rrkaayi.
whitefella find-PERF
'(She) was very weak (now), but luckily a whitefella found (her).'
(P.468)
5.61 Ngayi
wangka-nha-yu,
mirta kurta ngayu
ngalaarri-nha,
1sg.NOM talk/say-PAST-EMPH4 not
very 1sg.ACC forget-PAST
wangka-nha
thurtapurta.
talk/say-PAST straight.away
'I spoke to (her), (she) had not forgotten me at all, (she) spoke straight away.’
(P.541)
218
5.62
Yurlu
kurta-warnu / mirta kurta jurntat.
nothing very-EMPH5
not very like.that
‘(It) was really nothing, wasn't really like that.'
5.63
(P.046)
But yurlu kurta / yurrama mirta kurta.
but nothing very
soak
not
very
'But there was nothing at all, no soak at all.’
(P.180)
I could not find any mention of kurta acting as an intensifier in Wordick (1982).
The corresponding term in Yindjibarndi seems to be parla ‘very’. Wordick (1982: 133
& 140) also lists a Yindjibarndi intensifier clitic -parlu which appears to have
developed from parla. Wordick (1982: 133) lists some examples of the use of the
Yindjibarndi intensifier clitic:
mirta-warlu
not-INTNS
‘not at all, never’
tyuntaa-parlu
this.way-INTNS
‘always’
yurlu-warlu
nothing-INTNS
‘nothing at all’
tyulu-warlu
all-INTNS
‘absolutely everything’
There are only two tantalizing glimpses of the use of –warlu in the Kurrama
corpus. First is MD’s use of muntiwarlu to express ‘really true, exactly how’. The
second is a single use by AP in the Payarrany narrative; as follows:
5.64
Ngurriny-murntu-la-wa
swag-CONJ-LOC-TOP1
wanarra-wathu-yu
long-DIM-EMPH4
ngula mirriji-murntu-la, ngunhaatu wanu
there rope-CONJ-LOC that.one crowbar
kupijaa, an’
thin
and
ngulaarta-yu
mutha-ngka-yu
there.LOC-EMPH end-LOC-EMPH4
parni-yangu-la-mu
warla-wurraa-la-yu
parni-yangu-la
be-REL-LOC-THEN heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC
jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa
waterbag
tie.up-PPERF-very
old
thing
water-ASSOC waterbag
wangka-nguli.
call-PASS.PRES
'And there where the swag was tied up, there was a longer crowbar. It was quite
thin. And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old whatcha-ma-callit, waterbag.'
(P.221 - P.222)
219
5.7
Order of Placement in a Clitic Sequence
More than one clitic can occur on a host word. In the Kurrama corpus sequences
of three or more clitics are rare but sequences of two clitics are relatively common.
These sequences of clitics are ‘flat’ structures where there is no concentric scoping.
That is, a sequence of clitics may all have scope over the same syntactic unit and the
order of the clitics is not really meaningful. A preceding clitic is not necessarily
included in the scope of a following clitic. Yet, there appears to be a preferred order in
which some clitics are placed on a host. Some of the Kurrama clitics frequently occur in
sequences on a host while some rarely do. The following Table 5.3 lists the preferred
order of placement of those Kurrama clitics that frequently occur in sequences.
Table 5.3 Relative order of clitics that are frequently used in a sequence
-mu
THEN
-pa
TOP2
-mpa
TOP7
-wurtu
EMPH3
-wa
TOP1
-yu
EMPH4
-warnu
EMPH5
-yi
TOP4
The list of preferred clitic order in Table 5.3 was determined by comparing a
sample of differing clitic sequences from the Payarrany narrative. If a clitic A is placed
after a clitic B in one sequence but before a clitic C in another sequence then the clitic
order that is presented in Table 5.3 is: B A C. As stated, sequences of three or more
clitics are rare so the order of clitics in Table 5.3 is determined mostly from a
comparison of differing two clitic sequences. Note that situations do not arise where all
of the clitics listed in Table 5.3 occur together on a single host.
The clitics listed in Table 5.3 occur frequently in the corpus and appear often in
varying sequences. However, there are a number of clitics whose preferred order of
placement is difficult to determine because they appear most often on their own in the
corpus, or appear rarely overall, or appear in only a small number of sequences. These
clitics are presented in the following Table 5.4 where the frequency of their use alone
and with other clitics is listed.
220
Table 5.4 Clitics rarely used or used alone in the test sample
Clitic
-ja
TOP6
-ju
EMPH1
-l
THEN
-nta or –rnta
INTRRG
Frequency
alone
0
Frequency with
other clitics
1
Clitics it precedes
7
1
Precedes -warnu
2
0
Clitics it follows
Precedes -wu
Follows -wa thrice
10
5
-nyu
TRUE
12
1
-rra
DUB
8
7
-rru
NOW
5
1
-thu
TOP3
-waa or -yaa
SEMBL
-wi
TOP5
-wu
EMPH2
1
2
5
0
2
0
8
2
Follows once each
-pa and -wu
Follows -wu
Precedes -wa five
times
Follows –wa once
Follows –mpa once
Follows -yu
Follows -wa twice
Precedes -nta
Follows -ja
The total frequency of all of the clitics used in the test sample from which
Tables 5.3 and 5.4 are compiled has not been calculated. However, the frequencies in
Table 5.4 can be compared with the number of times that the clitics –yu and –wa are
used in the test sample. In the test sample –yu appeared alone 89 times and occurred
with other clitics 46 times. While in the same sample –wa appeared alone 80 times and
occurred with other clitics 37 times.
It should be noted that the topicaliser clitic –yi (listed in Table 5.3) does not
occur at all in a sequence with –yu or –warnu in the test sample, but does follow –mpa
or –wa. And, in each of the eight times that the emphatic clitic –ju (listed in Table 5.4)
is used in the test sample it is added to a demonstrative host that ends in /t/.
221
Also of note are the two distinct uses of -pa in the test sample. As stated earlier,
it can be used as a topicaliser clitic or it can be used as an empty morpheme that breaks
up syllable clusters that are not permitted in Kurrama. When it acts as an empty
morpheme, in the test sample, it is most often added to a demonstrative host that ends in
/t/ to enable further addition of the topicaliser clitic –mpa. Phonological constraints, in
Kurrama, do not allow the addition of the clitic –mpa directly onto a host ending in /t/.
In the test sample –pa was used as an empty morpheme 23 times and as a topicaliser
clitic 14 times.
Wordick (1982: 129) also notes an ‘order of attachment’ of the Yindjibarndi
clitics on a host. He states, ‘to the best of my knowledge, this ordering is never
violated’. The following Table 5.5 itemizes the order of Yindjibarndi clitic attachment;
a clitic higher on the list precedes one lower on the list (Wordick, 1982: 129).
Note that in Table 5.5 Wordick (1982: 129) includes in the first grouping of ‘0th
order clitics’ some clitics that I have classified as nominal or verbal suffixes in
Kurrama. Wordick’s definition of a Yindjibarndi clitic is: ‘a clitic is a kind of word
ending, which has the ability to attach itself to indeclineables (as well as nominals) and
to transform free nouns, pronouns and verb stems into indeclineables’. An indeclineable
is seen by Wordick (1982: 78) as a class of words which do not decline and will only
accept clitics and not suffixes. The addition of a clitic to a host turns the host into an
indeclineable; it can only accept more clitics but not suffixes. It was shown in §2.6 that
the objective/accusative marker also cannot be followed by further suffix marking in
Kurrama. Similarly instrumental marking also blocks further suffix marking in
Kurrama, but Wordick (1982) does not seem to note this for Yindjibarndi. The other
markers listed in the Yindjibarndi ‘0th order clitics’ also do not seem to accept further
suffix marking in Kurrama. Although a Ø-class present tense marker is ‘followed’ by a
locative t-complementiser in the later example 7.10 in §7.1.1.2.
There are two Yindjibarndi clitics listed in Table 5.5 that I have not discussed.
The sequence clitic –purtaa and the contrast clitic –rtu. These clitics are not used in the
Kurrama corpus. The sequence clitic is defined by Wordick (1982: 133) as expressing
‘turn’ as in ‘your turn’. Wordick (1982: 134) reports that the contrast clitic ‘indicates
contrast between the word to which it is attached and some other one, which is not
always stated’.
222
Table 5.5 Order of attachment of Yindjibarndi clitics
Form
Classification
Where discussed
-ku, -yi
Objective case markers
§2.2.2
-ku, -Ø
Present tense markers
§4.5.1
-nha, -rna, -na
Classifiers / Past tense markers
§2.4.6
-tu, -rru, -rtu
One
§5.3
-mpa
Topic clitic
§5.2
-mu
Anaphoric clitic
§5.3
-nta
Interrogative clitic
§5.8
-nyu
Truth clitic
§5.5
-parlu
Intensifier
§5.6
-purtaa
Sequence clitic
this section
-purtu
Categorial clitic
§5.1
-rra
Dubitative clitic
§5.5
-rtu
Contrast clitic
this section
3
-pa
Emphatic clitic
§5.1
4
-yhu, (-yu)
Determiner
§5.1
-yi
Deictic clitic
§5.2
0
1
2
& §4.5.2
& §6.9.1
(From Wordick, 1982: 129).
A Yindjibarndi example of the use of the sequence clitic allomorph –wurtaa,
taken from Wordick’s (1982: 225) texts follows:
5.65
Yindjibarndi
Wangka-nha, “Nyinta-wurtaa yirrama-kayi”.
say-PAST
you-TURN
sing-POT
‘Then (he) said, “It’s your turn to sing”.
Following is an example of the Yindjibarndi use of the contrast clitic –rtu
presented by Wordick (1982: 135):
5.66 a. Yindjbarndi
Nyinta kanytya-ku ngaarnrtu ngamayi-u?
You
have-PRES my
tobacco-OBJ
‘Do you have my tobacco?’
223
5.66 b. Yindjibarndi
Mirta! Ngayi kanytya-ku ngaarnrtu-u-mpa-rtu
ngamayi-u.
No
I
have-PRES my-OBJ-TOP-CONTRA tobacco-OBJ
‘No! I have my own tobacco.
5.8
(Wordick, 1982: 135)
Concluding Remarks
I have compared the clitics and particles that are used in the Kurrama corpus
with those discussed for Yindjibarndi by Wordick (1982). However, there are two clitics
used in the Kurrama corpus that have not been discussed; the interrogative clitic and the
semblative clitic. These clitics are examined in some detail in other chapters within this
thesis. The interrogative clitic is discussed in §6.9.1 and the semblative clitic is
discussed in §2.7. In summary, the interrogative clitic is used in the formation of polar
interrogative sentences that can be answered, at their simplest, with yes or no; while the
semblative clitic codes an entity as something that someone or something resembles.
The frequency with which certain clitics are used in a text will depend on the
speaker and the type of text. The Kurrama interrogative and semblative clitics were used
sparingly in the test sample taken from the Payarrany narrative. As shown in Table 5.2,
in the test sample the interrogative clitic was used 15 times while the semblative clitic
was used 5 times. This can be compared with the use of the emphatic clitic –yu which
occurred 135 times in the same test sample and the topicaliser clitic –wa which occurred
117 times.
In all, the functions of the Kurrama emphatic clitics and the topicaliser clitics are
not properly understood and require further investigation. However, further research in
Kurrama may prove to be difficult but research into Yindjibarndi could be productive.
An understanding of the functions of clitics and particles is difficult to gain just from an
examination of texts. But perhaps discussion with a number of different speakers about
the functions of the clitics and particles used in a range of Yindjibarndi texts may prove
to be fruitful; especially if the speakers can also provide other illustrative examples.
Yet, further research into the use of clitics and particles, in either Yindjibarndi or
Kurrama, will still prove to be challenging.
224
225
6. SIMPLE SENTENCES
There are a number of different clause and sentence types used in the Kurrama
corpus. The list below itemises the main sentence types that I have identified. In this
chapter I examine the simple sentences and then in Chapter 7 I discuss the complex
sentences.
Simple sentences
Complex sentences
1. Non-verbal clauses
1.
Relative clauses
2. Copula constructions
2.
Consequential/ Progressive clauses
3.
Active declaratives
3.
Purpose and Result clauses
4.
Part-whole constructions
4.
Might/Lest clauses
5.
Clausal Complements
5. Secondary Predications
6. Passive constructions
7. Imperative constructions
8. Commands
9. Questions
10. Collective clauses
Except for the construction of non-verbal clauses, the production of each of the
verbal sentence types, listed above, mainly involves two processes: 1.) the verbs in each
sentence type are assigned specific verbal TAM inflections (and sometimes derivational
suffixes); and 2.) the arguments of the verbs in each sentence type are assigned specific
case or nominal suffixes. Therefore the marking of the verb and its arguments in each of
the Kurrama simple sentence types, and the functions of this marking, is the main focus
of the discussion in this chapter; but first I examine the features of non-verbal clauses.
6.1
Non-Verbal Clauses
There are two main types of non-verbal clause used in Kurrama (and
Yindjibarndi). The first non-verbal clause type is an ‘ascriptive’ non-verbal clause
which is made up of two nominal expressions, where one nominal expression acts as a
subject/topic and the other expression acts as a predicate/comment. The second type of
non-verbal clause, used in Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi), is made up of a nominal
predicate that selects both a subject NP and an accusative marked complement NP.
226
Dench (1991: 183; 1995: 205) reports that both of these non-verbal clause types are also
used in the neighbouring languages Panyjima and Martuthunira. Discussion and
examples of the Kurrama use of each of these non-verbal types follows.
6.1.1 Ascriptive Non-Verbal Clauses
The following examples illustrate ascriptive non-verbal clauses which involve
two nominal expressions: a subject/topic and a predicate/comment. Also, included in
this section are some examples of equative and locational clauses which differ a little
from the standard ascriptive forms.
The following ascriptive non-verbal clauses contain an unmarked nominal
predicate that ascribes a property to its subject.
6.1
Nhaa
/
this.(near)
waji.
bad
'This (is) bad!'
6.2
Ngunhaa
that.(far.aug)
(P.318)
mangkurla /
child
'That child (is) small.'
6.3
Yalaa munti-wa /
new true-TOP1
(MD)
ngunhaatu
that.one
'That one (is) really/truly new.’
6.4
Wirru-yu
/
Other-EMPH4
kupija.
little/small
(P.292)
ngungkumarta
heavy
'One (was) heavy, one (was) light.'
//
wirru-yu
/
other-EMPH4
wangkarn.
light
(P.239)
In the following example of an ascriptive non-verbal clause the nominal
predicate is assigned a genitive form to indicate that an (alienable) possessive
relationship exists between the predicate and the NP subject.
6.5
Ngaliyampurraarntu
1pl.exc.GEN
/
ngunha jarta
that
old.woman
‘That old lady (is) one of our people/belongs to us.’
(P.532)
227
The nominal predicate in an ascriptive non-verbal clause can also be inflected
with other nominal suffixes, which have an adnominal function, to identify a specific
relationship that holds between the predicate and its subject. This can include locative,
associative, and dweller/denizen marking, as illustrated below. The comitative marker
could probably be used in place of the locative marker in example 6.6.
6.6
Kurryarta-la
Spear-LOC
yini
only
/
juju-ngarli.
old.man-PL
'The old men only had a spear.'
6.7
Nhaat-pa-mpa
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7
(AP)
nyirtiyunu /
poor.fellow
pura-nyungu-yu.
bush-DWELL-EMPH4
‘This poor fellow lives in the bush.'
6.8
Nhaa-yu
/
this-EMPH4
purtu-nyaa ;
chest-ASSOC
(P.131)
nhaa
this
wara.
cloth
'This was a shirt (associated with chest); this cloth.’
(P.297)
Some ascriptive non-verbal clauses in Kurrama may have the features of an
equative clause where the nominal predicate is the name or expression by which the
nominal subject of the clause is specifically identified. The following is a simple
example of this where the person’s name is recognized as being inalienably possessed
and is related to the subject by a nominative pronoun and not a genitive pronoun.
6.9
Maudie-nha / ngayi
Maudie-SPEC 1sg.NOM
yini.
name
Nyinta
yini / Piita-nha.
2sg.NOM name
Peter-SPEC
‘My name (is) Maudie. Your name (is) Peter.'
(MD)
The ascriptive non-verbal clause below also has the features of an equative clause.
6.10
Nhaa-mpa
this-TOP7
/
wirrwi thalu-yi
wind sacred.increase.rite-TOP4
‘This (is) the wind thalu site.’
ngurra-yu.
site/place-EMPH4
(AP)
Further, some Kurrama ascriptive non-verbal clauses may have the properties of
a locational clause where the nominal predicate identifies the location of its subject.
Nominals and demonstratives that are inherently locative, or compass terms, can be
228
used in this type of clause, but more often a locative marked NP is used; as illustrated
by the following examples.
6.11
Paru
hill.spinifex
maru
/
mob/many
marnta-ngka.
hill -LOC
'A lot of spinifex (is) on the hill.’
6.12
(MD)
Warnaa-ngarli-la / ngunhangat-pa-mpa janku-wuyha-yu.
sibling-DUAL-EMPH4
brother-PL-LOC
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
‘Those two siblings (were) in amongst/with all the brothers.'
(P.060)
Although there are no tense, aspect or mood (TAM) inflections used in
ascriptive non-verbal clauses the addition of the temporal clitic –mu on the following
nominal predicate wirta-wuyha, in example 6.13, illustrates that a measure of temporal
reference can be given to a Kurrama non-verbal clause. Temporal adjuncts can also
provide a temporal ‘setting’ within an ascriptive non-verbal clause.
6.13
Ngaliya
/
1du.exc.NOM
wirta-wuyha-mu
youth/young.man-DUAL-THEN
'We two (were) young fellas, then.'
(P.016)
6.1.2 Non-Verbal Clauses That Have Accusative Complements
In Kurrama, a non-verbal clause may also be made up of a nominal predicate
that selects an accusative marked nominal complement as well as a nominal subject.
There are three types of nominal predicate that behave this way; simple predicate
nominals, kin or relationship terms, and some common ascriptive nominals. Discussion
and examples of each follow.
Simple predicate nominals that denote a psychological state, such as mirnu
‘know’, waa ‘fear’, and purtpi ‘want’, can select accusative complements. Some
examples follow. In these examples the predicate nominals code the psychological
states ‘know’ and ‘want’, and the themes of these predicates (that which is ‘known’ or
‘wanted’) are marked accusative.
229
6.14
Ngayi
mirnu
1sg.NOM know
[ ngani-i
ngurnat-ku ].
what-ACC thatDEF-ACC
‘I know what that (is)!’
6.15
(P.265)
Mirnu ngartarra [ ngayu ].
know still
1sg.ACC
'(She) still knew me.’
6.16
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
(P.544)
mirnu [ ngurnu
know that.ACC
ngurra-yi
camp-ACC
wanthila-wu ],
where-ACC
mirnu kurta [ Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu ].
know very Yalyarra-ACC where-ACC
'I knew where that camp was. (I) knew where it must be at Yalyarra.'
6.17
Ngayi
purtpi [ murla–yi ].
1sg:NOM want
meat -ACC
'I want (some) meat.'
6.18
(P.167)
(MD)
Mangkurla [ piwi- i ]
purtpi.
child
nipple/breast/milk-ACC want
'The child wants breast/milk.'
(MD)
Kin or relationship terms within a non-verbal clause can also select accusative
complements. In these situations, the subject of the clause is the one to whom the kin or
relationship term is assigned and the accusative complement refers to the one who
‘possesses’ or is related to this kin.
6.19
Nhaa
this
nhawu papu [ kuyharra-wu
man father two-ACC
‘This man is the father of two sons.’
6.20
Kurri,
young.girl
ngayi
1sg.NOM
'Girl, I am mother to you.'
6.21
Nhaa
this
[ ngurnu
that.ACC
[ nyinku]
2sg.ACC
manyka-yi].
son-ACC
(MD)
ngangka.
mother
(MD)
nhawu-u ]
man-ACC
nyupa.
spouse/girlfriend
'This one is spouse/girlfriend to that man.'
(MD)
230
Some common nominal predicates can also select an accusative complement. In
these situations the nominal predicate ascribes a property to the subject of the clause and
this property holds for the situation, or point of view, of the referent of the accusative
complement; as follows:
6.22
Wala
that
jami
medicine
martkurra [ ngarnta-yi ].
good
sore/wound-ACC
'That bush medicine is good for sores.'
6.23
Kari maru
grog mob/many
paja
[ nyinku ].
no.good/not.right 2sg.ACC
‘Too much grog is bad for you.’
6.24
Nhaa
this
(MD)
karnti [ malu-u ]
tree
shade-ACC
‘This tree is good for shade.’
(MD)
wapa.
good
(MD)
In summary, the accusative suffix is most often used to automatically mark the
non-subject core argument of a predicate in Kurrama. This is most evident in the
marking of the objects of regular primary transitive verbs (such as, wanpi ‘hit’ and
wirnta ‘cut’). It was shown in this section that nominal predicates that describe a
psychological state, and kinship/relationship nominals acting as 2 place predicates, also
select accusative marked core complements.
Yet, it was shown in §2.2.2 that the accusative marker can have uses other than
marking a core argument of a predicate. For instance, it can mark an (optional)
beneficiary or goal and also marks not only the direct object of an active ditransitive
verb but also the indirect object. It was further illustrated in this section that some
common nominal predicates (that ascribe a property to an unmarked subject) can also
select accusative marked complements. Dative marking would often be applied to each
of these non-core arguments in many ergative Pama-Nyungan languages. The use of
accusative marking of non-core arguments in Kurrama therefore seems to be a relic of
the use of the old dative from earlier times. There is, however, an observable trend that
applies to the broad uses of accusative marking in Kurrama which further explains why
it is used on the complements of some common nominal predicates (and on other noncore arguments).
231
It can be argued that common nominals that ascribe a property to their subject
are assigned an accusative marked complement (and goals and beneficiaries are marked
accusative) through an apparent notion of ‘affectedness’ that can be applied to all uses
of the accusative in Kurrama. That is, transitive objects and the accusative complements
of nominal psych-predicates and kinship/relationship nominals typically convey a sense
of being acted upon or affected in some way. Also, accusative marked beneficiary and
goal arguments imply a sense of someone or something being affected. This notion also
seems to apply to the choice of using accusative marking of the complements of some
common nominals (which ascribe a property to an unmarked subject); they too convey a
sense of affectedness. That is, in these instances, the referent of the accusative
complement is affected in some way by the property coded by the common nominal
predicate (adapted from Dench, 1995: 66-71).
6.2
Copula Clauses
Kurrama does not have any verb forms that have a strictly copula function alone.
Instead, several intransitive verbs from the zero conjugation class, which usually have a
‘stance’ meaning, can be used as copula verbs in Kurrama. The ‘stance’ verb parni is
often used as a copula and has the meanings ‘sit’, ‘stop’, ‘stay’ and ‘live’ as well as the
copula function ‘be’. Two other zero conjugation ‘stance’ verbs karri (‘stand’, ‘stop’
and ‘stay’) and ngarrwi / ngarri 27 (‘lie’, ‘stop’ and ‘stay’) can also act as copula verbs
but are used less frequently. There are, also, some instances in the Kurrama corpus
where the zero conjugation verb yanku ‘go’ acts as a copula. In this section the use of
yanku as a copula verb is examined after the copula functions of parni, karri, and
ngarrwi / ngarri are discussed.
Of the verbs that can have a copula function in Kurrama it is the verb parni
which acts most like a true copula. It can be used as a relatively semantically ‘empty’
means of bringing tense, aspect and mood to an otherwise verbless clause. The other
two ‘stance’ verbs karri and ngarrwi/ngarri usually retain some of their core semantic
meaning when used in a copula construction. That is, the use of karri or ngarrwi/ngarri
as a copula verb usually conveys the physical dimensions or ‘stance’ orientation of the
27
In the Kurrama corpus the two forms ngarri and ngarrwi are both used to express
‘lie/stop/stay’ and ‘be’. Algy Paterson most often uses ngarrwi and Maudie Dowton most
often uses ngarri. Wordick (1982: 318) cites ngarri as the form used in Yindjibarndi. See also
§1.7.3.
232
subjects of these verbs in a copula clause. For instance, subjects that have a horizontal
orientation, such as rivers and plains, will tend to select the ‘lie’ copula ngarrwi/ngarri;
while subjects with a vertical orientation, such as trees or cliffs, will tend to select the
‘stand’ copula karri.
Presented below are some examples of parni acting as a semantically empty
copula. Then following this are some examples of karri and ngarrwi/ngarri which most
often retain some of their ‘stance’ meaning when used as a copula.
6.25
Jilirra-wayhu ngunha
big-DIM
that
parni-nha
be-PAST
'It was sort of big, like that...'
6.26
Nhaa-wurtu
this-EMPH
blanket parni
blanket be.PRES
'Here was this blanket again.'
6.27
(P.324)
ngartarra.
again
(P.231)
Nhaat -pa-mpa
ngayi-yu
parni -ngu
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4 be-REL
'(Yes), this is me (lit: ‘this I be’)’
6.28
jurnta-wa…
like.that-TOP1
(P.027)
Ngayi
kurtkaarri-ngu parni-nha 28
1sg.NOM think-REL
be-PAST
'I thought about that.'
(P.165)
In some of the examples above it is possible to interpret parni as conveying its
meaning ‘sit’, such as in 6.28 for example, but interpreting parni as the dummy copula
‘be’ yields a more apt translation overall. Following are some simple examples of the
copula use of karri and ngarri provided by Maudie Dowton. They illustrate the
selection of a copula that corresponds to the ‘stance’ orientation of its subject.
6.29
Wanarra karnti karri
long/tall tree stand.PRES
'The tree is/stands tall'
28
(MD)
It is possible that parni-nha has an aspectual function like the English progressive ‘be’ in this
example. That is, a possible translation of 6.28 could be – ‘I was thinking about that’. This
deserves investigation in further research; see also §4.5.9.3.
233
6.30
Thampi wuntu
ngarri
wide river/creek lie.down.PRES
'The river is/lies wide.'
(MD)
In the following example 6.31 karri is translated as having a copula function but
it also implicitly conveys its meaning ‘stand’. The speaker has come upon his Granny
and is standing behind her when he speaks to her. In example 6.32 the verb karri is best
translated as having a copula function alone rather than also conveying a ‘stance’
meaning. That is, a translation such as: ‘those others stood out on clear ground in a car’
is unlikely; the subjects are sitting in the car even though the car itself is ‘standing out
on clear ground’. The use of ngarrwi in example 6.33 can be translated equally as ‘lie’
or ‘be’.
6.31
“Ngawu, kantharri. Nhaat-pa-mpa
ngayi
karri-ngu.”
yes
granny
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM be/stand -REL
"Yes, Granny. This is me.”
6.32
Nhungkurtu karri
those
be/stand.PRES
(P.418-419)
warni-ngka-mu
murtiwarla-la-yi
clear.ground-LOC-THEN car-LOC-ACC
‘Those others are out on clear ground, in the car.’
6.33
(P.109)
..ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayarntu ngurriny-ngarli ngarrwi
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:GEN swag-PL
be/lie.PRES
'My swag and everything is/lies there.'
(P.164)
Of course, it should be noted here that each of these ‘stance’ verbs can also be
used in other contexts where they do not act as a copula at all and instead code only
their ‘stance’ meanings alone.
There are some instances, in the Kurrama data, where the motion verb yanku
‘go’ also acts as a copula. In these instances yanku acts like the copula use of puni ‘go’
in Martuthunira as reported by Dench (1995: 212-213). Dench (1995: 213) states that in
Martuthunira the restricted use of puni as a copula in conjunction with an ascriptive
predicate does not code the movement of ‘going’ by the verb’s subject but instead
indicates that an ascribed state will be maintained while the subject performs other
actions. The use of yanku in the following Kurrama example 6.34 exhibits this pattern.
234
In example 6.34 the privative marked yanku ‘go’ does not indicate the negation of
movement or motion. Instead, the privative marked yanku acts as a negative copula
which is juxtaposed with the nominal predicate waa to denote the ascribed state ‘don’t
be frightened’. This ‘state’ is to be maintained so that the subject can carry out the
actions of ‘stopping to talk’.
6.34
Wangka-yinyjarri-i
talk-COLL-POT
kantharri
granny
nyinta-yu
2sg.NOM-EMPH4
waa
yanku-warri
ngayi
fear/frightened go/be-PRIV-PRES 1sg.NOM
nhaat-ju.
thisDEF-EMPH1
‘(Stop and) talk Granny, don't you be frightened, this is just me (it's just me).'
(P.127)
The verb yanku also acts as a copula in the following example 6.35 (in the
potential inflected form yanki-i). Its use here in conjunction with the privative marked
wirrwi ‘wind’ denotes a situation where there will be ‘no wind’ for three days while the
subjects wait for the wind to start to ‘blow’. The subjects have just performed a wind
making ritual/rite and are camped, waiting, at a waterhole near a wind making site.
Yanku, in this situation, does not code motion or movement by the subjects; they are
camped waiting for the wind to start up.
6.35
Jarrwurti-la yanki-i
three-LOC go/be-POT
karrwu-ngka-yi ngaliwu
wirrwi-warrimarta.
sun-LOC-TOP4 1pl.inc.NOM wind-PRIV
'For three days we will be without wind.'
6.3
(AP)
Active Declarative Clauses
Active declarative clauses are the most common verbal clause type used in the
Kurrama corpus. At its simplest an active declarative is a verbal clause that asserts or
reports information in the form of a statement. Active declaratives can occur as either
independent or subordinate clauses and are distinct from passive declarative clauses
which have a differing structure (see §6.6). In the Kurrama corpus, the verb in an
independent active declarative clause is most often inflected with a past tense suffix
(because the data is mostly from narratives about past events) but present, potential,
perfective or habitual marking is also possible. Specific subordinate verb inflections,
such as the purpose, result and the RELative inflections, form subordinate clause types
that differ a little from the basic declarative form; but the perfective, potential and
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habitual inflections are used in the formation of subordinate clauses that do retain the
basic active declarative structure. Subordinate clause constructions are discussed in
Chapter 7 and passive constructions are discussed in §6.6. Some simple examples of
independent active declaratives follow.
In examples 6.36 to 6.39 the constituent order in the active declaratives varies
but the agent or actor arguments select nominative case and the theme or patient
arguments select accusative case. Example 6.40 illustrates a ditransitive active
declarative where the theme and the recipient arguments are both assigned accusative
case.
6.36
Ngayi
nhawu-nha
1sg.NOM see-PAST
'I saw/spotted the swag. '
6.37
Nhawu-Ø
Man-NOM
Parntaya-rna-wa
find-PAST-TOP1
(P.203)
Yawarta-wu janka-rna ngayi.
horse-ACC tie-PAST 1sg.NOM
‘I tied up the horse.'
6.40
(MD)
ngayi
ngurra-yi.
1sg.NOM camp-ACC
'I'd found the camp.'
6.39
(P.208)
nhawu-nha kurri-i
see-PAST young.girl-ACC
'The man saw the girl.'
6.38
ngurriny-ku
swag-ACC
(P.211)
Pungkanyu-Ø
ngayu
yungku-nha
woman-NOM
1sg.ACC give-PAST
'The woman gave me damper.’
martumirri-i
bread/damper -ACC
(MD)
In the following examples spatial and temporal NP adjuncts are added to an independent
active declarative clause.
6.41
Yaayu-warri-nha
ngunhungat
aunty-PRIV-SPEC there
mijularri-nha
hide-PAST
purlu-ngka
above-LOC
tharra-ngka kupija-la
cave-LOC little-LOC
'Old Aunty was there up above hiding in a little cave.’
(P.109)
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6.42
Well,
well
juju-ngarli-Ø
old.man-PL-NOM
nhaa wirrumu-mu-yu,
yala nganthayi,
this long.ago-THEN-EMPH4 now also
yurrama-ma-tkayi ngunyji
murruwa-arta-la…
soak-CAUS-POT thereNV up.stream-ALL-LOC
'Well, the old people once upon a time, and now too, would make a soak there,
up stream.. (to get clean clear water).’
(P.179)
6.3.1 Constituent Order in Active Declarative Main Clauses
The following Table 6.1 lists the frequencies of constituent order of the subject
(S), object (O) and verb (V) within a sample of a hundred active declarative main
clauses. The clause sample is taken from a section of text within Algy Paterson’s
Payarrany narrative. The constituent order frequencies include those of both transitive
and intransitive clauses. The most frequent constituent order for transitive clauses is
SVO and for intransitive clauses is SV. Although not counted and presented in the
tallies below, I located 3 instances of object ellipsis in transitive clauses (that had a SV
order) when examining another section of the narrative.
Table 6.1 Constituent order in a sample of 100 active declarative main clauses
SOV SVO VSO VOS
Transitive
9
SV
29
4
VS
OSV OVS
1
V
1
2
VO
OV
ellipsed
S
ellipsed
S
13
5
Total
64
Total
ellipsed
S
Intransitive
29
4
3
36
Because there are varying constituent orders in the table presented above this
suggests that Kurrama is a ‘free’ word order language; even though there is a preference
for SVO and SV. Indeed, the ordering of the constituents in a Kurrama clause does not
determine the grammatical relations within the clause. However, as shown (for instance)
by Simpson and Mushin (2008) in narratives from four Australian languages (Warlpiri,
Nyangumarta, Garrwa and Jiwarli), there are some general pragmatic principles that
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appear to determine constituent order within the make up of declarative clauses used in
Indigenous Australian narratives. Clause initial position usually contains pragmatically
important or prominent information that is brought first to the listener’s attention. The
ordering preferences for the rest of the clause are then affected by this choice of clause
initial information. Typically, new information, re-established information, contrastive
information and scene setting elements are placed clause initial.
In the Payarrany narrative the placement of a constituent in clause initial
position marks it as being the most pragmatically important and/or prominent
constituent in the clause. Ellipsed arguments in a clause usually involve recoverable old,
given or less ‘newsworthy’ information. Alternatively, overt subject arguments placed
clause initial describe actors or agents who may be new or reintroduced to the
Payarrany story or otherwise play a prominent role in a specified event or action. Those
verbs that do appear first in clauses (from the Payarrany story) most often have an
ellipsed subject, but they can be placed clause initial before an overt subject and/or
object. These clause initial verbs typically describe a prominent new or contrastive
action that is carried out by the narrative’s participants. The placement of an object in
clause initial position conveys the prominence of its referent’s role in the action being
undertaken. If the speaker wishes to place the object in greater prominence it can be
placed in nominative position by use of a passive voice construction (see §6.6).
Ellipsis of a verb in Kurrama is rare. Even though they don’t appear in nonverbal clauses, verbs are usually required to overtly describe an event or action. Ellipsis
of object arguments in Kurrama transitive clauses is relatively infrequent; even though
they are usually given a position of lesser prominence in a clause. Overt object
arguments are somewhat necessary to the locutionary content of a transitive clause. That
is, the action or event denoted by a transitive verb is better described, and understood,
when the object on which it acts is overtly presented with the verb. An ellipsed subject
can often be inferred from the context in which an active transitive clause occurs but an
overt object completes the description of a transitive act. That is, ‘something happens to
something’ not ‘something happens to (blank)’.
The subject and object arguments in a Kurrama clause are mostly realized by
common nominals, proper names, nominal phrases, pronominals and demonstratives
acting with a pronominal function. In the Payarrany narrative each of these differing
manifestations of subject and object behave much the same. The Kurrama pronominals
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(and demonstratives) acting as subjects or objects behave in the same manner as do the
other nominals. In his telling of the Payarrany narrative AP often uses the first person
nominative pronominal ngayi as the subject of an active declarative main clause when
describing his own actions. AP does frequently place this pronominal subject in
prominent clause initial position but occasionally places it in middle or final position. In
these varying positions the pronominal subject may be placed before or after the verb
and need not be placed adjacent to that verb.
However, there are some elements that do naturally occur, most often, in clause
initial position in Kurrama. These include the interrogative pronominals and locationals,
the negative particle mirta, and some demonstratives used to link the clauses in a
narrative (such as ngunhangaata-ngu ‘from that time’ or ngartimu ‘then/next/again’).
These elements are given initial prominence in a Kurrama clause because they provide a
‘focus’ for the clause or a ‘point of departure’ from which the clause begins. That is, the
interrogatives introduce a question, the negative particle sets up a contrasting negative
clause, and some (conjunction) demonstratives provide not only a link with a previous
clause or sentence but also set the scene for what is to follow.
6.4
Part - Whole Constructions
There are two main ways of expressing possession in Kurrama. These two
patterns can be identified as alienable and inalienable possession. The distinction
between alienable and inalienable possession varies across Australia’s languages, and is
somewhat language specific but, most often, an alienable possession is viewed as being
separate from its possessor and not an inherent part of that possessor. Whereas, as stated
by Wordick (1982: 143), inalienable possession ‘is based upon the premise that
something which is part of something else is that something else’ and, therefore, is
inseparable from that something else and cannot be possessed by it. For instance, a
person’s parents, a person’s house, or a person’s pet are all alienable possessions; while
a person’s body parts or name are inalienable ‘possessions’.
Alienable possession is usually indicated, in Kurrama, by genitive inflection of
an expression that describes the possessor of an alienable possession (see §2.4.1).
However, although used less often, alienable possession can also be coded, in Kurrama,
by comitative marking (§2.4.2) and by use of the verb kanyja-R ‘to have’.
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Yet, to restate, inalienable possession is most often represented by a whole-part
relationship. In an inalienable whole-part relationship, a part is viewed as being
inseparable from the whole, and is therefore not possessed by that whole. That is, the
part and the whole are the same entity. As stated by Blake (1987: 95) most of the
examples of whole-part relationships in the Australian literature are of humans or
animals and their body parts. For instance, whole-part relationships include a man and
his arm, or a dog and its tail, or a bird and its wing etc. Blake (1987: 95) also states that,
in many Australian languages, inalienable ‘parts’ can also ‘typically include one’s
name, footprints, soul, shadow and substances emanating from the body such as blood,
tears and faeces’. All of these possibilities are found in Kurrama as, also, are whole-part
relationships that involve inanimate entities; such as: a river and its banks, a tree and its
leaves, and a cave in a hill.
In the Kurrama corpus a whole-part relationship is most often expressed by
adjacent placement of the whole NP and the part NP (in either order), and by marking
both the whole and the part NPs with the same case or nominal inflection; as the
following examples illustrate.
6.43
Nhawu purri-rna kurtka-yi wanyja-yi.
man
pull-PAST ear-ACC dog-ACC
'The man pulled the dog's ear.'
6.44 Warlupi wanpi-rna
boy
hit-PAST
kurri-i
jirli-i.
girl-ACC arm/upper.arm-ACC
‘The boy hit the girl’s arm.'
6.45
(MD)
Pungkanyu kurri-i
yurrurn-ku winta-rna.
woman
girl-ACC hair-ACC
cut-PAST
'The woman cut the girl's hair.'
6.46
(MD)
(MD)
Ngayi
nhawu-rna nhawu-u malu-u.
1sg.NOM see-PAST man-ACC shadow-ACC
‘I saw the man's shadow.’
(MD)
In the following examples the person, denoted by a pronoun, and her/his
inalienable name or ‘parts’ are both in nominative case. They are in an inalienable
relation and do not select alienable genitive marking.
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6.47
Maudie-nha
ngayi
yini. Nyinta
yini Piita-nha.
Maudie-SPEC 1sg.NOM name. 2sg.NOM name Peter-SPEC
‘My (I) name is Maudie. Your (you) name is Peter.’
6.48 Ngayi
majarra-rri.
1sg.NOM sick/sore-INCH.PRES
Jina
ngayi
paja.
foot.NOM 1sg.NOM bad/weak
'I am becoming/getting sick. My (I) foot is no good.'
6.49 Wala
jina
winta-nnguli-rna
3sg.NOM foot.NOM cut-PASS-PAST
'His (he) foot was cut by a bottle'
6.50
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
pulha
head.NOM
'My head aches.'
(MD)
(MD)
bottle-lu.
bottle-INSTR
(MD)
majarrarti-yu
sore/hurts/sick -EMPH
(Hale, 1959:28)
In the following examples the whole and the parts select locative marking in
6.51 and instrumental marking in 6.52. However, example 6.51 is not a definitive
example of a part-whole construction. The locative marked expressions in 6.51 could be
viewed just as just being in apposition (and not forming a part-whole relation); as is
evident in the alternative translation - ‘The boy sat on the hill in a cave’.
6.51
Warlupi
Boy
parni
sit.PRES
marnta-ka
hill-LOC
'The boy sat in the cave in the hill.'
6.52
tharra-ngka.
cave-LOC
(MD)
Wanyja wanpi-nguli
nhawu-ngku mara-ngku.
dog
hit-PASS.PRES man-INSTR hand-INSTR
'The dog was hit by the man with his hand.'
(MD)
6.4.1 Are the Part NP and the Whole NP Separate Constituents?
In the data available I have no definitive evidence that a part NP and a whole NP
form separate constituents in a Kurrama part-whole construction. In the part-whole
constructions presented above the whole NP and the part NP are placed adjacent to one
another. Yet, there are instances in Hale’s (1959) data where the whole and part NPs are
not adjacent; these examples follow. Although it is not a specific requirement that all
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elements of a single constituent be contiguous they are usually placed next to one
another in Kurrama. The separation of the whole and the part expressions in the
following clauses suggests that the whole expression and the part expression are
separate constituents. However, this is not a definitive assumption; they could be
elements of a singular discontinuous constituent.
6.53
Warlu
snake
ngayu
paa-rna.
Ngayi
purtpaa-rri-nha-wa
1sg:ACC bite-PAST 1sg:NOM swollen-INCH-PAST-TOP1
jirli.
arm.NOM
‘A snake bit me. My arm has swollen.'
6.54
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
(Hale, 1959: 24)
nyinku
yurra-rtkayi murru-u.
2sg:ACC scratch -POT back-ACC
'I will scratch your back.'
(Hale, 1959: 25)
For a number of Australian languages it can be argued conclusively that the NP
representing the whole and the NP representing the part are separate constituents in a
part-whole construction. In languages where case is only marked on the final word of a
NP constituent, as for instance in the Western Desert dialects or in the Arrernte dialects
of Central Australia, the identical case marking of a part NP and a whole NP identifies
them as separate constituents that are marked in agreement (Bowe, 1990; Goddard,
1985; Henderson, 1998; Wilkins, 1989). However, in Kurrama, where there is a rule of
complete concord marking within a NP constituent, the identical case marking of the
whole NP and the part NP can be said to represent either agreement marking between
two constituents or concord marking within the one constituent.
Also, McGregor (1985) and Hale (1981) have shown that bound pronouns, in
languages like Kuniyanti and Warlpiri, are often used to cross reference a whole entity,
in a part-whole construction, but not the part entity; which suggests that the part and the
whole are represented as separate constituents in these languages. However, without
cross-referencing bound pronouns this test of separate constituency is not possible in
Kurrama.
Examples where the whole and the part NPs are marked with differing case or
nominal suffixes would definitely indicate different constituency in a Kurrama part-
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whole relation. However, I have no examples of this. In our time together, I should have
asked MD how sentences such as ‘I hit the dog’s tail’ versus ‘I hit the dog on the tail’
are represented in Kurrama? I expect that in the first sentence ‘dog’ and ‘tail’ would
both be marked accusative, but are both ‘dog’ and ‘tail’ marked locative in the second
sentence, or is some other configuration used, such as marking ‘tail’ locative and ‘dog’
accusative?
However, ‘hit on a body part’ constructions may not have been used in earlier
times (prior to European contact) and only ‘hit a (whole’s) body part’ constructions
used. The following locational ascriptive clause recorded by Hale (1959: 23) illustrates
locative marking of a body part, but this example does not strictly form a part-whole
relation. The whole that inalienably possesses the locative inflected maa ‘hand’, in
example 6.55, is omitted from this non-verbal clause.
6.55
Ngarnta
ngayi
nhaa
sore/wound 1sg:NOM this
maa-ngka.
hand-LOC
'I have this sore on (my) hand.' (Hale, 1959: 23)
There are some possible tests that could be applied, in the future, to help
determine the constituency of a part and a whole. What occurs with control structures in
same subject (or different subject) reference marking when a matrix clause contains a
part-whole construction in subject (or accusative object) position? Will the understood
subject of a subordinate clause marked with same (or different subject) reference refer
to the whole or the part as its controlling argument in the matrix clause (and if so which
one?) or will it refer to a controlling argument made up of both the part and the whole?
Imperative constructions could also provide another test. For instance, if we find ‘me’
presented in accusative form and ‘eye’ not marked in an imperative clause such as ‘Poke-IMP me-ACC (in) the eye!’- then this could indicate that the whole (‘me’) and
the part (‘eye’) are separate constituents.
6.5
Secondary Predications
Freely occurring examples of secondary predication in the Kurrama texts are
rare. However, some examples of Kurrama secondary predication were provided by MD
in our recording sessions. The examples of secondary predications in the data (both
elicited and unelicited) include depictive, and resultative secondary predications (as
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defined in N. P. Himmelmann & E Schultze-Berndt (2006b)) and also some examples
of modification by manner nominals. In the following discussion I first examine the
general properties of Kurrama secondary predication and then discuss the various types
of secondary predication evident in the Kurrama data.
6.5.1 Properties of Kurrama Secondary Predications
The Kurrama secondary predications exhibit a number of properties that also
occur cross-linguistically in a number of Australian languages. Consider the features of
the following examples of Kurrama secondary predication.
6.56
Pajila-wu
ngarrka
caper.bush.fruit-ACC eat.PRES
kampaayi-wu.
ripe-ACC
'(You) eat the caper fruit (when it is) ripe.'
6.57
Nhaa
this
parti-i
ngarrku
bardi.grub-ACC eat-PRES
‘This one (s/he) eats bardies alive/raw.’
(MD)
wanka-yi
alive/raw-ACC
(MD)
In these examples, above, the secondary predicates kampaayi ‘ripe’ and wanka
‘alive/raw’ are optional adjuncts that are integrated into a single clause with a primary
predication. The primary predications in these examples are: ‘(You) eat the caper fruit’
and ‘this one eats bardies’. The secondary predications in each of these examples are
non-verbal predications which translate as: ‘(when) the caper fruit is ripe’ and ‘the
bardies are alive/raw’.
That is, each secondary predicate forms a predicative
relationship with one of the arguments of the primary predication. In examples 6.56 and
6.57 the arguments in the primary predications to which the secondary predications are
linked are the accusative marked controllers: pajila, ‘caper fruit’ and parti, ‘bardi
grubs’. The predicative link between these controllers and the secondary predicates is
indicated by case agreement. That is, in examples 6.56 and 6.57, the secondary
predicates are marked accusative in agreement with their accusative marked controllers.
In Kurrama secondary predications (and in secondary predications crosslinguistically) secondary predicates are distinct predicates that are not part of the
argument structure of the primary predicate but, instead, share an argument with the
primary predicate. Also, the primary and secondary predicates do not together form a
complex predicate. Instead, the secondary predication forms a predication in its own
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right which is distinct from the primary predication. Yet, because they are non-verbal
and are integrated into the same clause as the primary predication, secondary
predications are reliant on the primary predication for tense, aspect and mood reference
(Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt, 2006a, 2006b) 29.
6.5.2 Types of Secondary Predication in Kurrama
6.5.2.1 Depictive secondary predication
Schultze-Berndt & Himmelmann (2004: 63) state that a depictive secondary
predication most frequently ‘encodes a physical or psychological state or condition’ of
one of the participants described in a primary predication and can include ‘bodily
position’. For example, a depictive may express the state or condition of a participant
as: ‘hot/cold’, ‘old/young’, or ‘hungry’; or may express a participant’s bodily position
as: ‘sitting’, ‘upright’ or ‘barefoot’. The two preceding Kurrama examples 6.56 and 6.57
are depictive secondary predications; they express the state or condition (‘ripe’ and
‘alive/raw’) of a participant described in the primary predication. The following
Kurrama examples illustrate the physiological condition of a participant described
within a depictive secondary predication.
6.58
Nhaa
(s)he
nhawungarra-rna ngayu
majarra-wu-mu.
look.after-PAST 1sg.ACC sick/sore-ACC-THEN
'He looked after me when I was sick.'
6.59
Nhaa
(s)he
karpa-rna
take-PAST
(MD)
ngayu
majarra-wu-mu.
1sg.ACC sick/sore-ACC-THEN
'She used to take/carry me when I was sick.'
(MD)
Schultze-Berndt & Himmelmann (2004: 64 - 65) also include secondary
predications that encode ‘a role, function, or life stage’ of a participant as examples of
depictives. The following Kurrama example illustrates a depictive secondary predicate
that expresses the life stage of a participant described in a primary predication.
6.60
Ngayu
ngantha tharnangka-rrkaayi kupija-wu-mu
1sg.ACC also
piggyback-PERF
little-ACC-THEN
'(She) used to carry me piggyback when (I)was little.'
29
Summarised in Hill (2004: 24)
(P.533)
245
6.5.2.2 Resultative secondary predication
The temporal reference of a Kurrama depictive secondary predication holds
within the time frame of the event denoted by the primary predication. Alternatively, a
resultative secondary predication expresses an outcome that occurs as a result of the
event denoted by a primary predication (Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt 2006a: 4).
Some examples of resultative secondary predication from the Kurrama corpus are
presented below. In these examples the resultative secondary predicates encode a state
or condition that results from the action denoted by the primary predication.
6.61
Nhaa
this/(s)he
puntha-rna
wara-yi
jiwarra-wu.
wash-PAST cloth/clothes-ACC clean-ACC
‘This one/she washed the clothes clean.'
6.62
Nhaa
this/(s)he
(MD)
pirrwi-rrkayi kaju-u
yumpu- u
grind/file-POT axe-ACC sharp-ACC
‘This one/he will grind the axe sharp.’
(MD)
These examples of resultative secondary predication were elicited from MD.
There are no freely occurring resultative secondary predications in the Kurrama texts.
This suggests that resultative secondary predications were not used that often in
narratives or in everyday speech. This may be because there are alternate ways to
express the result of an action in Kurrama. This includes use of the inchoative
derivation (§4.7.1), the causative derivation (§4.7.2), and the result inflections (§4.5.8).
6.5.2.3 Manner secondary predication
In a Kurrama secondary predication of manner the secondary predicate role is
filled by a manner nominal that has an adverbial-like function. That is, in a manner
secondary predication a manner nominal codes the manner in which an action described
by a primary predication is performed. Some examples of Kurrama manner secondary
predication follow. In example 6.63 the manner secondary predicate is controlled by the
instrumental argument of the primary predication. In example 6.64 the manner
secondary predicate is controlled by a nominative argument which is ellipsed from the
primary predication in the secondary predication clause, but is overt in an adjoined
clause.
246
6.63
Martumirri
karpa-nguli
bread/damper bring-PASS.PRES
winimarnu-lu
quick-INSTR
'The damper was brought quickly by the woman.'
pungkanyu-lu.
woman-INSTR
(MD)
6.64 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu parni-marta-yi
martkurra-mu-yu
there-ABL-EMPH live/stay-HABIT-TOP4 good/happy-THEN-EMPH4
parna-ayi
palanku
live/stay-PERF they/those
kuma.
together
( P.080)
'Well from there, (they) stayed there, quite happily. They all stayed together.'
A feature of manner secondary predicates is that they are generally more eventoriented than depictive secondary predicates. That is, manner secondary predicates, in
general, exhibit a greater semantic orientation towards the event denoted by the primary
predication than to a participant in that event; even though the manner secondary
predicate is marked in agreement with a controller that describes a participant in the
event (usually an agent). For instance, in example 6.63 above, the manner secondary
predicate winimarnu-lu describes, foremost, the manner in which the ‘damper is
brought’ rather than describing the woman as being ‘quick’. However, this distinction is
not made in example 6.64 above. In 6.64 the scope of the manner secondary predicate
martkurra includes both the manner in which the event described by the primary
predication is conducted and the psychological state of the participants in that event.
Because a manner secondary predicate like winimarnu-lu in example 6.63 is
event oriented and not participant oriented it can be argued that it does not actually act
as a secondary predicate at all. That is, it can be argued that winimarnu-lu does not have
a subject in example 6.63 and instead of being part of a secondary predication is
actually acting as just a verb or clausal modifier. Alternatively, because martkurra in
example 6.64 is both participant and event oriented it can be argued that it does have a
subject and is part of a secondary predication. Yet, instead of being a manner secondary
predicate it is possible that martkurra actually acts, in example 6.64, as a depictive
secondary predicate that codes the psychological state of its subject. This interpretation
is feasible.
An example like 6.63 is thus somewhat problematic. Why is winimarnu-lu
marked with instrumental case in apparent agreement with the instrumental marked
agent argument in example 6.63? This is at least similar to secondary predication. More
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examples are required. An example of a manner secondary predicate that is marked in
agreement with an accusative argument in an active primary predication (or in
agreement with a nominative argument in a passive primary predication) could indicate
a process of secondary predication. However, as will be discussed below this may not
be possible.
6.5.3 Arguments That Control Secondary Predicates in Kurrama
In the various examples of the differing types of secondary predication presented
in the preceding sections we have seen secondary predicates that are controlled by
accusative, nominative or instrumental marked arguments of primary predications. In
all, the argument in a primary predication which controls a secondary predicate differs
somewhat for each secondary predication type.
I would argue that a manner secondary predicate has an agent controller who
performs an action (described by a primary predication) in a specific manner. As such, a
manner secondary predicate is controlled by an unmarked nominative subject/agent
argument in an active primary predication or by an instrumental marked agent argument
in a passive primary predication. I cannot think of a possible scenario where the
accusative object of an active primary predication, or the nominative argument of a
passive primary predication, would control a manner secondary predicate. An
agent/actor will always perform the action described by a primary predication and as
such the manner secondary predicate (which codes the manner in which this action is
performed) will agree with the marking given to the agent/actor argument.
However, in depictive secondary predications the secondary predicate indicates
the state or condition of a participant described in a primary predication and thereby a
depictive secondary predicate is most often controlled by an accusative or nominative
argument in an active primary predication which describes that participant. Although I
have no examples it would seem that a nominative or instrumental argument in a
passive primary predication could also control a depictive secondary predicate; the
secondary predicate would indicate the state or condition of the participants described
by these arguments.
Alternatively, a resultative secondary predicate denotes a state or condition that
results from the action described by the primary predication. Thereby, in resultative
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secondary predications, an accusative argument in an active primary predication (or
possibly the nominative argument in a passive primary predication) will most often
control a resultative secondary predicate; it describes the participant or entity that is
acted upon to achieve or produce the resultative state or condition. However, can other
argument types or adjuncts act as the controllers of secondary predicates in Kurrama?
One would not expect a wide range of controller types to be used in Kurrama
secondary predications because they are limited within secondary predications in other
Australian languages. Dench and Evans ((1988: 15) report that only subjects in a
primary predication can act as controllers of secondary predicates in Yankunytjatjara;
and only subjects and objects can control secondary predications in Kayardild.
However, Dench (1995: 235) states that in Martuthunira secondary predicates can be
controlled by subjects of an active primary predication, by agents in a passive primary
predication, by accusative objects, and by locational adjuncts. So it may be that
locational adjuncts could possibly control secondary predicates in Kurrama; but there
are no examples of this in the Kurrama corpus. As stated earlier, most of the examples
of secondary predication in the corpus were elicited which suggests that they are
probably not commonly used and do not have a diverse range of forms.
6.6
Passive Clauses
There are three possible ways of marking the verb in a passive clause in
Kurrama. The most common way is to attach the derivational suffix –(n)nguli to a verb
(that selects one or more accusative arguments) and then further inflect this stem for
tense, aspect and/or mood with one of the regular (active) Ø-conjugation TAM
inflections. If the verb is transitive its actor or agent argument is then marked with
instrumental case and the patient or theme argument is left unmarked with zero
nominative case. If the derivational passive marked verb is ditransitive the marking of
its arguments is a little more complex, but the usual pattern is to mark the recipient or
beneficiary argument with zero nominative case, and the theme or patient argument
with accusative case, while the actor or agent argument is marked instrumental. A
possible alternative to this pattern is discussed in §6.6.2.
The second way to mark the verb in a passive clause, in Kurrama, is to inflect
the verb (which selects one or more accusative arguments) with a passive perfective
249
suffix. The passive perfective suffix inherently codes perfective aspect and the inflected
verb does not require further TAM marking (see §4.5.4). The relations/arguments of a
passive perfective inflected verb are case marked the same as they are in a derivational
passive; as was discussed in the previous paragraph.
The final way to mark the verb in a passive clause, in Kurrama, is to inflect the
verb (which selects one or more accusative arguments) with a passive might suffix. A
passive might inflected verb codes a form of optative mood and is not further inflected
with one of the other TAM suffixes (see §4.5.12). Maudie Dowton simply described the
passive might inflection as indicating that something ‘might’ happen. The
relations/arguments of a passive might inflected verb are marked the same as they are in
derivational passive and passive perfective constructions.
In the following section I present some examples of each of these three means of
marking a passive transitive verb. I then examine the patterns of case marking used in
ditransitive passives in Kurrama. I also present and discuss Table 6.2 which contrasts
the properties of passive constructions used in a selection of text from the Payarrany
narrative against those used in a selection of text from a Martuthunira narrative. I finish
the discussion on Kurrama passives with an examination of some of the functions of
passives in both main and subordinate clauses.
6.6.1 Some Further Examples of Passive Constructions
Examples of the three types of transitive passive constructions used in Kurrama
were presented in §4.5.4, §4.5.12 and §4.6.2. Some further examples are presented
below to compare the marking given to the verb and its arguments in each passive type.
In the following example 6.65 the derivational passive suffix is added to the Lconjugation class transitive verb winta ‘cut’ to derive a Ø-conjugation class verb stem
that selects a Ø-conjugation inflection (which in this instance is the Ø-class past tense
suffix). The agent in this passive clause, nhawu ‘the man’, is assigned instrumental case
and the theme, murla ‘meat’, is left unmarked in nominative case.
6.65
Murla winta-nguli-nha
meat
cut-PASS-PAST
nhawu-ngku
man-INSTR
‘The meat was cut up by the man.’
(MD)
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The previous example 6.65 contrasts with the following active transitive clause,
where the agent nhawu is left unmarked in nominative case and the theme murla is
assigned accusative case. In this active construction the L-conjugation verb winta
selects the L-conjugation past tense suffix and not the Ø-class past suffix.
6.66
Nhawu
Man-NOM
winta-rna murla-yi
cut-PAST meat-ACC
‘The man cut up the meat.’
(MD)
In the following derivational passive the agent arguments are marked
instrumental but the patient argument is ellipsed. The patient would be in unmarked
nominative case if present.
6.67
Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu kartpa-nnguli-nha Pirtan-karta
that-ABL-EMPH4
take-PASS-PAST Onslow-ALL
yawutpa
down.hill
parrii-ngarli-lu
whitefella-PL-INSTR
ngunyji
thereNV
payanyji-lu
policeman-INSTR
‘Then from there, (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white
people, by the policemen.’
(P.549)
The following examples illustrate passive perfective clauses. In 6.68 the theme
is ellipsed and in 6.69 the agent is ellipsed. Like a derivational passive, in a transitive
passive perfective construction the agent argument, when overt, selects instrumental
marking and the theme or patient argument selects unmarked nominative case. The
passive perfective inflected verb is not assigned any further TAM marking.
6.68
Martkurra-ma-rnaarnu
good-CAUS-PPERF
wantha-rnaarnu yaayu-warri-lu
ngunyji.
put-PPERF
aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV
‘(It) was put there neatly (made good) by Aunty.’
6.69
Nhuwa-yu
spouse-EMPH4
kaliku-la
sheet-LOC
(P.077)
murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu.
wrap-CAUS-PPERF
'(My) husband was wrapped up in a sheet.'
(P.056)
The following example 6.70 illustrates a passive might construction used in
conjunction with a negative potential inflected command. Examples of passive might
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clauses are rare in the Kurrama corpus. In 6.70 the unmarked nominative patient of the
passive clause (who is the addressee subject of the command clause) is ellipsed.
6.70
Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta jankara–lu
manku-nnyaa
not/no go-POT
there-ALL
police-INSTR get/grab-P.MIGHT
‘Don't go there or (you) might be caught/grabbed by the policeman.’
(MD)
6.6.2 Case Frames in Ditransitive Passives
The patterns of case marking of the arguments of ditransitive passives vary
within the Central Pilbara languages. As a general rule in Martuthunira, all the
arguments of active verbs that are marked accusative can appear as nominative subjects
in a corresponding passive (Dench, 1995: 228). However, this rule does not hold in
Panyjima and Yindjibarndi where only one of the two accusative arguments of an active
ditransitive verb can be assigned nominative case in a corresponding passive; usually
the recipient or beneficiary. The remaining object argument of an active ditransitive
verb, usually the patient or theme, cannot be given nominative marking in a passive, in
both Panyjima and Yindjibarndi, it can only be marked accusative. The following
Yindjibarndi examples 30 provided by Wordick (1982: 174) illustrate this:
The following is an active Yindjibarndi ditransitive clause.
6.71 a. Yindjibarndi
Ngaarta yunku-nha ngayu
murla-yi.
man
give-PAST 1sg.ACC meat-ACC
‘A man gave me meat.’
(Wordick, 1982: 174)
A corresponding passive can be constructed, in Yindjibarndi, where the first
person singular pronoun recipient is in nominative form and the theme murla retains
accusative case:
6.71 b. Yindjibarndi
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
yungku-nguli-nha
murla-yi
ngaarta-lu.
give-PASS-PAST meat-ACC man-INSTR
‘I was given meat by a man’.
30
(Wordick, 1982: 174)
Panyjima examples are presented in Dench (1991: 193-194).
252
However, in Yindjibarndi, it is not possible to assign nominative case to the
theme of the ditransitive verb yungku in a passive. That is, murla cannot be assigned
nominative case in this example.
6.71 c. *Murla yungku-nguli-nha
meat give-PASS-PAST
ngayu
ngaarta-lu.
1sg.ACC man-INSTR
‘The meat was given (to me) by a man.’
(Wordick, 1982: 174)
Because Kurrama is closely related to Yindjibarndi one would expect that
Kurrama ditransitive passives would behave in a pattern similar to Yindjibarndi. That is,
one would not expect the patient or theme argument of the ditransitive verb yungku to
be assigned unmarked nominative case in a Kurrama passive. However, the data I have
is inconclusive.
In the two examples of ditransitive passives in AP’s unelicited Kurrama data
there is no nominative marking of the patient/theme arguments, they are only marked
accusative; as in the following example 6.72. In 6.72 the passive clause is highlighted in
bold. The patient/theme, pirntu ‘food’, in this ditransitive passive clause is the only
argument that is not ellipsed and it is marked accusative as one would expect. The
agents ‘who give food’ would be marked with instrumental case if present, while the
ellipsed recipient ‘she’ would be in unmarked nominative case.
6.72
Wantha-rrkayi malu-ngka punaangu-la
Put-POT
shade-LOC bloodwood-LOC
parna-angu
kumpa-ngu pirntu-u
live/stay-RSLT wait-REL food-ACC
manyjan-ta-wathu
groundsheet-LOC-DIM
yungku-nguli.
give-PASS.PRES
'(I) put (her) down in the shade of a bloodwood tree, on a bit of ground sheet
and (she) stayed there waiting to be given some food.’
(P.547)
Based on evidence like this I approached the elicitation sessions on ditransitive
passives with Maudie Dowton with the expectation that theme arguments in Kurrama
ditransitive passives would not select nominative case. However, the sessions with MD
were not conclusive. The lack of a definite answer, as to whether patient or theme
arguments can be assigned nominative case in a ditransitive passive, was due, in greater
part, to the manner in which I conducted the investigation with MD.
253
MD was reticent in offering an example of a Kurrama ditransitive passive when
I first asked her in English for an example. I struggled to make clear what it was that I
was asking. However, MD did accept the following when I presented it to her in
Kurrama; the theme is marked accusative. This is virtually the same as the Yindjibarndi
example provided by Wordick (1982: 174) which was presented earlier as example
6.71b.
6.73
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
yungku- nguli-nha murla-yi
nhawu-ngku
give-PASS-PAST meat-ACC man-INSTR
‘I was given meat by the man.'
MD did not offer any other alternate forms but when I presented the following in
Kurrama, to register her response, she seemed to agree that it could be done.
6.74
yungku-nguli-nha ngayu
nhawu-ngku
Murla-Ø
Meat-NOM give-PASS-PAST 1sg.ACC man-INSTR
‘Meat was given to me by the man'
However, when I presented the following example in Kurrama, to check, MD
was unsure. The difference in theme appeared to cause uncertainty.
6.75
Martumirri-Ø
yungku-nguli-nha
ngayu
pungkanyu-lu
bread/damper-NOM give-PASS-PAST 1sg.ACC woman-INSTR
‘Damper was given to me by the woman.'
However, MD seemed willing to accept the following when I presented it to her
in Kurrama. In this example the theme selects nominative case, but the recipient is
ellipsed.
6.76
Martumirri-Ø
bread/damper-NOM
yungku-nguli-nha
give-PASS-PAST
pungkanyu-lu
woman-INSTR
'Damper was given by the woman.'
With varying degrees of certainty MD ultimately accepted all of the Kurrama
examples that I presented to her, to measure her response, but did not offer any
examples herself. We were not able to progress past this. As I have found in other
situations, it appeared that MD did not want to disagree with the examples that I
provided and so politely agreed with them, but in doing so left a conclusion
254
unanswered. It seemed that the theme of a ditransitive passive could select nominative
case but I was left feeling unsure.
As already stated, there are no instances in AP’s data where the theme is marked
nominative in a ditransitive passive. However, there are only a limited number of
examples in this data. More work needs to be done. As an alternative it may have been
productive in the sessions with MD to also try to determine the marking assigned to the
arguments of the ditransitive causative derivation mirnu-ma ‘show/teach’ in a passive
construction, but I did not do this at the time. This is a possibility for further research.
Also, during our sessions together, I could have tested MD’s frame of mind, at the time,
by presenting sentences that I knew to be incorrect to see if she would accept or reject
them.
6.6.3 Passive Use in the Central Pilbara Languages
A survey of the texts in Wordick (1982: 199-280) and von Brandenstein (1970)
suggests that passive constructions are used sparingly in Yindjibarndi. Of the passives
that are used in the Yindjibarndi texts the derivational passive is the most common,
while the passive optative (‘might’) inflection is rarely used. Dench (1991: 193 & 1995:
227) has presented some statistics on the frequency of passive use in Panyjima and
Martuthunira. He states that ‘passive clauses are reasonably rare’ in Panyjima but are
more common in Martuthunira. As stated earlier, derivational passives and passive
perfective constructions are relatively common in the Kurrama corpus, but passive
might constructions are rare.
In the following table a comparison is made between the properties of passive
constructions used in a sample of text taken from a Martuthunira narrative (from Dench,
1995: 227) and those used in a sample of text taken from the Kurrama Payarrany
narrative. In the column titled wangka are listed the various percentages of passive
constructions made on the Kurrama verb wangka where wangka ‘to name/to call’ is
used to present the names of various people, entities or places into the Payarrany text
sample (as is illustrated by examples 6.77 to 6.79 which follow later). This use of
wangka occurs quite often in the sample, and in the overall count of a 100 passive
clauses located in the Payarrany sample there were 20 instances of passive
constructions made on wangka where it has the meaning ‘to name/to call’. AP is the
narrator of both the Martuthunira text and the Payarrany story. Dench (1995: 227)
255
describes the length of the text from which the sample of Martuthunira passives are
taken as ‘a long stretch of narrative text’. The Kurrama selection comes from a sample
of approximately six hundred clauses in length.
Note that Table 6.2 does not present a comparison of the frequencies of passive
versus active clauses used in each text sample, but instead compares some of the
properties of the passive constructions used within these samples. Also, to restate in
different words, the counts under the column K (Kurrama) include all the passive
constructions used in the Payarrany sample including those made on wangka; while the
counts under wangka list its use alone (where it has the meaning ‘to call’ or ‘to name’).
Table 6.2 Passive constructions in a Martuthunira text (M) and a Kurrama text (K)
M
K
wangka
Total number of passive clauses in the sample
150
100
20
Percentage that are subordinate clauses
57%
42%
65%
Percentage of all passives that are agentless
65%
70%
80%
Percentage of main clause passives that are agentless
58%
78% 100%
Percentage of subordinate passives that are agentless
70%
60%
77%
Percentage that are derivational passives
45%
54%
95%
Percentage of derivational passives that are subordinate clauses
66%
52%
68%
Percentage of derivation passives that are agentless
74%
73%
84%
Percentage that are inflectional passives
55%
46%
5%
Percentage of inflectional passives that are subordinate clauses
60%
33%
0%
Percentage of inflectional passives that are agentless
52%
67%
100%
As is shown in Table 6.2 derivational passives occur more frequently than
inflectional passives in the Kurrama sample, whereas in the Martuthunira sample
inflectional passives occur slightly more often. Also, the percentage of inflectional
passives that are subordinate clauses is relatively low in the Payarrany text selection
256
when compared with the Martuthunira text selection; while the percentages of
derivational passives that are subordinate clauses are higher in both samples.
However, the most notable feature, evident in Table 6.2, is the high percentage
of agentless passives in both the Kurrama sample and the Martuthunira sample. In both
selections of text, the main clause passives and the subordinate clause passives are often
without an overt agent; and both the derivational and the inflectional passives are also
often without an overt agent. The agentless passives in the Kurrama and Martuthunira
samples represent the speaker’s wish to not make reference to a specific agent in the
situations that he is describing; while, at the same time, he raises the non-agent
arguments into prominence by placing them overtly in nominative function.
The expression wangka has a number of meanings. It can act as a nominal with
English translations such as ‘speech’, ‘talk’, ‘story’, ‘language’ and ‘word’. It can also
act as a verb with English translations such as ‘to speak’, to talk (about)’ and ‘to ask’.
The 20 passive constructions made on wangka, which were counted separately within
the Payarrany narrative sample, are those where wangka has the meaning ‘to name’ or
‘to call’; it is used to present the English or Kurrama name of an entity, place, or person
into the narrative. The following examples 6.77 to 6.79 illustrate this use. Nearly all of
the passive constructions made on wangka in the sample, where it has the meaning ‘to
call/to name’, are derivational passives. Most often the passive derivations of wangka
‘to call/to name’ appear without an overt agent. In only three instances are they
associated with an overt agent (as in 6.77). Further, in most instances the derivational
passive stem wangka-nguli-Ø is also marked with a subordinate RELative marker (as
in 6.77 and 6.78). There was only one instance of an inflectional passive marker used on
wangka ‘to call/to name’ in the sample; this is presented as example 6.79.
6.77
Pirntu-nyaa kurtan, flourbag
food-ASSOC bag
flourbag
wangka-nguli-ngu parrii-ngarli-lu.
call-PASS-REL
whitefella-PL-INSTR
'(They were) bags for food, (what are) called flour bags by whitefellas.'
6.78
(P.237)
Nhaa-yu
purtu-nyaa
nhaa wara jaat
wangka-nguli-ngu.
this-EMPH4 chest-ASSOC this cloth shirt call-PASS-REL
'This cloth, associated with the chest, it’s called a shirt.’
(P.297-P.298)
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6.79
Yanku-nha
go-PAST
ngayi
murlurru kurta,
1sg.NOM straight
very
wurnta-rtkayi
come-POT
Yalyarra-ngu-yu
wangka-yangaarnu...
Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4 call-PPERF
'I went straight (there) and came to that place called Yalyarra…'
(P.172)
The names of people and places are important in Aboriginal cultures and this is
reflected in AP’s frequent naming of people and places in the Payarrany narrative. In
all, the use of passive derivation or inflection of wangka allows AP to name a person or
place without going into unnecessary detail about the ‘varied’ agents who use this
name; he can omit the agents by using a passive. Also, the use of subordinate passive
derivation of wangka allows AP to easily link a name to a person or place in his
narrative. He can inflect the derivational passive verb stem, wangka-nguli-Ø, with a
switch reference RELative inflection to link its subject, the name, to a co-referential
argument in a main clause that describes the specific person or place that he is naming.
6.6.4 Functions of Kurrama Passives
As indicated above, a Kurrama passive construction places a non-agent
argument into prominence by putting it in nominative function, and takes the emphasis
off the agent argument by placing it in peripheral instrumental function or by omitting it
altogether. The high number of passive constructions that are agentless in the Payarrany
text sample demonstrates that this property is often utilized. Examples 4.101 and 4.102,
discussed in §4.6.2, illustrate some instances of agentless passives, as also do examples
6.78 and 6.79 in § 6.6.3 above.
Further, as discussed in §4.6.2, passives can be used to realign a verb’s
arguments to allow conjunction or subordination between clauses in Kurrama.
Examples 4.98 to 4.100 were provided in §4.6.2 as instances of this. In summary, a
nominative subject NP of a subordinate clause acts as a pivot that allows a link to be
made with a co-referential argument in the main clause; or alternatively two clauses can
be conjoined if they share a co-referential nominative pivot. A derivational or
inflectional passive can be used to realign an accusative argument (in an active clause)
to nominative status in a passive construction to allow these links to be made if
necessary. If a derivational passive is used in a subordinate clause to gain a subject pivot
258
then one of the zero conjugation class REL markers can be used to indicate whether this
pivot is the same or different to the subject of the matrix clause. Yet, is there another
function that the derivational passive can fulfill? Can the derivational passive be used to
avoid the possible subject reference ambiguity of the R- and L-conjugation RELative
inflection –rnu?
As discussed in §4.5.9 the R- and L-conjugation REL inflection –rnu can be
used in both same and different subject reference situations and its use may not
necessarily always clearly indicate the subject reference intended. However, the use of
the derivational passive on L- and R-conjugation verbs does derive a Ø-conjugation
passive stem that can select the REL inflections –ngu and –yangu which do specifically
indicate same or different subject reference. So when a specific same or different
subject reference is required for an R- or L-class verb can the derivational passive be
used to derive a Ø-class passive stem that can be assigned specific same or different
subject REL marking?
A survey of the Kurrama data suggests that the derivational passive is not often
used specifically for this purpose. Instead, the main reason for the use of the passive in
subordinate clauses is to place a subordinate clause argument (which is co-referential
with a matrix argument) into nominative pivot status. But hand in hand with this process
Ø-conjugation
verb stems are derived that can be marked with a Ø-conjugation switch
reference REL marker.
Consider the following example 6.80 (which was previously presented as
example 4.99). The derivational passive in the subordinate clause, in this instance,
realigns the argument nhuwa ‘spouse’ into nominative subject position so that it can act
as a pivot between the subordinate clause and the matrix clause. However, hand in hand
with this, the derivational passive also changes the subordinate causative verb
murlimurli-ma from an L-conjugation stem to a Ø-conjugation stem. Thereby, tracking
of the co-referential argument, shared by the matrix clause and the passive subordinate
clause, can be made unambiguously with a Ø-conjugation REL marker; which in this
instance is the different subject marker –yangu.
259
6.80
Ngarti-yu
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi
warrungkamu-l
then-EMPH4 see-COLL-PROG-EMPH
spouse-ACC next.morning-THEN
ngarti-yu
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu
then-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
kaliku-la-wa
sheet-LOC-TOP1
walypala-ngarli-lu.
whitefellow-PL-INSTR
'And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet
(killed) by whitefellows.'
(P.005 - P. 007)
In the following example 6.81 (which was presented previously as 4.98) the use
of the passive realigns the argument yaayu-warri ‘poor Old Aunty’ into nominative
pivot status within the subordinate clause. But hand in hand with this the collective
suffix and the derivational passive suffix both convert the subordinate L-class verb
kartpa ‘take’ into a Ø-conjugation stem. The same subject Ø-conjugation REL inflection
–ngu can then be used on this collective and passive marked stem to unambiguously
track the co-referential argument yaayu-warri-nha.
6.81
Wantaawa maya-arta-wa-yu
well
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4
yanku-nha
go-PAST
yaayu-warri-nha
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
Yarrarlurlu-warta-wa,
Yarraloola-ALL-TOP1
kartpa-rnmarri-nguli-ngu
take-COLL-PASS-REL
murruka-la-wa
car-LOC-TOP1
Chev4-la
Chev.4-LOC
'Well, poor Old Aunty went to the homestead then, went to Yarraloola, taken in
the car, in the Chev 4.’
(P.168)
6.7
Imperative Clauses
A strong positive command is produced, in Kurrama, by the use of an imperative
clause where the verb is inflected with one of the allomorphs of the imperative suffix;
either -ma, -nma or –rnma. In the imperative clauses in the Kurrama corpus the
addressee subject of the clause is often omitted but if present the imperative marked
verb selects an addressee second person subject. When overt the subject of an
imperative clause is most often addressed by a second person nominative pronoun
which can be singular, dual or plural in number. However, the subject of an imperative
can also be addressed by other means, such as a proper name, a nickname, or a
kin/relation name. Wordick (1982: 168) reports that it is possible to have third person
260
subjects in Yindjibarndi imperative clauses, as in the following example where the third
person imperative clause is introduced with the particle kuyu ‘let/may’. There are no
examples like this in the Kurrama corpus.
6.82
Yindjibarndi imperative clause
Kuyu
ngunhu pangkarri-ma
Let/may him
go-IMP
‘Let him go!’ or ‘May he go!’
(Wordick, 1982: 168)
As discussed in §4.5.7 the common nominal objects of transitive imperatives are
not marked accusative; as in the following example 6.83. However, in example 6.84 the
imperative verb selects an object that is realized by the nominative demonstrative wala,
which has an identificational function in this instance. While, in examples 6.85 and 6.86
the nominative wala acts as an adnominal modifier of the unmarked common nominal
objects mungarti ‘meat’ and patjarri ‘euro’. These examples suggest that perhaps the
absence of marking of the common nominal objects of transitive imperatives represents
zero nominative marking rather than just the absence of accusative inflection.
6.83
Murla
purri-nma karla-ngka-ngu
meat
pull-IMP
fire-LOC-ABL
‘Pull the meat from the fire!’
6.84
Wala kurtkayi-nma nyinta
that
feel-IMP
2sg.NOM
“Feel that you wild man.”
6.85
Mungarti wala
meat
that
Wala
that
patjarri
euro
payawurtu-yu.
savage-EMPH4
(AP)
wiyi-nma.
swallow -IMP
'Swallow that meat.'
6.86
(MD)
(Hale, 1959: 32)
kurruma -nma jurlinypurri-rnumarnu.
kill-IMP
gut-PROG
'Kill that roo and then gut (it).'
(Hale, 1959: 23)
I could not locate an example where the object of a transitive imperative is
represented by a first person pronoun (or perhaps a second person pronoun). Would
such a pronoun be in accusative or nominative form? In the following example 6.87 the
261
accusative pronoun acts as an adjunct in an imperative marked intransitive clause, but
would an imperative marked transitive verb such as nhawu-ma ‘look at-IMP’ select an
accusative pronoun object such as ngayu ‘1sg.ACC’?
6.87
Ngawu wurnta-rnma wantaa ngayu
kantharri.
yes
come-IMP alright 1sg.ACC Granny
‘Yes, alright, come over here to me, Granny!’ (P.420)
6.7.1 Case Frames in Ditransitive Imperatives
A definite pattern of marking of the object arguments of ditransitive imperatives
is difficult to determine from the data at hand. I only have examples of ditransitive
imperative constructions made on the verb yungku ‘give’. I do not have any examples of
imperatives made on the ditransitive causative derivation mirnu-ma ‘show/teach’. In the
examples available one object argument of the imperative marked yunghu selects
accusative case while the other remains unmarked. However, either object argument, the
theme/patient or the recipient, can select accusative case and either object argument, the
theme/patient or the recipient, can remain unmarked.
Originally I only had two examples of ditransitive imperatives made on yungku
but I have since gained three extra examples from Hale’s (1959) field notes. In example
4.44, presented in §4.5.7, the theme/patient argument of the imperative marked yungku
selects accusative case while the recipient argument is left unmarked; and in the
following example 6.88 the common nominal theme/patient selects accusative case
while the proper name recipient selects the (nominative) specific referent marker. These
examples seem to indicate that the recipient argument, in a ditransitive imperative, takes
a nominative form and is not an accusative argument that has a missing accusative
suffix.
6.88
Yungku-ma murla-yi
Piita-nha
give-IMP
meat-ACC Peter-SPEC
‘Give the meat to Peter!’
(MD)
However, the following examples from Hale’s (1959) field notes contradict the
assumption that the recipient argument always selects unmarked nominative case in a
262
ditransitive imperative. In examples 6.89 to 6.91 the theme/patient argument of the
ditransitive verb is unmarked and the recipient argument is accusative.
6.89
Wala
that
ngayu
mungarti yungku-ma…
1sg:ACC meat
give-IMP
'Give me that meat…' (Hale, 1959: 46)
6.90
Ngayi
yirrarnma-rtkayi jalurra-wu. Wirra
1sg:NOM sing-POT
song -ACC boomerang
'I am going to sing a song. Give me the boomerangs!'
6.91
ngayu
yungku-ma.
1sg:ACC give-IMP
(Hale, 1959: 47)
Wirra
yungku-ma nhungkurtu-wu jarrwurti-wu,
boomerang give-IMP
those -ACC
three -ACC
yirrarnma-langu
sing-RSLT
jalurra-wu
song -ACC
'Give those three the boomerangs, so they can sing a song.' (Hale, 1959: 48)
It may be that when the recipient argument of a ditransitive verb is realized by a
first person pronoun (or possibly a second person pronoun) the pronoun will always
take an accusative form and the theme/patient is then subsequently left unmarked (and
can be modified by a nominative demonstrative). However, this does not explain the
accusative marking of the recipient argument in example 6.91. Perhaps, it is just clearer
to mark ‘those three’ accusative, in this example, so that it is not interpreted as being an
adnominal modifier of ‘boomerangs’ (as in ‘those three boomerangs), and subsequently
the theme/patient ‘boomerangs’ is thereby left unmarked. I do not know.
Wordick (1982: 169-170) reports that several Yindjibarndi consultants stated
that in a Yindjibarndi imperative made on the ditransitive yungku, which has the
accusative pronoun ngayu as its recipient argument, it is also possible to place the
theme/patient argument in accusative case. The consultants stated that in this situation
an accusative marked theme/patient conveys that all of the theme/patient is to be given;
while an unmarked theme/patient conveys that only some of the theme/patient is to be
given. For instance, Ken M. Jerrold stated that Yungku-ma ngayu wangka! means ‘Give
me some language!’ while Yungku-ma ngayu wangka-yi! means ‘Give me all the
language!’ (Wordick, 1982: 169). Wordick (1982:170) states that, within the domain of
Yindjibarndi imperative sentences, it appeared that zero marking of the theme/patient
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argument represents partitive nominative marking of that theme/patient. However, what
is intended when the theme/patient is marked accusative and the recipient is either
unmarked (as in the Kurrama example 4.44) or is inflected with the nominative specific
referent marker (as in the Kurrama example 6.88)? Wordick (1982: 169-170) does not
present Yindjibarndi examples like these; he has only provided examples of ditransitive
imperatives that have the accusative pronoun ngayu as the recipient argument.
Overall, the patterns of argument marking in Kurrama ditransitive imperatives
could provide insight into the rules that govern the marking of arguments in Kurrama
ditransitive passives. If there is a set pattern of marking in imperatives it may also occur
in passive constructions. As stated in §6.6.2 it seems that the marking of the
theme/patient and recipient arguments can alternate in ditransitive passives, as seems to
occur in ditransitive imperatives, but I am not completely certain of this. Obtaining
examples of passive and imperative constructions made on the ditransitive causative
derivation mirnu-ma ‘show/teach’ could provide further insight into the patterns of
argument marking in ditransitive passives and imperatives.
6.7.2 Instrumental marking in Imperatives
The following example 6.92 illustrates an instance where a body part is marked
with an instrumental suffix within an imperative clause. As an inalienably possessed
part of the addressee subject one would expect nominative agreement between the
marking given to this body part and the nominative marking that would be assigned to
the ellipsed addressee subject (see §6.4). However, it is possible, instead, that the
instrumental marking of the body part is a relic of the earlier ergative marking once
used in Kurrama. In present day Kurrama the instrumental marker corresponds to the
old ergative marker and, it would seem, that an earlier pattern of ergative agreement
between a subject in A function and his/her body part is retained, partially, within
present day imperative clauses.
6.92
Mara-ngku
hand-INSTR
manku-ma
get/grab-IMP
'Get it with your hand!’
(MD)
Dench (1991: 204) reports that this pattern is also found in Panyjima,
Yindjibarndi and Martuthunira imperative clauses. However, I cannot state conclusively
264
whether this is the preferred pattern in Kurrama without more examples. Also, without
examples, I cannot determine whether a subject ‘whole’ expression (such as ‘you’)
takes an instrumental form or a nominative form when emphatically added to an
imperative clause that contains an instrumental marked ‘part’ expression. My
expectation is that it would take a nominative form.
6.8
Commands
As shown above a strong positive command or order is given, in Kurrama, by
the use of an imperative clause. However, less forceful positive orders and commands
can be formed in Kurrama by inflecting the verb, in the command clause, with a
potential suffix. Negative commands can also be given in Kurrama. Negative
commands are formed by negating the potential inflected verb, in the command clause,
with one of the negative particles mirta or wala.
The following examples illustrate the formation of some mild positive
commands using the potential inflections.
6.93
Kartpa-tkayi
take-POT
ngayu
1sg.ACC
'Take me to the shop.'
6.94
shop-karta.
shop-ALL
(MD)
Murla-yi
purri-tkayi kampa-rna-wa
karla-ngka-ngu ngarrki-i.
meat-ACC pull-POT cook-PAST-TOP1 fire-LOC-ABL eat-POT
‘Pull the meat that is cooked from the fire and eat (it).'
6.95
Wantha- tkayi
put-POT
karlungkarra
to.one.side
(MD)
muyhumuyhu-rri-yangu
cold-INCH-REL
'Put (it) to one side to get/become cool (meat from fire).’
(MD)
Like the imperative clauses, potential inflected commands address second
person subjects and, as is illustrated by the examples above, the subject is often omitted
from the command. In a potential inflected command all objects of transitive and
ditransitive verbs are assigned accusative marking. This differs from transitive
imperative constructions where common nominal objects are unmarked, and is unlike
the examples of ditransitive imperatives provided in §6.7 where one object argument is
marked accusative and the other is unmarked.
265
Hortatives are also formed with the potential inflection in Kurrama and, as
would be expected, address first person (non-singular) pronoun subjects. The following
examples illustrate.
6.96
Ngali
pangkarri-i.
1du.inc.NOM go-POT
.
‘Let’s go’ (lit: ‘you and I go’).
6.97
(MD)
Nhungu-mpa murtiwarla-la 31 ngaliwu
here-TOP7
car-LOC
1pl.inc.NOM
‘We'll leave the car here!'
wantha-rrkayi.
leave-POT
(P.507)
In Kurrama there is no specific negative imperative inflection. Instead, negative
commands are formed by negating a potential inflected verb with one of the negative
particles mirta or wala. However, there are some instances in the Kurrama data where a
negative command is formed by the negation of a nominal predicate with a negative
copula. In these instances the negative copula is formed by the privative inflection of
yanku ‘go/be’. Negative commands address second person subjects but often the subject
is omitted.
Following are some examples of negative commands formed by negation of a
potential marked verb with the particle mirta.
6.98
Mirta
Not
wurnta-rtkayi
murnakurru.
come-POT
this.way
'Don't come this way!'
6.99
(MD)
Nyinta-warnu
parni-i
nhungu, mirta yanki-i
2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here
not
go-POT
"Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)!"
nyinta.
2sg.NOM
(P.480)
6.100 Mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i.
not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT
'Don't be/become frightened!’
31
(P.450)
This hortative clause was presented earlier in example 2.66. As stated earlier I cannot explain
why LOC marking is used on murtiwarla instead of ACC marking (see also footnote 9).
266
6.101 Mirta nhawi-i
not see/look-POT
ngaliyawu.
1du.exc.ACC
'Don't look at us two.'
(AP)
The following example illustrates the formation of a negative command with the
negative particle wala.
6.102 Wala
don't
kurtka parni-nyjarri-wunta
think be-COLL-MIGHT
nyinta-yi.
2sg.NOM-TOP4
(P.427)
'Now don't you think about that!’ (lit: ‘Now, don’t might you think about that’).
A negative command is formed with the privative suffix -warri in the following
example. The privative suffix is added to yanku ‘go/be’, in its copula function, so as to
negate the nominal predicate waa ‘fright’.
6.103 Kantharri-watha, nyintawu waa yanku-warri, ngayi
nhaat-ju.
granny-NEAR
2pl.NOM fright go/be-PRIV 1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH1
‘Grannies don't you (all) be frightened. It's just me.’
(P.448)
The privative suffix –warri is foremost a nominal suffix. However, examples
were provided in §2.4.3 where the privative –warri is used to inflect verbs other than
yanku. Therefore, the use of the privative suffix –warri on the verb yanku, in its copula
function, is not confined just to negative commands.
Negative hortative clauses are constructed like negative commands but have first
person (non-singular) subjects. Following is a negative hortative clause that has a dual
first person subject. This example is the negative alternative of the earlier positive
hortative presented in example 6.96.
6.104 Ngali
mirta
1du.inc.NOM not/no
pangkarri-i.
go-POT
‘Let’s you and I not go.’
6.9
(MD)
Questions
A common strategy used when asking a question, in Kurrama, is to use a rising
intonation. Questions, in Kurrama, predominately take a declarative form and a rising
intonation alone may be all that is required to indicate that a question is being asked.
267
However, there are some formal grammatical devices that can be used when asking a
question in Kurrama. Questions that require information answers are formed with the
use of various interrogative pronouns and locationals; and polar questions that require,
at their simplest, the polar answers ‘yes’ or ‘no’ can be formed by attaching the
interrogative clitic –(r)nta to a host word within the question. However, apart from
these properties both polar questions and information questions retain a declarative
structure. The formation of polar questions with the interrogative clitic is first discussed
in the following section, and then the formation of information questions with various
interrogative pronouns and locationals is examined.
6.9.1 The Interrogative Clitic
Following are some examples of questions formed with the interrogative clitic.
These polar questions can be answered with just ‘yes’ or ‘no’.
6.105
Nyinta-rnta
manku-rna marnta-yi?
2sg.NOM-INTRRG get-PAST money-ACC
'Did you get money?'
6.106
(MD)
Kantharri nyinta-yu
ngayu-yu
Granny
2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4
‘Granny you know me don't you?’
6.107
mirnu-nta ?
know-INTRRG
(P.126)
Yaayu, nyinta-rnta
walartu?
aunty 2sg.NOM-INTRRG that.one
'Aunty, is that you?'
(P.026)
6.108 Nyinta-warnu
nhaatpa-nta?
2sg.NOM-EMPH5 thisDEF-INTRRG
'Is this/that you?
(P.361)
In the following example both the interrogative marker and an interrogative
pronoun are used to form a question.
6.109 Ngani-wa-nta
what-TOP1-INTRRG
'What can this be?'
nhaa-yu?
this-EMPH4
(P.315)
268
In the previous example 6.109 the speaker asks a question of himself. In the
following examples the use of the interrogative marker has a slightly different function
but it still retains the nature of forming a ‘question’. The interrogative clitic in these
examples marks the choice between several options that the speaker makes as he
ponders over particular matters. In 6.110 the speaker marks his choice between several
options by attaching the interrogative clitic to the numbers of goannas that he thinks
may have been ‘chopped and powdered up’. In 6.111 the speaker uses the interrogative
clitic to mark what he thinks the subject of the clause may have been ‘chopping’.
6.110
Well ngunhangaata ngunhangaata-wa-yi
well that
that-TOP1-TOP4
kuyharra-nta
two-INTRRG
jarrwurti-nta
three-INTRRG
kuyharra-nta
two-INTRRG
kurrumanthu
goanna
ngarra-rnaarnu
chop-PPERF
yurntaa-ma-rnaarnu
martkurra ngunyji-yu.
powder-CAUS-PPERF good
thereNV-EMPH4
'Well there it was. That must have been two goannas, maybe two or three,
chopped up, powdered up. That's very good.'
(P.282)
6.111
Marliya-wu-nta
wild.honey-ACC-INTRRG
tharni-rnu-wathu
chop-REL-DIM
'(She was) probably chopping honey or something.'
(P.462)
Although I have no parallel Kurrama examples, Dench (1991: 207) reports that
in Panyjima the interrogative clitic can also be used to ask an addressee to choose from
a set of options. Given the instances in examples 6.110 and 6.111, where the
interrogative clitic marks the choice of options made by a Kurrama speaker, it is highly
likely that it could also be used to mark the choice of options for a Kurrama addressee.
The following Panyjima example provided by Dench (1991: 207) indicates what could
be possible.
6.112 Choice of options marked by the interrogative clitic in Panyjima
Nyinta
yana-ku
2sg.NOM go-PRES
wuntumarra-la yirtiya-la-nta
river-LOC
road-LOC-INTRRG
‘Are you going by the river or by the road?’
(Dench, 1991: 207)
269
In conclusion, the questions that are formed with the interrogative clitic have the
same grammatical form as declaratives except for the addition of the clitic to a host
word in the clause. But, as was stated earlier, the interrogative clitic is not always
necessarily used in Kurrama, instead a rising intonation may be all that indicates that a
polar question is being asked.
6.9.2 Interrogative Pronouns and Locationals
The most common interrogative pronouns and locationals used in Kurrama to
form questions that require an information answer are: ngana ‘who’; ngani ‘what’; and
wanthila ‘where’ or ‘where at’. These interrogative expressions occur, most often, in
clause or sentence initial position when forming a question. It should be noted, however,
that the interrogatives ngana and ngani can also be used as indefinite pronouns in
Kurrama. In these instances ngana translates as ‘someone’ or ‘anyone’, and ngani
translates as ‘something’ or ‘anything’. As shown in §3.3 when acting as indefinites
these pronouns (and their derivations) are not necessarily placed sentence initial; they
may also occur medially or at the end of a sentence.
Following are some examples of questions formed with ngana, ngani, and
wanthila. These questions are juxtaposed with an information answer. The interrogative
pronouns and the interrogative locational are placed at the beginning of the question.
6.113
Ngana yini nyinta?
who
name 2sg.NOM
Ngayi
Maudie-nha
Kurrama.
1sg.NOM Maudie-SPEC Kurrama
‘Who (what) is your name?'
6.114
6.115
‘I am Maudie Kurrama.'
Ngani nhaa?
what this.(near)
Nhaa ngayarntu.
this 1sg.GEN
'What is this?'
‘This is mine.'
Wanthila nyinta
where
2sg.NOM
(MD)
parni?
live.PRES
'Where do you live?’
Ngayi
parni
yalaa nhungu-yu
Onslow-la.
1sg.NOM live.PRES now here-EMPH4 Onslow-LOC
‘I now live here in Onslow.'
(MD)
(MD)
270
In Kurrama a number of different interrogative pronouns and locationals can be
formed with declinations of the stems ngana, ngani and the bound stems wanthi- and
wantha-. Presented below are some examples of interrogative derivations of both ngani
and wanthi-. Ngani inflects as a common noun and wanthi- inflects as a proper noun. A
range of suffixes, clitics, verbalisers and supplementary nouns can be added to these
stems to form a variety of interrogatives.
nganinganingka
(-ngka = Locative suffix)
‘what in/at?’
nganiyarntu
(-yarntu = Genitive suffix) ‘what is that for/belongs to what?’
nganiyaa
(-yaa = Semblative clitic)
nganinyaa
(-nyaa = Associative suffix) ‘what now?’
nganimalu
(-malu = ‘quantity’)
nganiwarni
(-warni = Inchoative verbaliser)
nganiwarnaayi
(-warn-aayi = Inchoative-Perfective aspect) ‘what is wrong?’
‘what are you like/how are you?’
‘how many?’
‘what is the matter?’
nganiyala yurra (-yala= ‘now/today’ yurra = ‘day/sun’)
‘what day is it?’
wanthiwanthila
(-la = Locative suffix)
‘where/where at?’
wanthilangu
(-la-ngu = Locative -Ablative suffixes) ‘where from?’
wanthinha
(-nha = ‘one’)
‘which/which one?’
wanthiwa
(-wa = Topicaliser clitic)
‘how are you?’
Declinations of ngana are not common in the Kurrama corpus. Also declinations
made on the bound stem wantha- are not as productive as those made on wanthi-, but
the apparently frozen form wantharni is often used to ask ‘where to?’, ‘which way?’ or
‘how’.
Following are some examples of questions formed with some of the
interrogative pronouns and locationals that are presented above. Some additional
interrogative pronouns and locationals, whose composite morphology I found difficult
to parse, are also presented with these examples.
6.116
Wanthilangu nyinta-yu
wurnta-rna yaayu?
where.from
2sg.NOM-EMPH4 come-PAST aunty
'Where have you come from, Aunty?'
(P.030)
271
6.117
Wantharni
where.to
nyinta
pangkarri.
2sg.NOM go.PRES
‘Where to / which way are you going?'
6.118
Nganimalu parni
how.many sit.PRES
(MD)
wangka-nyjarri-ngu
talk-COLL-REL
wangka-yi
story/word-ACC
‘How many are sitting down talking story together?'
6.119
(MD)
Nganimaku nyinta.
what.doing 2sg.NOM
‘What are you doing?'
6.120
(MD)
Nganaarrayi nyinta
what's.wrong 2sg.NOM
kamungu
hungry/empty
‘What's wrong (are) you hungry?’
6.121
Wantharta
when/how.long
(MD)
nyinta
wurnta-rtkayi ngayu
nhawi-i
2sg.NOM come-POT
1sg.ACC see-POT
'When are you coming to see me?’
(MD)
In the examples above the interrogative pronoun and locational expressions are
placed in clause or sentence initial position. However, in the following example the
interrogative expression does not introduce the question. This example 6.122 is more an
expression of dissatisfaction, rather than a question, but I am unsure as to whether this
influences the position of the interrogative pronoun within this sentence. MD expressed
this example with a relatively ‘flat’ intonation but did articulate the last word marnta-yi
with some rising intonation (yet, not to the same level as in her earlier questions).
6.122
Parni
sit.PRES
kumpa-ngu
wait-REL
wantharta
how.long
manki-i
marnta-yi
get-POT money-ACC
‘How long do (I) have to sit and wait to get money?'
(MD)
6.10 Collective Clauses
The Kurrama collective derivational suffix was discussed in general terms in
§4.6.1.
In this section I provide a more detailed account of collective clauses and then
provide some examples to illustrate.
272
The addition of the collective suffix to a verb does not affect the transitivity and
the basic argument structure of that verb. It derives a Ø-conjugation verb stem (to which
Ø-conjugation
TAM suffixes can be added) regardless of the original conjugation class
of the verb to which it is attached. The collective suffix attaches to both transitive and
intransitive verb stems and has three possible interpretations which were presented
previously in §4.6.1. For ease of reference they are listed again below:
•
Action is performed by a group acting together in unison (collective function)
•
Action involves members of a group each acting on the other (reciprocal
function)
•
Action involves persons in the same alternating generation set (kin group
function)
As a general rule when the collective suffix is used on an intransitive verb it
usually has a collective function. For instance, the collective marking of parni ‘sit’,
karri ‘stand’, or ngarri/ngarrwi ‘lie’, most often represent actions that are performed
collectively and not actions that are carried out reciprocally. Alternatively, in Kurrama,
the use of the collective suffix on a transitive verb stem typically has a reciprocal
function. For instance, the collective marked wanpi ‘hit’ is more likely to have a
reciprocal function rather than a collective function. However, this is not always so. The
meaning of the verb, to which the collective suffix is added, can determine, to some
degree, whether the stem has a collective or reciprocal meaning. For instance, the
collective marked transitive verbs ngarrku ‘eat’ and mija ‘drink’ are more likely to be
carried out collectively by participants rather than reciprocally.
In its collective or reciprocal functions a collective marked verb will select a
non-singular subject. However, in its kin group function the collective suffix can select
either singular or non-singular subjects. In the Kurrama section system an individual has
membership in one of two alternating generation sets. An individual and his/her
siblings, spouse, cousins, grandparents and grandchildren belong to one generation set;
and an individual’s parents and children and their siblings, spouses, cousins,
grandparents and grandchildren belong to another generation set (Dench, 1987a: 328).
In its simplest form of kin group function a collective marked verb may have a singular
subject and a singular object who are both in the same generation set. But, a collective
273
marked clause, with a kin group function, can potentially have any number of
participants as long as they are all in the same generation set.
As would be expected, the reciprocal and collective functions are separate and
do not occur at the same time (although there are some situations where the function
intended may be ambiguous; see example 4.94). Also, the kin group reading is separate
from the reciprocal and collective readings. It is possible to have a singular subject and
object with a kin group reading but this is not possible with a reciprocal or a collective
reading. Further, a collective or reciprocal reading can be applied to a collective marked
verb that has a non-singular subject, but a kin reading is not possible when all of the
subject participants are not in the same generation set. Alternatively, there may be some
ambiguity when non-singular subjects are in the same generation set. In this situation, it
is possible to have a collective and kin group interpretation, or a reciprocal and kin
group interpretation.
Knowledge of the kin relations that hold between the participants (described in a
collective clause) is required to determine if a kin group reading is possible or intended
when a collective marked verb is used to describe their actions. Kurrama speakers, and
listeners, are familiar with the kin relations that hold between the participants in a
speech act and can determine if a kin group reading is possible or intended when a
collective marked verb is used. Dench (1987a: 336 - 337) states that in the Ngayarda
languages the use of the collective derivational suffix does not provide new or extra
information about the kin relations that hold between the participants. However, it does
indicate that the speaker is focusing on a kin relationship that s/he and the addressee
recognize and is ‘asking the addressee to think about the implications of that
relationship’.
Among many Aboriginal groups a person’s interaction with others depends on
the kin relation that holds between them. Alternate generation divisions often influence
the roles that people play in both day to day affairs and in ceremony. Members of the
same generation set often interact collectively day to day and in ceremony. Dench
(1987: 337) suggests that ‘the perception that collective activity is typical of same
generation set membership has led to the use of the collective suffix to mark this
relationship’. That is, when used in its kin group function the collective implicitly
emphasizes the social roles and expectations that hold between the participants. This,
274
most often, involves cooperation and collective interaction between members of the
same generation set; unlike differing generation membership which often involves
restrained interaction between participants and avoidance in some situations.
Following are some examples of the different functions of the collective suffix.
Further examples were presented in §4.6.1. Unlike the speaker of these examples, or a
Kurrama listener, the only way I can determine the intended or possible function of the
suffix is to rule out what it cannot be. In the following example 6.123 the use of
collective derivation on nhawu ‘see’ appears to have a collective function; the transitive
action is carried out by a group of ‘others’. A kin group function can probably be ruled
out in this instance because this group of ‘others’ are most likely to be of mixed kin
relations. Yet, in 6.123 the collective marked transitive verb puyhu ‘meet’ is best
understood as having a reciprocal reading rather than a collective reading. In the
Payarrany narrative, from which this example is taken, the participants ‘met up’ with
each other by chance rather than deliberately ‘meeting’ all together.
6.123
Parraa-mpa
ngunyji-wa
Kartajirri
long.time-TOP7 thereNV-TOP1 Duck.Creek
puyhu-marri-wa
meet-COLL-TOP1
nhawu-marri-nguli-ngu mani-ngku-yu.
see-COLL-PASS-REL others-INSTR-EMPH4
‘A long time later, over there on Duck Creek, (she) was seen by some other
people. (They) met up with one another.’
(P.344)
In the following example 6.124 the collective marking of nhawu ‘see’ can only
have a kin group interpretation. The subject is singular in this instance which rules out
collective and reciprocal functions. In the narrative the ones the subject is urged to ‘see’
are her brothers, who are in the same generation set, so in this instance the collective
marking does definitely have a kin group function.
6.124
Nyinta
2sg.NOM
yanka-ayi ngunhangaatu
go-PERF there
'You go over there and see (them).’
nhawu-marri-lu
see-COLL-PURP
(P.053)
In the following example 6.125 the collective marking of ‘see’ can also only
have a kin group reading. The ellipsed subject is singular and he is looking for his
275
Granny’s tracks which are inalienably possessed by her. Both the subject and his
Granny are in the same generation group.
6.125 Yanku-nha
go-PAST
marnta-ka-yu
hill-LOC-EMPH4
nhawu-marri-ngu
see-COLL-REL
wanthila
where.(at)
kurlka-kurta
think-very
parni-yangu
be-REL
jina-yi
track-ACC
ngani-ngka-wathu.
what-LOC-DIM
'(He) went into the hills thinking (he) would see her tracks somewhere about.'
(P.398)
6.11 Reflexives
In this chapter I have examined the main types of simple sentence used in the
Kurrama corpus. However, as I think back over what I have written in this chapter it is
apparent that I have not discussed reflexive constructions. Amongst all that I wished to
discuss, and did discuss, with Maudie Dowton and Thomas Cox, in our sessions
together we did not get to discuss reflexive clauses. Further, there are no true definitive
examples of reflexives in the data recorded with Judy July and Algy Paterson.
It would seem that the expression yamarti (which glosses as ‘alone’ or ‘by
oneself’) could possibly have a role in Kurrama reflexive constructions. Consider the
following example (which I cannot completely parse).
6.126 Yirra wuyu kurta ngarra-rna
nhungu thangkat-pa
edge side very chop -PAST here
enough-TOP2
waji-ma-rnu-wa
thurla-yi.
bad -CAUS-REL-TOP1 eye-ACC
martkurra-rri-nyu
good-INCH-TRUE
Wantharni ngarra parni-nha
how
(chop?) be -PAST
yamarti?
alone/by.oneself
''The edge cut/chopped (her) right here and destroyed (her) eye. How did (she)
manage to recover by herself (on her own)?
(P.464-P.465)
Yet, 6.126 is not a clear example of a reflexive construction where the subject
acts upon herself; such as ‘washing’ herself. However, Wordick (1982: 78) does provide
examples of reflexive constructions in Yindjibarndi. He reports that the reflexive
pronoun tyarnku which he translates as ‘self’ is used in Yindjibarndi reflexive
constructions. An example that Wordick (1982: 78) provides is:
276
6.127 Yindjibarndi reflexive construction
Ngayi
punhtha-kayi tyarnku-u.
1sg.NOM wash - POT self-OBJ
‘I will wash myself.’
(Wordick, 1982: 78)
This may well be how reflexives are formed in Kurrama. In all, obtaining
examples of reflexive constructions in Kurrama should be relatively straightforward, but
this must wait for further research.
277
7. COMPLEX SENTENCES
In this chapter I examine the main types of complex sentence construction that
are used in Kurrama. These complex sentences are made up of matrix and subordinate
clause combinations. There are several specific types of subordinate clause that are used
in Kurrama complex sentences. The subordinate clause types that I discuss in this
chapter are: relative clauses, progressive clauses, purpose clauses, result clauses and lest
clauses. The following table summarizes the main formal and notional properties of
each of these subordinate types.
Table 7.1 Main Properties of the Kurrama subordinate clause types
Clause type
Relative
Progressive
Purpose
Result
Lest
Formal properties
Notional properties
-most often formed with the RELative verb -Two functional types that can
inflection allomorphs -ngu, -yangu or -rnu overlap:
but there are examples of NP-relatives NP-relatives which supply
formed with the perfective and passive additional information about
perfective verb inflections
an argument in the main
-the REL allomorphs are part of an clause;
incipient switch reference system
T-relatives which specify the
-involves complementiser marking which
temporal setting of the main
varies in different situations
clause event
-T-relatives can be specifically formed
with locative marking
-specifies a temporal sequence
-marked with the progressive verb
where the matrix event is
inflection allomorphs -ngumarnu or
enacted ‘and then’ the
–rnumarnu
subordinate
event follows
-has the same subject as the main clause
-marked with the purpose verb inflection
-specifies the purpose for the
allomorphs -lu or –rlu
prior matrix clause event
-or marked with the potential verb
-time frame relative to time of
inflection allomorphs
main clause
-has the same subject as the main clause
-marked with the result verb inflection
-specifies the result of the prior
allomorphs -aangu or -langu
matrix clause event
-has a subject that is different to the subject -time frame relative to time of
of the main clause
main clause
-warns of an unwanted event
-marked with the active ‘might’ verb
that may occur if the matrix
inflection allomorphs –wunta or –rtpunta
clause event is, or is not,
-or marked with the passive ‘might’ verb
carried out
inflection allomorphs -nyaa, -nnyaa or
-time
frame relative to time of
-rnnyaa
main clause
278
In brief, a subordinate clause cannot stand alone whereas an independent main
clause can. Also, the interpretation of a subordinate clause depends on its link with a
main clause. For instance, subordinate purpose or result clauses cannot stand alone
without a main clause. The interpretation of a subordinate purpose or result clause
depends on its links with a main clause; they describe the purpose or result of an action
described in the main clause. Overall, there are some general syntactic features that are
common to the differing subordinate clauses listed in Table 7.1; these are summarized
below:
1. Most often the subordinate clause follows the main clause (that is, it is most
often adjoined to the main clause). However, in some situations a subordinate
clause may be placed within the structure of the main clause (that is, it can be
embedded within the main clause). For instance, a NP-relative clause can be
embedded in a main clause where it is placed following the head of the main
clause NP argument that it modifies.
2. Verbs in subordinate clauses select the same range of arguments as do
independent verbs.
3. The A or S argument of a subordinate clause acts as the pivot that links a
dependent clause to a main clause. This pivot argument is usually omitted from
the subordinate clause, but may be omitted from the main clause.
4. Complementiser marking is used in a subordinate clause to specifically indicate
the main clause argument with which it is co-referential. In Kurrama, each subconstituent of a subordinate clause is usually assigned complementiser marking
but there are some exceptions and constraints which modify this pattern; these
are listed below:
•
Sequences of identical suffix morphemes are blocked. For instance, a
locative argument of a subordinate clause cannot be further inflected
with a locative complementiser when, for example, the subordinate
clause is co-referential with a locative matrix argument.
•
Accusative and instrumental suffixes block further nominal suffix
inflection. For example, an instrumental marked argument in a
subordinate passive clause is not further inflected with any form of
279
complementiser that might link the subordinate passive clause to an
argument of the main clause.
•
Different subject REL marked subordinate verbs are not further inflected
with an accusative complementiser when their subject argument is coreferential with an accusative matrix argument; but different subject REL
marked verbs are assigned instrumental or locative complementiser
marking when their subject is co-referential with an instrumental or
locative inflected matrix argument. A different subject REL marked verb
stem may also select locative marking when forming a T-relative.
In this chapter I discuss the formal and notional properties of each of the
subordinate clause types listed in Table 7.1. Further, in Kurrama, verbal and nominal
predicates of cognition, perception and information transfer can select clausal
complements. I finish this chapter with an examination of the characteristics of these
clausal complements; they could potentially take all of the subordinate forms that are
listed in Table 7.1.
7.1
Relative Clauses
In the Kurrama corpus, the construction of a relative clause most often involves
marking the subordinate verb with a REL inflection allomorph; either -ngu, -yangu, or
–rnu. However, in the corpus, there are a limited number of NP-relative clauses that are
formed by perfective or passive perfective marking of a subordinate verb. These
dependent perfective and passive perfective NP-relatives provide additional information
about, or specification of, one of the arguments in the matrix clause with which they are
co-referential (as described by Hale (1976: 269) for Australian (adjoined) relative
clauses).
There are no examples of perfective or passive perfective relative clauses that
have a T-relative function in the Kurrama data. There is, however, an example of a Trelative formed by locative inflection of a potential marked subordinate verb stem and
another formed with the locative marking of a present inflected subordinate verb stem.
Hale (1976) defines T-relatives as relative constructions that specify the temporal or
logical conditions under which the event described by the matrix clause occurs. In the
data there are also examples of T-relatives that are formed by locative inflection of
RELative marked subordinate verb stems.
280
In the following discussion I first examine the properties of RELative inflected
subordinate clauses and then discuss the perfective and passive perfective NP-relatives.
Within the discussion on the RELative inflected subordinate clauses I provide some
examples of the potential, present, and REL marked T-relatives that were described
above. I
finish this section with further comments on the subordinate status of
Kurrrama relative clauses even though they are not necessarily embedded within a main
clause.
7.1.1 RELative Marked Clauses
In the Kurrama corpus there are over a hundred instances of RELative marked
clauses that have NP-relative functions and/or T-relative functions. As was discussed in
§4.5.9.1,
the Kurrama RELative allomorphs are members of an incipient switch
reference system. In the following discussion I first add to what was said earlier in
§4.5.9.1
on the switch reference functions of the RELative inflection allomorphs. Then,
following this, I provide some examples of REL marked T-relatives, plus some
examples of potential and present inflected T-relatives. I finish with examples of REL
marked clauses that are linked to instrumental arguments within passive matrix clauses.
7.1.1.1 Switch reference and the RELative markers
Some examples of the incipient switch reference system of the Kurrama REL
inflection allomorphs were discussed in §4.5.9.1. In this discussion it was shown that
the Ø-conjugation REL allomorph –ngu consistently indicates same subject reference;
while the Ø-conjugation REL allomorph –yangu consistently indicates different subject
reference. That is, a subordinate Ø-conjugation verb marked with –ngu has a subject
which is co-referential with the subject of the main clause, while a subordinate Øconjugation verb marked with –yangu has a subject which is co-referential with an
accusative argument in the main clause. However, as discussed in §4.5.9.1, L- and Rconjugation verbs only select the one RELative allomorph –rnu. This suffix appears to
indicate different subject reference by default but can allow same subject reference
when a different subject reading is neither logical nor possible. Examples of this were
provided in §4.5.9.1.
281
The following additional examples further illustrate the default different subject
function of –rnu. In these examples the subject of the –rnu inflected subordinate verb is
co-referential with an accusative argument in the matrix clause. The subordinate verb
inflected with –rnu does not select an accusative complementiser. However, I cannot
determine definitively whether the other sub-constituents of a -rnu inflected subordinate
clause select accusative complementiser marking. In the following examples 7.2 and 7.3
the accusative marked arguments of the –rnu inflected subordinate verbs would not be
assigned further accusative complementiser marking because of the constraints, in
Kurrama, which ban sequences of identical suffixes and prevent further inflection of
stems that already bear accusative marking; so accusative complementiser marking in
these subordinate -rnu inflected clauses cannot be observed.
Further, in example 7.1 the locative marked yirra-ngka may either be part of the
object NP of the REL inflected subordinate verb or a separate locative adjunct. That is,
the accusative marking of yirra-ngka is somewhat ambiguous; it may represent
accusative marking of an object NP or accusative complementiser marking of a subconstituent of the subordinate –rnu inflected clause. I have no examples in the corpus of
accusative marking in a –rnu inflected subordinate clause that clearly represents
complementiser marking. Examples of this would clearly indicate that –rnu did have a
different subject reading in such situations.
7.1
Nhawu-ngumarnu blanket
see-PROG
blanket
ngurnu-mpa
that.ACC-TOP7
blanket-ku
ngurnu-mpa,
blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7
blanket-ku [wanyja-yi
blanket-ACC dog-ACC
yirra-ngka-wu
kanyja-rnu].
edge-LOC-ACC have-REL
'And then (I) saw that blanket, you know that blanket I told you about, that
blanket [which had the (pictures of ) dogs around the edges].'
(P.229 - P.230)
7.2
Ngayi
wanyja-yi nhawu-nha [ paa-rnu mangkurla-wu 32].
1sg.NOM dog-ACC see-PAST
bite-REL child-ACC
"I saw the dog that bit the child.'
32
(MD)
Note that the order of the RELative marked verb and its arguments is not significant. In
examples 7.2 and 7.3 the REL marked verb and its accusative argument are placed in either
order. Overall, there is no marked preference for a specific order in the corpus.
282
7.3
Ngayi
wanyja-yi wanpi-rna [mangkurla-wu paa-rnu] 33.
1sg.NOM dog-ACC hit-PAST child-ACC
bite-REL
'I hit the dog that bit the child.'
(MD)
Yet, a number of examples were provided in §4.5.9.1 where the –rnu inflection
has a same subject reading. In these examples a different subject reading is neither
logical nor possible and it is only then, in these circumstances, that a same subject
reading can be made. The same is true in the following example. In example 7.4 it
would not be logical for the accusative marked main clause object yurraamu-ngarli
‘rams/sheep’ to ‘look after’ the one who is ‘shepherding’ them. So the –rnu marking of
nhawungarra ‘look after’ has a same subject reading. That is, the subject of the –rnu
marked verb can only be co-referential with the subject of the main clause; its subject is
not co-referential with the accusative matrix argument ‘rams/sheep’.
Further, in the following example 7.4, the –rnu inflected verbs occur within a
description of a number of actions that are carried out by the same subject. The Øconjugation verbs that describe some of these actions bear unambiguous same subject
suffixes: both the same subject REL suffix–ngu and the same subject purpose –lu
inflection. Therefore, the implication is that the –rnu inflected verbs in this description
also have a same subject reading. It is not until the last clause in this example that there
is a subject change and this different subject reference is indicated with the
unambiguous Ø-class RELative suffix –yangu.
7.4
Mirna-wa-yu
parraa-la-wa-yu,
ngayi
pangkarri-nha
while-TOP1-EMPH4 long.time-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg.NOM return-PAST
yurraamu-ngarli-wu-yu
parni-lu
japat
nhawungarra-rnu,
ram.(sheep)-PL-ACC-EMPH4 stay-PURP shepherd look.after-REL
Yartalulu-la-ngu-yu
Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4
33
parni-lu
stay-PURP
nhungu
here
Marryiri-la-wa
Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1
Note that in these examples of relative clauses, formed with REL marking, the relative clause
is placed in sentence final position and is adjoined to the main clause. That is, in examples like
7.2 and 7.3, the relative clause is not embedded adjacent to the main clause argument that it
modifies but instead is placed after the main clause where its subject is indicated by switch
reference (see §7.1.3).
283
japatjarri-ngu,
mirta japatjarri-ngu,
nhawungarra-rnu,
shepherding-REL not shepherding-REL look.after-REL
patiki-la-wu 34
paddock-LOC-ACC
parni-yangu.
be-REL
'Sometime later, a good long time, I came back to stay shepherding, to look after
the sheep. (I) came from Yarraloola to camp here at Gap Well, shepherding.
(Well) not shepherding, looking after (them), (they) were in the paddock.'
(P.098)
The following examples are a little more complex and there may be some
confusion as to whether a same or different subject reading could be applied to –rnu.
That is, it would be a little more difficult to track whether a same or different subject
reading was intended if the allomorph –rnu was used. So, perhaps because of this
ambiguity, the –rnu suffix is not used and instead the verbs in each clause are inflected
with an independent TAM inflection to form two independent clauses that are
effectively conjoined.
7.5
Wanyja-yi wanpi-rna mangkurla ngayi
mangkurla-wu wanpi-rna
dog-ACC hit-PAST child
1sg.NOM child-ACC
hit-PAST
'The child hit the dog and I hit the child.'
7.6
(MD)
Ngayi
wanyja-yi yungku-nha murla-yi
winta-rna 35.
1sg.NOM dog-ACC give-PAST meat-ACC cut-PAST
‘I gave the dog the meat that (I) cut.'
(MD)
As was described in §4.5.9.1, when discussing the use of the REL suffix –rnu
Maudie Dowton stated that the second clause, in the following example 7.7, would
express ‘I hit the dog’ if wanpi-rna was used instead of wanpi-rnu. Therefore, based on
this observation, and the examples presented in this section and in §4.5.9.1, it can be
argued that the Kurrama REL suffix –rnu marks different subject reference by default
and not same subject reference.
34
In this example the locative adjunct patiki-la is marked with an accusative complementiser in
the subordinate -yangu inflected clause; this clearly indicates the different subject reference.of
-yangu.
35
In this example both the subject and the object of the second clause are co-referential with
those in the first clause. These arguments are ‘dropped’ from the second clause as part of the
coordination/conjunction of the two clauses. Similarly in example 7.8 the co-referential subject
can be omitted in the second clause.
284
7.7
Ngayi
mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha wanpi-rnu wanyja-yi.
1sg.NOM child-ACC
see-PAST hit-REL dog-ACC
'I saw the child who hit the dog.'
7.8
(MD)
Ngayi
mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha (ngayi)
wanyja-yi wanpi-rna
1sg.NOM child-ACC
see -PAST (1sg.NOM) dog-ACC hit-PAST
‘I saw the child and (I) hit the dog.'
(MD)
Thus, in summary, same subject reference only applies to the L- and R-class
RELative allomorph -rnu when a different subject reading is not logical or possible.
Example 7.4 illustrates an instance where it would not be logical for the accusative
argument of the main clause to be the subject of the –rnu marked subordinate verb; so a
same subject reading applies. Further, as shown in Table 4.11, in §4.5.9.1, a different
subject reading of –rnu is not possible when the main clause verb is intransitive. An
intransitive matrix verb does not select an accusative argument with which the
subordinate –rnu marked verb could be co-referential; so a same subject reading
applies. Yet, in instances where there may be ambiguity, and it would be difficult to
track subject reference, it appears that the REL marker is not used. Instead, the verbs in
each clause are assigned an independent TAM inflection and the independent clauses
are then conjoined; as was done in examples 7.5 and 7.6.
7.1.1.2 REL marked clauses with a T-relative function
When translating examples of RELative marked clauses it is often possible to
gloss the events described by the matrix clauses as occurring ‘while’ the events
described by the subordinate REL clause are enacted. This T-relative interpretation is
acceptable as most often the temporal setting of a dependent REL marked clause is
contemporaneous with the matrix clause to which it is linked. However, there is a more
definite and explicit way to express a T-relative in Kurrama.
A T-relative can be constructed in Kurrama by locative inflection of a
subordinate verb where the locative marked subordinate verb denotes the temporal
setting of the event described in the matrix clause (or alternatively it makes a
supplementary comment that holds at the time identified in the main clause). In the
Kurrama corpus, a T-relative is most often formed by locative inflection of a different
subject REL inflected subordinate verb. However, T-relatives can also be constructed
285
with locative marking of subordinate verbs that bear other TAM inflections; this is first
illustrated by the following example.
Example 7.9 illustrates a T-relative clause that is constructed with locative
marking of the perfective inflected subordinate verb wangka-ayi ‘talk-PERF’. The event
described in the matrix clause ‘that one/he laughed’ occurred at the time described by
the T-relative - ‘when I talked’. This example is a little unusual in that the T-relative
subordinate clause occurs in first position in the sentence, but there is no constraint
against this.
7.9
Ngayi
1sg:NOM
wangka-ayi-la
talk-PERF-LOC
ngunha thurni-nha.
that
laugh-PAST
'When I talked that one/he laughed.' (Hale, 1959: 42)
The following example 7.10 (presented earlier in §2.5.1 and §2.6) illustrates a
two part T-relative where a zero present inflected subordinate verb and a different
subject REL inflected subordinate verb are both marked with a locative suffix. These
locative marked subordinate verbs form the T-relative ‘while riding around’ and the Trelative ‘while going to look for cattle’ which specify the temporal setting of the main
clause event - ‘when the people would find the old lady’.
7.10
Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji thalingka-arri-Ø-la
find-COLL-PASS-HABIT
anywhere there
riding-INCH-PRES-LOC
puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri.
cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC
look.for.PRES
'(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were
riding around looking for cattle.’
(P.345)
In the following example the locative and REL inflected verb parni-yangu-la
acts in a subordinate T-relative to code the time of the main clause event. That is, the
main clause event ‘I moved to stay at Red Hill station’ occurs at the time specified by
the T-relative - ‘while (she) was up there staying in the hills’.
7.11
Mirna-wa- yu
ngayi
yanku-nha nhungula-nyuwa-mpa
while-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg.NOM go-PAST here-?-TOP7
Mangkala-arta, parni-lu
Red Hill-ALL live/stay-PURP
Mangkala-la-wa-yu
Red Hill-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
286
parni-yangu-la
live/stay-REL-LOC
ngunyji-mpa
kankala marnta-ka
thereNV-TOP7 on.top
hill-LOC
'Meanwhile, I had moved to this place, to Red Hill station, to stay at Red Hill
while (she) was up there staying in the hills.’
(P.391 - P.392)
The T-relative interpretations given above can be contrasted with the NPrelatives in example 7.12 below. In this example there is no T-relative interpretation.
The subordinate verb parni (in its copular function) is inflected with the different
subject suffix –yangu and a locative suffix, but this serves to determine the position of
the ‘water bag’ on the locative marked mutha ‘end’ and warla ‘heel’ of the crowbar. It
does not indicate a temporal relation between the locative inflected copula verbs and the
matrix clause.
7.12
Ngurriny-murntu-la-wa
swag-CONJ-LOC-TOP1
wanarra-wathu-yu
long-DIM-EMPH4
ngula
there
kupijaa, an’
thin
and
mirriji-murntu-la, ngunhaatu wanu
rope-CONJ-LOC that.one crowbar
ngulaarta-yu
mutha-ngka-yu
there.LOC-EMPH end-LOC-EMPH4
parni-yangu-la-mu
warla-wurraa-la-yu
parni-yangu-la
be-REL-LOC-THEN heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC
jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa
waterbag
tie.up-PPERF-very
old
thing
water-ASSOC waterbag
wangka-nguli.
call-PASS.PRES
'And there where the swag was tied up, there was a longer crowbar. It was quite
thin. And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old whatcha-ma-callit, waterbag.'
(P.221 - P.222)
Further, rather than indicating a co-referential link with a locative matrix
argument or indicating a temporal relation between a matrix and a subordinate clause,
the two part locative marked T-relative in the following example 7.13 provides an
explanation for the main clause event. The inflection of the negated verb wurnta ‘come’
with a potential and a locative suffix in the first instance, and a RELative and locative
suffix in the second instance, forms a two part T-relative that explains how the speaker
knows that her younger brother has died. The light in her dream won’t come and
because the light in her dream doesn’t come to her the speaker knows that her brother
has left her (has died).
287
7.13
Wanthawa
kantharri-ngalaarnu nganthayi, ngayarntu marrkaa
how.about.it! granny-2sg.POSS
EMPH
1sg:GEN young.brother
wanta-marri-nha-wa
ngalaa-yu. / Karlamarrkantu kanayirrayirra-la-wa
leave-COLL-PAST-TOP1 1du.exc-EMPH4 light
dream-LOC-TOP1
ngayhala / mirta-rra-wa
wurnta-tkayi-la / ngayu
wurnta-rnu-la /
1sg.LOC not-DUB-TOP1 come-POT-LOC 1sg.ACC come-REL-LOC
ngaliya-wu
wanta-marri-nha-wa.
1du.exc.NOM-EMPH2 leave -COLL-PAST-TOP1
'Well it's your granny isn't it? My young brother has left me, we've left one
another. / That light in my dream / it won’t come / because it doesn’t come to me
/ we (must) have left one another.’
(P.424 – P.425)
7.1.1.3 Instrumental matrix arguments and the different subject markers
Co-reference, in a NP-relative, between the subject of a subordinate clause and
an instrumental argument in a passive matrix clause can be indicated by inflecting the
subordinate verb with a different subject REL marker (either –yangu or –rnu) and an
instrumental complementiser. The following examples illustrate this.
In example 7.14, below, the instrumental pronoun argument ngayhalu, in the
passive matrix clause ‘it has been cooked by me’, is modified by the NP-relative ‘(who)
is providing for you’. The NP-relative clause is formed with instrumental marking on
the different subject REL inflected subordinate verb stem miinyma-rnu ‘provide-REL’
in agreement with its controlling instrumental matrix argument ngayhalu.
7.14
Nhaa
this
nyinku murla kampa-ayi,
2sg.ACC meat cook-PERF
nyinku
thii
2sg.ACC tea
nhaa-mpa
this-TOP7
kampa-ayi, parraa kampa-ayi,
cook-PERF tea.leaf cook-PERF
ngayhalu kampa-rnaarnu
1sg.INSTR cook-PPERF
miinyma-rnu-lu
provide-REL-INSTR
nyinku.
2sg.ACC
'This is some cooked meat for you. This is some cooked tea for you. The tea is
cooked, it has been cooked by me (who) is providing for you.’
(P.492)
In the following example 7.15 an ellipsed instrumental argument from the
passive main clause ‘This other bag was clean and washed (by her)’ controls the
instrumental and different subject REL inflected NP-relative ‘(she) had cleaned it
properly’. If the main clause instrumental argument was overt, a possible translation of
288
the main clause and the NP-relative would be: ‘This other bag was clean and washed by
her / who had cleaned it properly’.
7.15
Purri-nha
ngayi
kurtan-ku.
Pull-PAST 1sg.NOM bag-ACC
Nhaa-wu
wirru-yu
this-EMPH2 other-EMPH2
kurtan martkurra puntha-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-lu.
bag
good
wash-PPERF
good-CAUS-REL-INSTR
'I pulled out the bag. This other bag was clean and washed (by her) (she) had
cleaned it properly.
(P.248)
7.1.1.4 Summary of discussion on REL markers
The following list summarizes the main properties of the Kurrama RELative
allomorphs that have been discussed in §7.1.1 and in the previous section §4.5.9.
(a) same subject suffix –ngu
(i) inflects Ø-conjugation verbs,
(ii) can inflect both dependent and independent verbs,
(iii) indicates that the event described in a subordinate clause is contemporaneous
with the matrix clause event,
(iv) indicates that the subject of the dependent clause is co-referential with the
subject of the main clause.
(v) its independent (and co-subordinate) use codes imperfective aspect (§4.5.9.2).
(b) different subject suffix –yangu
(i) inflects Ø-conjugation verbs,
(ii) only inflects dependent verbs,
(iii) indicates that the event described in a subordinate clause is contemporaneous
with the matrix clause event,
(iv) indicates that the subject of the dependent clause is co-referential with an
accusative argument in the main clause,
(v) if its subject is co-referential with a non-subject argument other than an
accusative argument in the main clause then it is inflected with the case that this
matrix argument bears; usually a locative or instrumental complementiser,
(vi) can code a T-relative function when it is inflected with a locative suffix to
indicate the temporal setting of a main clause event, or to make a supplementary
comment that holds true at the time of the main clause event.
289
(c) different subject suffix –rnu
(i) inflects L- and R-conjugation verbs,
(ii) marks different subject reference but can allow same subject reference in
situations where it is neither possible nor logical that a different subject
interpretation is intended,
(iii) can inflect both dependent and independent verbs,
(iv) indicates that the event described in a subordinate clause is contemporaneous
with the matrix clause event,
(v) if its subject is co-referential with a locative or instrumental argument in the
main clause it is inflected with a locative or instrumental complementiser,
(vi) can code a T-relative function when it is inflected with a locative suffix to
indicate the temporal setting of the main clause event, or to make a
supplementary comment that holds true at the time of the main clause event.
(vii) its independent (and co-subordinate) use codes imperfective aspect (§4.5.9.2).
7.1.2 Perfective and Passive Perfective NP-relative Clauses
Freely occurring examples of relative clauses formed with TAM inflections
other than the REL suffixes are rare in the corpus. However, the following examples
illustrate NP-relatives that are formed with perfective and passive perfective inflected
subordinate verbs.
When asked (in English) how she would express ‘I pulled out the child who had
fallen in the water’ Maudie Dowton provided the following Kurrama sentence. This
sentence contains a NP-relative that provides additional information about the
accusative argument in the matrix clause. The subordinate verb is marked with a
perfective suffix and both sub-constituents of the NP-relative select accusative
complementiser marking to indicate the co-referential link between the relative clause
and the controlling accusative matrix argument.
7.16
Ngayi
purri-rna mangkurla-wu [ pawa-ngka-wu pungka-ayi-wu ].
1sg.NOM pull-PAST child-ACC
water-LOC-ACC fall.down-PERF-ACC
‘I pulled out the child [who had fallen in the water].'
(MD)
The NP-relative in the following example has the same structure.
290
7.17
Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la
policeman-PL come-RSLT three
car-LOC
nhurnu
juju-ngu
this.ACC old.man-ACC
nhawa-ayi-wu-yu
see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4
manku-lu-wa
get-PURP-TOP1
wanyjaman-ku-yu,
[ ngurnu
dingo.trapper-ACC-EMPH4 that.ACC
yaayu-warri-ngu ].
aunty-PRIV-ACC
So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man [that had seen poor
old Aunty].'
(P.504 - P.505)
The following example illustrates a passive perfective marked NP-relative. The
controller of this relative clause is again the accusative argument of the matrix clause. In
this relative clause the subordinate verb is marked with an accusative complementiser
but the instrumental argument of the subordinate passive is not; the instrumental suffix
blocks further complementiser marking.
7.18
Parna-ayi
be-PERF
thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta
pet.dog-PRIV-DUB
be-HABIT
kurru- ma-rnaarnu- wu-wi ]
manku-ngu
dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL
[ mujira-lu-wa
dingo-INSTR-TOP1
murla-ngarli-wu.
meat-PL-ACC
‘I don’t think (she) had a pet. (She) used to get meat [that had been killed by a
dingo].'
(P.092)
The following example was first discussed in §2.2.1 as example 2.14. This
example has a main clause subject that is made up of a number of conjoined NPs. It is
possible that one of these subject NPs, ‘the old man’, is modified by the embedded NPrelative ‘who/that used to kill dingoes’. However, it is more likely that this apparent
habitual NP-relative is actually a parenthetical comment about ‘the old man’. It appears
that the demonstrative ngunhu-mpa-yu in this clause is actually acting as the third
person pronoun ‘he or that one’ and the clause in question expresses ‘he/that one used to
kill dingoes’. That is, the clause is actually an added independent qualifying comment
about ‘the old man’ (with all arguments overt) rather than a dependent relative clause
that modifies its subject ‘the old man’. Even so its form is close to what could be
expected of a NP-relative and, although not a definite example, suggests that it may be
possible to form habitual inflected NP-relatives in Kurrama.
7.19 Nunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta
those
policeman-PL three
policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG
291
[ngunhu-mpa-yu
yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu],
that-TOP2-EMPH4 dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4
jurlu-wa,
all -TOP1
kartpa-rna
carry-PAST
yaayu-warri-ngu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC
jarrwurti ngunhangkat
three
those
(P.520)
‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose,[he/that one
used to kill dingoes], and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’.
Two of the three definite examples of NP-relatives presented above are placed
adjacent to the head nominal that they modify. The two perfective NP-relatives are
placed in sentence final position but are adjacent to the head nominals that they modify,
while the passive perfective NP-relative is placed medially within the structure of the
sentence but is not adjacent to the head nominal that it modifies. More examples are
required to substantiate how often these relative clause types are embedded within a
matrix clause or whether they are typically adjoined to the margins of a matrix clause
(as has been discussed by Hale (1976) for relative clauses in Australian languages; see
§7.1.3
below).
The patterns of articulation of the perfective and passive perfective NP-relatives
in examples 7.16 to 7.18 sheds no real light on the question of their embedded versus
adjoined status. Both situations seem to be articulated with a relatively even intonation
by the consultants. In his articulation of example 7.17 AP does pause for a short
duration before stating the perfective relative clause. He then pauses for a longer
duration after stating the relative clause before he starts the next sentence; as might be
expected. However, although AP also pauses for a short duration before stating the
passive perfective relative clause in example 7.18 he also pauses for the same longer
duration, as he did in 7.17, before he finishes the rest of the sentence. Alternatively, MD
does not pause before she states the perfective relative clause in example 7.16. Yet,
because example 7.16 was elicited independently, and the relative clause is sentence
final, there is no following text to determine how long MD would pause before starting
up again after stating a perfective relative clause.
Without examples it is also not clear whether other TAM inflections (other than
the perfective, passive perfective and RELative inflections) can be used in the formation
of Kurrama NP-relatives; such as the present and potential inflections which were used
in the formation of the T-relatives presented in §7.1.1.2. Example 7.19 suggests that the
habitual inflection could possibly be used to form a NP-relative. It is also not clear
292
whether complementisers other than the accusative can be used in the construction of
perfective and passive perfective inflected NP-relatives. In §7.1.1.2 examples were
provided where present, perfective, and potential inflected T-relatives are constructed
with locative marking, and both locative and instrumental complementiser marking has
also been illustrated for REL inflected NP-relatives; but I have no examples of locative
or instrumental complementiser marking of NP-relatives formed with the other TAM
suffixes.
7.1.3 Subordination and the Adjoined Relative Clause in Kurrama
A note on the subordinate status of relative clauses in Kurrama should be made
here. In 1976 Hale spoke of the ‘adjoined relative clause’ which is found in Warlpiri
and ‘a large number of Australian languages’. Hale (1976) showed that this subordinate
clause type is not embedded in a main clause and can be multi-functional. However,
some have fixed on Hale’s statements about adjoined relative clauses in Australian
languages to claim that these clause types are not subordinate at all. For instance,
Nordlinger (2006: 9) states that Lehmann (1988: 183-185) and Diessel (2001: 439-440)
have taken Warlpiri adjoined relative clauses, and by implication adjoined relative
clauses in other Australian languages, to be examples of parataxis rather than
subordination. In the discussion above it has been shown that Kurrama relative clauses
can be multifunctional and are often not embedded in a main clause. Are these Kurrama
clause types definitely subordinate?
Hale (1976: 86) maintained that the Australian adjoined relative clause is not
embedded within a main clause but instead is placed on the edges of the main clause
and is not ‘flanked by material belonging to the main clause’. He also argued that the
adjoined relative clause can often have both an adverbial and a relative function in many
Australian languages. That is, it can have both NP-relative and T-relative functions
(Hale, 1976; and Nordlinger, 2006). Yet, some (such as Lehmann, 1988; and Diessel,
2001) have taken the lack of embedding of the adjoined relative to argue that these
clause types are not truly subordinate.
In §7.1.1 it can be seen that the examples of relative clauses formed with
RELative marking are adjoined to the end of the main clause. They are not embedded
within the structure of the main clause and do not necessarily follow the head nominal
293
they modify. Yet, as discussed in §7.1.1 these REL marked adjoined relatives are
subordinate clauses. They rely on the switch reference coded by the REL markers to
indicate which main clause argument they are modifying and this controlling subject is
not reproduced again within the adjoined relative (although the switch reference of the
L- and R-conjugation REL marker seems at times to be ambiguous). Subordinate
instrumental and locative C-complementiser marking is also used in a REL marked
clause when the REL marked clause is modifying an instrumental or locative main
clause argument or adjunct. Although I was unable to locate any clear definite examples
it is also possible that accusative and nominative C-complementiser marking can be
used in REL marked clauses to further indicate subordinate modification of a main
clause core argument (when not blocked by the constraints listed previously).
Further, as shown in §7.1.1, the REL marked relatives can have not only a NPrelative function but can also have a T-relative function. That is, the temporal reference
of a subordinate REL marked clause is relative to the TAM marking in the main clause
and is interpreted as being contemporaneous with the matrix event. However, a definite
overt T-relative function can be indicated by locative T-complementiser marking of a
different subject REL marked subordinate verb to specify the temporal setting of a main
clause event.
In §7.1.2 it was shown that finite relative clauses that are formed with perfective
and passive perfective marking can be inflected with accusative complementiser
marking to indicate that they are subordinate to a controlling accusative main clause
argument that they modify. Further, of greater note, as is shown in §7.1.2, these finite
subordinate clauses can be embedded within the structure of a main clause. However,
more examples are needed to determine how often this occurs. Subordinate adverbial Trelative relations can also be indicated by locative T-complementiser marking in these
relative clause types. Yet, although likely to be possible, I have no examples of
subordinate locative or instrumental C-complementiser marking of finite NP-relatives.
7.2
Progressive Clauses
In Yindjibarndi, Panyjima and Martuthunira there is a set of verb suffixes that
have functions similar to the functions of the Kurrama progressive verb suffix. In
Yindjibarndi the relevant suffix is the progressive aspect suffix which has the same
294
form as the Kurrama progressive suffix; that is: -ngumarnu / -rnumarnu. In Panyjima
the relevant suffix is that described by Dench (1991:176) as the ‘consequential’
inflection; which is: -ngumalku / -rnumalku. In Martuthunira the relevant suffix is that
described by Dench (1995: 248-249) as the ‘sequential’ inflection; the allomorphs of
this inflection are: -rrawaara, -l.yarrawaara, and –rryarrawaara for the Ø, L and R
conjugations respectively.
Dench (1991: 176) states that the Panyjima consequential ‘indicates that the
event described in the (consequential) clause follows as a direct consequence of the
event described in the preceding clause’. Dench (1995: 248-249) reports that
Martuthunira sequential clauses ‘describe an event which follows a main clause event,
often as an immediate consequence of that event’. Wordick (1982: 102) states that in
Yindjibarndi ‘the progressive aspect essentially describes movement towards an action’;
and, in the most common context, the Yindjibarndi progressive inflection indicates ‘that
the action described by the verb on which it occurs follows the action described by a
preceding verb to which it is conjoined’.
So, overall, it can be said that in Yindjibarndi, Panyjima and Martuthunira the
relevant suffixes mark events that follow on from preceding events, and often the
following marked events are the consequence of these preceding events. A survey of the
use of the Kurrama progressive suffix reveals that it also marks events that follow on
from preceding events but often there is not a strong consequential link between the
preceding and following events. Instead, the link between the preceding event and the
subsequent progressive marked event is foremost one of temporal sequencing. The
Kurrama progressive inflection acts pragmatically like the English ‘and then’ where an
event is enacted ‘and then’ another event follows (which may be the consequence of the
preceding event but often is not).
Yet, in Kurrama, a progressive clause is still essentially a subordinate clause. It
has the same subject as the preceding main clause and this same subject is omitted in the
progressive clause under this co-reference. Also, its temporal reference is relative to the
time frame of the preceding main clause. That is, the event described by a progressive
clause follows after the time of the preceding main clause event.
Consider the following Kurrama examples. In examples 7.20 and 7.21 the
preceding main events are described as having been enacted and then subsequent
295
progressive inflected events follow, but there is no real consequential relation between
before and after. In these examples the temporal reference of the progressive clauses is
relative to the past tense marking of the matrix clauses. Although ellipsed, the subjects
of each preceding main event are also the subjects of the following progressive marked
events.
7.20
Jampa parni-nha ngunhungat mirta parraa
munti
while stay-PAST there
not/no long.time true/truly/very
wanta-nmarri-ngumarnu ngartimu.
leave-COLL-PROG
again
(She) stopped there for a little while, though not for very long, and then (she)
left them again.'
(P.455)
7.21
Yanku-nha maa-wu manku-lu parni-ngumarnu ngunhungat wangka-ngu
go-PAST hand-ACC get-PURP stay/stop-PROG there
talk-REL
'(I) went and took (her) hand and then stopped there for a while talking.'
(P.029)
However, in the following example 7.22 a consequential reading can be made
between the preceding main event and the following progressive inflected action. Yet,
the subject is still the same for each clause and the time frame of the progressive clause
is relative to the past tense marking of the main clause.
7.22
Ngayi
ngurnat-ku
1sg.NOM thatDEF-ACC
wartki-nha nhawu-ngumarnu.
open-PAST see-PROG
'I opened it up and then had a look.' (P.249)
Other examples of progressive clauses are presented in §4.5.10.
7.2.1 The Morphology and Functions of the Progressive Suffixes
The progressive inflection acts pragmatically like the English ‘and then’ and
most often marks a temporal sequence. It is possible that historically the progressive
inflection may once have strictly marked the consequence of a preceding main event but
has now been extended to mark a temporal sequence. However, as discussed in
§4.5.10.2,
the Kurrama polysyllabic progressive inflection appears to be constructed
from a composite of several Kurrama monosyllabic suffixes, and it is these composite
parts that seem to determine the meaning and functions of the overall inflection.
296
That is, the Kurrama progressive suffix -ngumarnu / -rnumarnu appears to be
structured as follows:
-ngu or -rnu (Ø, or L and R conjugation class imperfective REL inflection)
+
-ma (causative derivational suffix)
+
-rnu (L and R conjugation class imperfective REL inflection)
As discussed in §4.5.10.2, it appears that, within the progressive inflection, the
imperfective aspect of the composite REL suffix allomorphs are active and apply an
overall imperfective aspect to the progressive inflection. The causative suffix also seems
to be active and appears to express that the progressive inflected event is ‘made’ to
come about or is ‘made’ to come into being.
For instance, in the following example 7.23, the sequence of events marked with
the progressive suffix could be understood to express that the subject was ‘then in the
process of tying up the parcel, and then in the process of putting it away, and then in the
process of going/leaving’. That is, in example 7.23, each inflected event, in the
sequence, has an imperfective aspect, and the causative element within the progressive
inflection denotes that each marked event, in the sequence, is in turn, in the process of
being made to come about or made to come into being. That is, the causative element
helps to bring about a new event, or process, which arises from an earlier event.
7.23
Ngayi
thurti-mu
1sg.NOM back-THEN
wantha-rna
put-PAST
ngurnat-ku
thatDEF-ACC
ngarti-mu
murlimurli-ma-rnu
again/then/next-THEN wrap-CAUS-REL
martkurra-ma-rna
good-CAUS-PAST
ngunhaangkat-a-mpa
those-LOC-TOP7
wara-ngarli-la-wa
martkurra-ma-rna
cloth-PL-LOC-TOP1 good-CAUS-PAST
jankaa-rnumarnu
tie.up-PROG
wantha-rnumarnu
put-PROG
yanku-ngumarnu.
go-PROG
'I put it back and tidied everything up again, wrapped it up in all that cloth, made it
neat, tied it up, put it away, and then left.'
(P.333)
Imperfective aspect is understood to refer to the internal temporal structure of an
event and most often indicates that an event is in progress; whereas, perfective aspect
typically denotes a complete event without referring to the various phases, or stages,
297
that make up that event. As such (at least in English) it is a sequence of perfective forms
that most often represent a temporal sequence of events. That is, with perfective
marking each event is seen as complete and having a termination point from which the
next event arises. However, as has been stated, the Kurrama progressive suffixes appear
to mark a temporal sequence of events where each event has an imperfective aspect.
In example 7.23, above, the imperfective elements of the progressive inflection
denote that the actor/subject is involved in the process of each event, but do not overtly
describe the actor/subject as finishing each event. It is partly through our expectations
and understanding of such events that the actor/subject is perceived as moving from one
event to the next. However, the additional causative element in the progressive marker
seems to help to express that the events are moving along. That is, as already stated, the
causative element may be there, in the progressive inflection, to bring about a new event
that follows on from a previous event. This, as I suggested in §4.5.10.2, may present a
‘flowing movement’ through a sequence of events in preference to perfective marking
which presents a more abrupt movement from one completed unitary event to the next.
7.2.2 An Alternate Context in Which the Progressive Is Used
There is a further context in which the progressive suffixes are used in Kurrama
and Yindjibarndi. They can be used to mark a goal oriented action or event that is in
progress but is not yet finalized. A Yindjibarndi example that Wordick (1982: 208)
provides is as follows:
7.24
Yindjibarndi progressive marking
Ngaliya
karri-Ø.
Parni-ngumarnu. Yaala parni-Ø -wa.
1du.exc.NOM stand-PRES sit-PROG
now sit-PRES-EMPH
‘We two are standing.’
‘We are sitting down.’
‘Now we are sitting.’
(Wordick, 1982: 208)
In the Yindjibarndi example 7.24, above, the ‘progressive’ marked action ‘sit’ is
not completed and is still in progress. That is, it represents the movement of ‘sitting’
before actually achieving the goal of being ‘seated’. The imperfective element within
the progressive suffix is explicit in this context. When discussing this example with
298
Maudie Dowton she stated that a similar reading of the progressive can also apply in
Kurrama 36.
There is an example of a similar circumstance in the Payarrany narrative as told
by Algy Paterson. This example follows. In example 7.25 the action tharni ‘chopping’
is goal oriented; it is carried out so as to get ‘honey’. The progressive marking on
tharni, in example 7.25, encodes a ‘progressive’ imperfective aspect where the action
‘chopping for honey’ is in progress but is not yet completed. Overall, the progressive
inflected tharni acts, in this situation, as the background to the other events in the
sentence; it is while ‘chopping for honey’ that the accident occurs. Note, that the axe is
seen as acting under its own volition when it chops the eye of the old lady.
7.25
Parni-nha ngunhangu-mpa
stay-PAST there-TOP7
Milharn-ta
kankala. Marliyaa-wu-nta
Milhan-LOC on.top
honey-ACC-INTRRG
tharni-rnu-wathu.
chop.for.honey-REL-DIM
Tharni-rnumarnu-yu
chop.for.honey-PROG-EMPH4
kaju
axe
pinkarli-nha-yu
turn.around -PAST-EMPH4
ngunhu
that
ngunhu
that
thurla-yi-wa
ngunhu
eye-ACC-TOP1 that
kankarni
above
wantharni-ma-rnu
how-CAUS-REL
ngarra-rna
chop-PAST
ngarra.
chop
‘(She) was staying up there in the hills at Milhan. (She) was probably chopping
honey or something. While chopping for honey, something happened, that axe,
it turned around and chopped her just above the eye.’
(P.461- P.463)
7.2.3 Concluding Remarks on the Progressive Clauses
Much of what I have written in §7.2.1 on the functions of the composite
morphology of the Kurrama progressive suffix is conjecture. In the fieldwork sessions
with Maudie Dowton we had difficulty in discussing the influence that the composite
parts of the suffix may have on its functions. I was unable to explain to Maudie what it
was that I was asking. Further research, with a different considered approach, may
confirm or deny some of my speculations. However, conclusive evidence for much of
what I have proposed in §7.2.1 will, nonetheless, be hard to gain.
36
We also discussed the parallel Kurrama example 4.79 presented in §4.5.10.1. We acted out
the movements described in these examples to illustrate their intended meaning.
299
7.3
Purpose Clauses
There are two possible ways of forming a purpose clause in Kurrama. First, an
expected or intended future outcome can be indicated by marking a verb with a potential
inflection. However, as discussed in §4.5.6, this purpose function is only part of a
broader range of functions that are coded by the potential inflection. The second, and
more direct way of expressing a purpose, is carried out by marking a subordinate verb
with the purpose suffix -(r)lu so as to specifically indicate the intended or anticipated
outcome of a preceding matrix event. In the following discussion I first examine clauses
formed with the purpose suffix and then turn to potential marked clauses.
7.3.1 Purpose Clauses Formed with -(r)lu
Purpose clauses formed with the -(r)lu inflection are subordinate clauses that are
subject controlled. That is, the subject of a -(r)lu inflected subordinate purpose clause is
always co-referential with the matrix clause subject and under this co-reference the
subject of the purpose clause is usually omitted. As such, possible complementiser
marking of the purpose clause is not identifiable as it is, or would be, zero nominative
marking. Subordinate purpose clauses formed with -(r)lu depend on the matrix clause
for temporal reference; the time of the matrix event precedes the purpose event.
The following Table 7.2 lists some features of 26 -(r)lu marked purpose clauses
sampled from the Payarrany narrative.
Table 7.2 Some properties of purpose marked clauses in the Payarrany story
Number
Percentage
Purpose clause describes intended outcome
Purpose clause describes anticipated outcome
20
6
Total 26
77%
23%
100%
Occurs as a direct result of the main event
Is the purpose for the main event
2
24
Total 26
8%
92%
100%
Subject of matrix verb is subject of intransitive purpose verb
9
Subject of matrix verb is subject of transitive purpose verb
17
Total 26
35%
65%
100%
300
Following are some examples of -(r)lu marked purpose clauses. In example 7.26
the purpose event ‘to tell/say’ is intended and is the purpose for carrying out the matrix
verb action ‘go/went’. The subject of the purpose verb is the subject of the intransitive
matrix verb.
7.26
Ngayi
yanku-nha wangka-lu
maatha-wu-wa
1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PURP boss-ACC-TOP1
Jalurrpa-ngu-wa.
Authur.Lockyer -ACC -TOP1
'I went to tell the boss, Jalurrpa, Authur Lockyer.'
(P.037)
In 7.27 the purpose ‘to talk to the bosses’ is intended and is the purpose for
which the subject ‘came to Red Hill’.
7.27
Yanku-nha ngunhaatu, wurnta-rna ngunha Mangkala-arta-mu-yu,
go-PAST that.one
come-PAST that
Red Hill-ALL-THEN-EMPH4
wangka-lu ngunhangaata-yu
talk-PURP that-EMPH4
maatha-ngarli-wu-yu.
boss-PL-ACC-EMPH4
'Off he went. He came into Red Hill then to talk to the bosses there.'
(P.497)
In the following command the purpose marked action ‘to see them’ is
anticipated and will be the purpose for the subject to ‘go over there’. The subject of the
purpose marked verb is the addressee subject of the potential inflected matrix verb.
7.28
Nyinta
2sg.NOM
yanki-i
go-POT
ngunhangaatu nhawu-marri-lu.
there
see-COLL-PURP
''You go over there and see (them).''
(P.053)
In example 7.29 the purpose marked action ‘to see/meet’ is anticipated and will
be the purpose for carrying out the matrix verb action ‘go’. The subject of the purpose
verb is the subject of the imperative marked matrix verb.
7.29
Nyinta-wu
yanku-ma
2sg.NOM-EMPH2 go-IMP
"You go and/to see/meet (her)."
nhawu-lu.
see-PURP
(P.022)
301
In the following, the purpose marked action ‘live/stay’ is intended and is the
purpose for the matrix action ‘return’. Again the subject of the purpose verb is the
subject of the matrix verb.
7.30
Ngayi
wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu
parni-lu
Mangkala-la-yu.
1sg:NOM return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 live/stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4
'I came back to stay at Mangkala (Red Hill).
(P.393)
7.3.2 The Potential Inflection as a Purpose Marker
The Kurrama potential inflection has a range of functions which were discussed
in §4.5.6. Overall, the potential inflection is used to indicate that an action will, or
probably will, take place in the future. The potential inflection does not always
necessarily indicate that a potential future action is the purpose for an earlier event, but
as part of its range of functions it can be used to express this. Also, clauses formed with
the potential inflection are not always subordinate constructions, but a purpose clause
formed with the potential inflection is interpreted as subordinate to a preceding matrix
clause. Because a preceding matrix clause and a potential inflected purpose clause
always share the same subject there is no overt nominative complementiser marking on
the potential purpose clause to indicate that it is subordinate. Some examples follow.
In the following example 7.31 the ellipsed subject ‘returns to the homestead’ for
the purpose of ‘sending news to the police in Onslow’. The verb denoting the purpose
‘send’ is marked with a potential inflection. Both the purpose event and the preceding
event are carried out by the same subject.
7.31
Thampa-wurtu
just-EMPH3
ngunngama-rnu ngunha-rri
put.off-REL
that-INCH.PRES
wayinyjarri
return.PRES
ngunyji
maya-arta payanyji-wu
wangka-yi
thereNV house-ALL policeman -ACC news-ACC
thaa-rrkayi
send-POT
ngunyji-wa
thereNV-TOP1
Pirtan-nguwarta-wa.
Onslow-ALL-TOP1
'So (he) just left it like that, and (he) returned there to the homestead to send
news to the police in Onslow.'
(P.494)
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In the following example 7.32 the action ‘bringing the sheep up’ is done for the
purpose of ‘taking them to water’. The verb denoting the purpose ‘take’ is marked with
a potential inflection.
7.32
Ngaamatjurntu-ma-rnu
warrungkamu-warntura
bring.them.up-CAUS-REL morning-DISTRIB
kayulu-warta-yi
water-ALL-TOP4
kartpa-tkayi
take-POT
pawa-arta
water-ALL
'(I) would bring the (sheep) up each morning to take them to water.'
(P.099)
In example 7.33, below, the potential suffix and the purpose suffix -lu both code
anticipated results of a preceding action rather than intended purposes. That is, in the
Payarrany narrative, from which example 7.33 is taken, the subject, the ‘whitefella’,
has been told that an old lady is living somewhere upriver and that he should look out
for her while he is upriver trapping dingoes. While trapping dingoes the protagonist is
not specifically looking for the old lady but is anticipating that he will come upon her.
Example 7.33 tells of the time when the subject does come upon the old lady. This
meeting was the result of his movements while dingo trapping rather than the purpose
for his movements upriver.
7.33
Parrii
ngunha
whitefella that
yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa
go-PAST there.LOC river/creek-LOC
jingkaku-rru
wurnta-tkayi
upriver-NOW come-POT
kurta-wa
nhawu-lu-wa
very-TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1.
'This whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right
on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).'
(P.473)
In §4.5.8 I stated that there is some overlap in the functions of the purpose
inflection and the result inflection in Kurrama. The result reading rather than a purpose
reading in example 7.33 is evidence of this overlap. As stated in §4.5.8, there is
evidence that a switch reference opposition is developing between the –(r)lu purpose
inflection and the result inflection in Kurrama. I examine this next when discussing the
result inflection.
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7.4
Result Clauses
The result inflection was briefly discussed in §4.5.8. It is examined in a little
more detail here. From the data available, it can be argued that the result and purpose
inflections in Kurrama may be moving towards an opposition of different and same
subject switch reference functions. The inflections have overlapping functions and the
subject of a subordinate –(r)lu marked purpose clause is always co-referential with the
subject of the matrix clause, while the subject of a subordinate result clause is always
co-referential with an accusative object of the matrix clause.
In the Kurrama corpus, the result suffix –aangu / -langu most often indicates
that an action is the direct result of an earlier action while the purpose suffix –(r)lu most
often denotes the purpose for an earlier event. However, as is shown in Table 7.2 and in
example 7.33 there are some instances where –(r)lu purpose marked verbs denote the
direct result of a prior action. Alternatively, example 4.52 in §4.5.8 illustrates an
instance where a result marked clause describes the purpose for a preceding action.
Yet, the transition to the same and different subject marking of a combined
result and purpose function is not complete. In a number of examples, in the Kurrama
data, the result inflection is used to mark the resultant endpoint of an action and not the
purpose for that prior action. Some examples of this were given in §4.5.8. Another
example is presented below. In the English translations of these examples the matrix
action is said to be carried out ‘until’ the result marked verbal endpoint is reached.
7.34
Nhaa
pirni-rna
ngayu
ngurra-arta
This swear.at-PAST 1sg.ACC camp-ALL
'S/he swore at me until I went home.'
pangkarra-angu.
go-RSLT
(MD)
However, as stated, there are other contexts where the result inflection does have
a purpose-like function. In these situations it does not specifically mark the endpoint of
a prior action but instead marks a ‘result’ that can be interpreted as the purpose or
reason for a prior event. Consider the following examples. In 7.35 the result of
‘squashing the goanna meat’ is that it enables the meat to be ‘kept for a long time’. The
result marking of ‘stay/keep’ therefore can be read as the purpose or reason for
‘squashing the meat’.
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7.35
Mijirri-ma-rnu-rra
squashed-CAUS-REL-DUB
parni
be.PRES
parraa-mu-yu
long.time-THEN-EMPH4
parna-angu
murla-ngarl -wu.
stays/keeps-RSLT meat-PL-ACC
'Apparently that squashed (goanna) meat keeps for a very long time.'
(P.095)
In the following example 7.36 the result marked parna-angu is part of an overall
purpose; that is the old woman ‘stayed waiting to be given food’.
7.36
Wantha-rrkayi malu-ngka punaangu-la
manyjan-ta-wathu
put-POT
shade-LOC bloodwood-LOC groundsheet-LOC-DIM
parna-angu kumpa-ngu pirntu-u
stay-RSLT wait-REL food-ACC
yungku-nguli.
give-PASS.PRES
'(I) put (her) down in the shade of a bloodwood tree, on a bit of ground sheet,
and (she) stayed there waiting to be given some food.'
(P.547)
Therefore, there are a number of differing contexts in which the result inflection
is used in Kurrama and, in some contexts, it appears that the result inflection is moving
towards becoming the complement of the –(r)lu purpose inflection in an emerging
switch reference system.
7.4.1 Further Comments on Purpose vs Result Clauses
All of the examples of purpose constructions presented in §7.3.1 (and §4.5.8)
contain intransitive matrix verbs. I was unable to locate a purpose construction that
contains a transitive matrix verb. In the purpose constructions, in the data, the subject is
described as carrying out intransitive actions, such as ‘going’, ‘coming’ or ‘returning’,
so as to then enact a transitive or intransitive purpose marked action. Alternatively, the
matrix clauses in result constructions are transitive. In result constructions the subject of
the matrix clause is described as acting on an object (patient/theme) so as to gain a
transitive or intransitive result marked action from, or by, that object.
It has been illustrated in previous sections that there is some overlap in the
functions of the purpose and result inflections. A purpose marked verb may describe the
result of a prior action and a result inflected verb may describe the purpose of a prior
action. However, a constant distinction between the two inflections still remains; they
code differing subject reference. The purpose inflection marks same subject reference
305
between an intransitive matrix clause and a subordinate clause; while the result
inflection marks different subject reference between a transitive clause and a
subordinate clause. Without any examples I cannot say whether it is possible for a
purpose marker to be used as a same subject link between a transitive matrix clause and
a subordinate clause. Yet, because a matrix object is required, it can be stated that a
result marker cannot mark a different subject link between an intransitive matrix clause
and a subordinate clause.
7.5
Lest Clauses
Lest clauses, in Kurrama, involve the inflection of a subordinate verb with an
active or passive might suffix. In a Kurrama lest clause the might inflected subordinate
clause describes an unwanted, or undesired, event that might occur, or might not occur,
if a preceding action described by the matrix clause is carried out, or is not carried out.
Some examples of lest clauses formed with the might inflections were presented in
§4.5.11 and §4.5.12 but more examples follow. In the examples at hand most often the
lest clauses are controlled by an accusative NP in the matrix clause, but control by the
subject of the matrix clause is also possible; as in example 4.84 which is presented again
below as 7.39. In the examples, I have, of accusative control of subordinate lest clauses
the might inflected subordinate verbs are not further inflected with an overt accusative
complementiser but instead are left unmarked.
7.37
Mirta wantha-rrkayi murla-yi karrwu-ngka
not/no put-POT
meat-ACC sun-LOC
puwa-rri-wunta.
rotten-INCH-MIGHT
'Don't put the meat in the sun it might become/go rotten (bad).
7.38
Mijula-rrkayi
hide-POT
marnta-yi
money-ACC
muya-rtpunta.
steal-MIGHT
'Hide the money or it might be stolen.'
7.39
(MD)
(MD)
Nyinta
yinti-i
pungka-wunta.
2sg.NOM go.down-POT fall-MIGHT
'Get down, you might fall.'
(MD)
It should be noted that the might inflections can be used in contexts other than
the formation of subordinate lest clauses. They can mark independent verbs as example
4.81 in §4.5.11 illustrates. In the following example parni is inflected with the active
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might suffix and has an independent copular function. That is, in 7.40 the might
inflected copular parni is used with the negated nominal predicate wala kurtka ‘don’t
think’ to form an independent clause that has the unusual translation ‘don’t might you
think about it’.
7.40
Ngayi-yu
Mangkala-la-ngu wurnta-rna, /
1sg.NOM-EMPH Red Hill-LOC-ABL come-PAST
wala
don't
kurtka
think
nyinta-yu
parni-wunta / ngalaa -yu
yanku wanta-marri-ayi-wa.
2sg:NOM-EMPH be-MIGHT 1du.exc-EMPH4 go leave-COLL-PERF-TOP1
'I've come from Red Hill / Don't (might) you think about it / We've left one
another.’
(P.031)
7.6
Clausal Complements
Verbs of cognition, perception and information transfer can select clausal
complements in Kurrama; as also can nominal predicates, such as mirnu, ‘know’; waa,
‘fear’; and purtpi, ‘want’. However, in the Kurrama corpus there is not a complete set
of examples of clausal complements that would be expected to be selected by these
predicates. The expectation is that each of these predicates could select both subject and
object clausal complements, and these clausal complements could potentially take all of
the subordinate clause forms that have been described in this chapter.
In the corpus, there are not always examples of both subject and object clausal
complements for each predicate. In those examples that are available, the subject and
object clausal complements most often take a relative clause form and have a temporal
reference that is contemporaneous with the matrix event. Yet, some complement clauses
have a simple declarative form where the complement predicate is assigned a potential
inflection. In these instances the clausal complement has a future time reference relative
to the time frame of the matrix event. There is also an instance of a might inflected
clausal complement in the data but there are no examples of purpose, result or
progressive marked clausal complements.
7.6.1 Clausal Complements of Perception Verbs
In the Kurrama corpus, perception verbs like nhawu ‘see’ and kurtkayi ‘hear’
select relative clause complements; as is illustrated by the following examples. In 7.41
and 7.42 the relative clause complements of the perception verbs nhawu and kurtkayi
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are accusative object complements. The subjects of these complements are raised out of
the complement and are given object position within the matrix clause. That is, the
subjects of the clausal complements (which would select nominative marking if the
clauses were independent) are assigned an accusative marked object role within the
matrix clause and the subordinate relative clause verbs (which are controlled by these
accusative matrix objects) are then assigned a different subject REL inflection.
7.41
Nhaa
this
nhawu-nha
see-PAST
kurri-i
[ mujilarri-yangu ] .
young.girl-ACC run.away-REL
'He saw the girl running away.'
7.42
(MD)
Nhaa kurtkayi-nha kurri-ngarli-wu [ wangka-yinyjarri-yangu] .
this hear-PAST young.girl-PL-ACC talk-COLL-REL
‘He heard the girls talking together.'
(MD)
In the Kurrama corpus there are a number of freely occurring examples of
complement clauses associated with the perception verb nhawu ‘see’. All of these
examples of complement clauses selected by nhawu are accusative object complements;
some examples follow.
7.43
Yaayu-warri-nha-wu
warrungkamu-yu
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH2 morning-EMPH4
purlu-ngka
above-LOC
kartpa-lu
go.up-PURP
marnta-ka-yu
parni
nhawu-ngu-mu
ngana-wathaa-wu
hill-LOC-EMPH4 be.PRES see-REL-THEN who-else-ACC
[ parni-yangu nhungu Marryiri-la-wu
outcamp-wathu-la-wu ]
be/stay-REL here
Gap.Well-LOC-ACC outcamp-DIM-LOC-ACC
'Old Aunty, that morning, was climbing up above us. (She) was up on the hill to
see who else [was (staying) here at Marryiri outcamp].'
(P.102)
7.44
Nyinta
warniya-lku ngurnu-warta
ngurnu-mu
marnta-arta
2sg.NOM run-PRES
that.ACC-ALL that.ACC-THEN hill-ALL
nhawi-i
see-POT
ngurnu
that.ACC
karla-yi
fire-ACC
wanthila-wu [ kampa-yangu ].
where-ACC
burn-REL
'You run up that hill and see where that fire [(is) burning].'
(P.111 - P.112)
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7.6.2 Clausal Complements of Cognition Predicates
The cognition nominal predicate purtpi ‘want’ selects clausal complements that
have a future time reference, as is illustrated in examples 7.45 and 7.46 below. That is, a
clausal complement selected by purtpi describes something that is ‘wanted’ in the
future. The use of purtpi is limited in the Kurrama corpus and there are only examples
of it selecting clausal complements on a subject NP, as in 7.45 and 7.46 below.
Complements on an object NP should be possible but I do not have examples of this in
the Kurrama corpus. However, a Panyjima example, presented as example 7.47 below,
illustrates what could be possible. In this Panyjima example the clausal complement of
purlpi-yayi ‘want’ is in object position.
7.45
Nhaa
this
purtpi
want
pangkarri-i
go-POT
'He wants to go home/to camp.’
7.46
(MD)
Ngayi
purtpi kampa-rtkayi murla-yi.
1sg.NOM want cook-POT
meat-ACC
'I want to cook some meat.'
7.47
ngurra–arta.
camp-ALL
(MD)
Panyjima example of an object clausal complement
Ngatha
purlpi-yayi- ku
papa-yu
ngarri-rta-ku
1sg.NOM want-INCH-PRES water-ACC lie-FUT-ACC
yarta-yu
much-ACC
yirtiya-la-ku.
road-LOC-ACC
‘I want there to be lots of water lying along the road.’
(Dench, 1991: 200)
There a number of examples, in the Kurrama data, of complement clauses
selected by the cognition predicates kurtkaarri or kurtka ‘think’. Some examples follow.
These clausal complements typically have a relative clause form, although in example
7.50 the object complement clause is a simple might construction. The subject clausal
complement in 7.49 expresses an expectation, whereas in 7.48 the object complement
describes a scene that is ‘thought of’ by the subject. The subject complement in 7.51
expresses an intention.
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7.48
Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi
kurtkaarri -nha ngurnu
there-ABL
1sg.NOM think-PAST
that.ACC
karnti-ka-wu
stick-LOC-ACC
mutha-ngka-wu
point-LOC-ACC
parni.
be.PRES
''From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick.'
(P.314)
7.49
Yanku-nha
go-PAST
marnta-ka-yu
hill-LOC-EMPH4
kurtka kurta
think
very
jina-yi
track-ACC
nhawu -marri-ngu wanthila parni-yangu ngani-ngka-wathu.
see-COLL-REL where
be-REL
what-LOC-DIM
'(He) went into the hills thinking (he) would see her tracks somewhere about. '
(P.398)
7.50
Wantharni-yu
how-EMPH4
yanku-nha muyirri-nha-nyu kurtkaarri-ngu
go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE think-REL
wurnta-rtpunta-wu
come-MIGHT-ACC
nganangu.
someone.ACC
'How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought
someone might come?'
(P.514)
7.51
Nhaa
this
kurlkaarri-nha
think-PAST
pangkarri-ngu ngurra-arta.
go-REL
camp-ALL
'He thought about going home.'
(MD)
7.6.3 Clausal Complements of Predicates Formed on the Stem ‘mirnu’
In Kurrama, the nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’ acts as the stem to which the
inchoative derivational suffix –warni-Ø can be added to form the cognition verb mirnuwarni-Ø ‘learn’, and to which the causative derivational suffix –ma-L can be added to
form the information transfer verb mirnu-ma-L ‘teach/show’. In the data there are
examples of clausal complements selected by mirnu and mirnu-ma-L. I do not have any
examples where mirnu-warni-Ø selects a clausal complement but the expectation is that
it would. In the following example 7.52 the nominal predicate mirnu selects a subject
clausal complement that expresses a proposal or fact in a simple declarative form. In
7.53 the information transfer verb mirnu-ma selects an object clausal complement which
expresses a fact.
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7.52
7.53
Nhaa
this
mirnu
know
wirra-yi
boomerang-ACC
yarnima- rrkayi.
make-POT
'He knows (how) to make a boomerang.'
(MD)
Ngayi
1sg.NOM
Kurrama wangka-yi
Kurrama story/word-ACC
mirnu-ma-rna
nhurnu
show/taught-PAST this.ACC
wantha-rnu kartaa-rna
put-REL
write/poke-PAST
mirlimirli-la-wu.
paper-LOC-ACC
'I taught her (how) to write down Kurrama words/stories on paper.'
(MD)
As stated, I have no examples where the cognition verb mirnu-warni-Ø selects a
clausal complement in the Kurrama data. However, in 7.54, below, mirnu-warni selects
an accusative marked NP argument and it is conceivable that a clausal complement,
such as in 'I am learning to speak the Kurrama language’, could also be selected by this
verb.
7.54
Ngayi
mirnu-warni
1sg.NOM know-INCH.PRES
Kurrama-wu
wangka-yi
Kurrama-ACC language -ACC
'I am learning (the) Kurrama language.'
(MD)
7.6.4 Clausal Complements of Information Transfer Verbs
In the Kurrama corpus most instances of information transfer are expressed by
direct speech where the verb wangka ‘speak/tell/talk’ does not specifically select a
complement clause. The example below illustrates this:
7.55
Maatha wangka-nha, “Nyinta
parni-ma
nhungu kumpa-ngu”.
boss
tell/say-PAST
2sg.NOM live/stay-IMP here
wait-REL
‘The boss said, "You stop and wait here".’
(P.503)
However, there are some instances in the Kurrama data where wangka does
select a clausal complement. In the following example 7.56 the past inflected wangka
selects an object clausal complement. In example 7.57 the passive perfective marked
wangka selects a clausal complement on its ellipsed nominative subject.
7.56
Ngayi
wangka-nha
nhurnu
ngurra-arta-wu
1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST this.ACC camp-ALL-ACC
'I told him to go home’ or possibly ‘I said he went home’.
pangkarri-yangu.
go-REL
(MD)
311
7.57
Wangka-yangarnu maatha-lu
kurtun-ma-rtkayi-wa-yu
tell/say-PPERF
boss-INSTR gather-CAUS-POT-TOP1-EMPH4
parnangarri-yarlaa-ngarli-wu-yu.
sheep- ? -PL-ACC-EMPH4
‘(We'd been) told by the boss to gather up the horned sheep.’
(P.101)
Although I have no examples it should be possible for wangka, when marked
with an active TAM inflection, to select a clausal complement on subject position. For
instance, it may be possible to express an alternative to example 7.56, such as ‘We were
talking about going home’. Dench (1991: 201) cites a Panyjima example which is
similar to this; it is presented below. In this example the active present inflected wangka
selects a clausal complement on subject position.
7.58
Panyjima example of a subject clausal complement
Nyiya-jirri
This-PL
karri-ku
wangka-nyayi-ku
stand-PRES say-COLL-PRES
thanarta pinyarri-rta
when
fight-FUT
‘They are talking about when they are going to fight.’ (Dench, 1991: 201)
7.6.5 Conclusion to Clausal Complements
The data in the Kurrama corpus does not provide examples of all of the possible
types of clausal complements that might be expected to be selected by the Kurrama
predicates of cognition, perception, and information transfer. However, the examples at
hand do provide some illustration of what is possible (as well as suggesting what is
missing). Overall, subject clausal complements and object clausal complements are
possible in Kurrama; and both subject and object complement clauses may be possible
for each of the Kurrama predicates of cognition, perception and information transfer,
but there are not enough examples to determine this.
In the examples of clausal complements given above most often the
complements have a relative clause form and the reference time of these complements is
contemporaneous with the time frame of the matrix events. However, there are also
several examples of clausal complements that have a simple declarative form where the
complement predicate is inflected with a potential suffix. In these instances the clausal
complement has a future reference time relative to the time of the matrix event.
Example 7.49 illustrated that clausal complements can also have a might clause form,
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but there are no examples of purpose, result or progressive marking of clausal
complements in the data.
7.7
Final Remarks
Those then are the main types of subordinate clause that are used in Kurrama
complex sentences. A notable feature of some of the markers of subordinate verbs, in
Kurrama, is that they code incipient systems of switch subject reference. The opposition
of the zero conjugation RELative markers –ngu and –yangu definitely codes switch
subject reference. However, the L and R conjugation REL marker –rnu has somewhat
ambiguous properties, but appears to mark different subject reference by default.
Further, the purpose marker –(r)lu and the result inflection have some overlapping
functions and appear to be moving towards a switch reference contrast where the
purpose inflection marks same subject reference and the result inflection marks different
subject reference.
Dench (2009: 269) states that the purpose clause inflections in Martuthunira
code switch reference. Dench (2009: 270) also states that in Martuthunira there are two
inflections – the ‘cotemporaneous’ and the ‘present relative’- which exhibit a ‘pattern
resembling switch reference in adjoined relative clauses’. Also, Austin (1981: 323-324)
reports that the Mantharta and Kanyara languages, to the south of Kurrama, have
subordinate purposive and relative inflections that code switch reference. So perhaps the
emerging systems of switch reference in Kurrama have been influenced by these
neighbouring languages.
Austin (1981), as a result of his survey of switch reference in Australian
languages, suggests that switch reference has spread by indirect diffusion. The regions
in which switch reference occurs in Australia extends across a number of genetically
diverse languages and Austin (1981) suggests that the syntactic patterns of switch
reference have been adapted to fit the morphology used in these differing languages. So
the emerging systems of switch reference in Kurrama may have been influenced by the
switch reference systems used in neighbouring languages. A number of the switch
reference inflection forms used in these neighbouring languages appear to be language
specific. However, they also have some similar morphemes that are found in Kurrama.
For instance, Jiwarli (which is a Mantharta language) has the same subject relative
marking forms –rnu / -ngu as well as the differing form -nhu (Austin, 1981: 323); while
313
Martuthunira has the same purpose inflection form –lu as well as the differing form -ru
(Dench, 2009: 269).
As a final observation, the predominate load of marking of subordinate clauses,
in the Kurrama corpus, is carried by the RELative inflections. As has been shown in this
chapter, the RELative inflections are most often used in the formation of NP-relative
and T-relative constructions, but can also play a role in the construction of clausal
complements selected by predicates of cognition, perception, and information transfer.
The main properties of the REL inflections are summarized in §7.1.1.4.
314
315
8. THE SEMANTICS OF CLAUSE LINKING
In this chapter I add to what has been said in the previous chapters on Kurrama
clause and sentence construction. In particular I examine the grammatical devices that
Algy Paterson uses to construct linkages between clauses and sentences within his
narration of the Payarrany story. This analysis follows the work of Dixon et al (in
Dixon & Aikhenvald, 2009) who have investigated clause linking in a number of world
languages. This work first began with Dixon’s identification of a general set of semantic
relations that hold between linked clauses cross-linguistically (discussed in Dixon,
2009). Following on from this the contributors to Dixon and Aikhenvald (2009) have
identified the differing grammatical devices that are used to represent these semantic
relations in a number of differing world languages. In this chapter I identify the
grammatical devices that are used by Algy Paterson to form some of these clause and
sentence linking types in Kurrama.
The methods of clause linking used by Algy Paterson in the Payarrany narrative
involve a range of different semantic relations. However, not all of the clause linking
types discussed in Dixon & Aikhenvald (2009) are present in AP’s narrative. Yet, those
that are used by AP include some examples from each of the main semantic categories
that Dixon (2009) has identified. The following Table 8.1 lists the main categories
identified by Dixon (2009) and then itemizes the subcategories (in each category) that
are used by AP in the Payarrany story. Each of these clause linking types will be
discussed in turn after some preliminary details.
Table 8.1 Subcategories of clause linking used in the Payarrany narrative
Main clause linking category
Subcategories used in the Payarrany narrative
Temporal
Temporal succession and relative time
Consequence
Purpose and result
Possible consequence
Possible consequence
Addition
Unordered addition, elaboration and contrast
Alternatives
Rejection
Manner
Real manner
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In the development of his clause linkage typology Dixon (2009: 2-3) identifies
two classes of clause that are the foundation of each clause linking type: Focal clauses
and Supporting clauses.
•
A Focal clause (FC) refers ‘to the central activity, or state, of the biclausal
linking.’
•
Supporting clauses (SC) attach to the Focal clause and ‘set out the temporal’
frame ‘for the Focal clause, or specify a condition or presupposition for it, or a
preliminary statement of it, etc.’
(Dixon, 2009: 2-3)
Dixon (2009: 3-5) also states that:
•
There may be more than one Supporting clause attached to a Focal clause in a
clause linkage, or in other instances there may not be a Focal and Supporting
clause distinction, but generally the FC/SC distinction does hold in the clause
linking types cross-linguistically.
•
The semantic distinction of Focal clause and Supporting clause does not always
coincide with the grammatical distinction of main clause (which can stand
independently) and dependent clause (which must be joined to a main clause).
That is, in the clause linkages, a main clause may act as a Supporting clause and
a dependent clause may act as a Focal clause, or vice versa.
A summary of the semantic relations that hold between a Focal clause and a
Supporting clause for each of the clause linking subcategories used in the Payarrany
narrative is presented on the following page in Table 8.2. A summary of the criteria
used to determine which is the SC and which is the FC in each clause linking type is
presented in Table 8.3. Tables 8.2 and 8.3 are adapted from Dixon (2009).
Table 8.4 then presents a summary of the grammatical devices that AP uses to
form each of these semantic clause linking types in the Payarrany narrative. Where
significant, for each clause linkage subcategory, the dependency status and the relative
order of the FC and the SC are identified in Table 8.4. Also listed in the table are the
TAM inflections that are assigned to the verbs in the FC and the SC in each linking
type; plus additional elements such as particles, clitics and independent words which
may also be used in the clause linkage.
317
For comparison, a summary of the syntax used in forming clause linkages in
Martuthunira is presented in Table 8.5. This table is adapted from Dench (2009: 272).
The data Dench (2009) uses for his examination of the semantics of Martuthunira clause
linking comes from his work with Algy Paterson. Therefore, a comparison between
Tables 8.4 and 8.5 is of interest because they draw on Kurrama and Martuthunira data
that has been provided by the same language consultant. However, the focus in this
chapter is on the semantics of clause linking in Kurrama. So the discussion in this
chapter mainly addresses and expands on the summary presented in Table 8.4.
Table 8.2 Semantic relations between the FC and SC in each clause linking type
Linking Type
Relation between Focal clause and Supporting clause
Temporal succession
The events described in the SC and then the FC occur in a
temporal sequence/succession (Dixon, 2009: 9).
Relative time
The temporal frame of the event described in the FC is relative
to the time frame of the event described in the SC (Dixon,
2009: 10).
Purpose
The event described in the SC is carried out, volitionally, for
the purpose described by the FC (Dixon, 2009: 17).
Result
The FC describes a situation that is the result of the event
described by the SC (Dixon, 2009: 17).
Possible consequence
The SC describes a consequence which may, or may not,
occur if the event described by the Focal clause is carried out,
or is not carried out (Dixon, 2009: 23).
Unordered addition
No FC / SC distinction. The linked clauses code a semantic or
pragmatic relation but do not form a temporal sequence
(Dixon, 2009: 26).
Elaboration
The FC provides additional information about the event
described by the SC (Dixon, 2009: 27).
Contrast
The information provided by the FC contrasts with the
information provided by the SC; and this contrast may be
unexpected or surprising (Dixon, 2009: 28).
Rejection
The FC and the SC describe two alternatives, but the
alternative described by the SC is rejected in favour of that
described by the FC (Dixon, 2009: 30-31).
Real manner
The action described by the FC is carried out in the manner
described by the SC, or the FC describes a state similar to that
described in the SC. (Dixon, 2009: 35).
318
Table 8.3 Criteria determining the FC and the SC in each clause linking type
Linking Type used in the
Kurrama corpus
Focal Clause
Supporting Clause
Temporal
succession
Second clause in sequence
First clause
Relative
time
Clause with respect to
which the SC provides
temporal perspective
Clause indicating relative
time
Consequence
Clause showing result or
purpose
Clause showing cause (or
reason)
Possible
consequence
Clause showing what is to
be done or not done to
either avoid or make
happen the possible
consequence
Clause showing possible
consequence
Unordered
addition
No distinction
Elaboration
Second clause with fuller
information
First clause with limited
information
Contrast
Clause with another piece
of information, which
contrasts with that of the
SC and may be surprising
in view of it
Clause with initial
information
Rejection
What is done in place of
rejection
What is rejected
Manner
Main event or state
What the main event or
state is similar to, or
hypothetically the result of
Adapted from Dixon (2009: 6)
319
Table 8.4 Summary of syntax used to form the Kurrama clause linking types
Linking Type
Focal Clause
Supporting Clause
Other Devices
most often used:
-mu THEN
-rru NOW
ngarti again/then
Temporal
succession
- is second clause
- verb often marked with
progressive or potential
inflection
- is first clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
Relative
time
- most often first clause
- is main clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
- most often second clause
- is subordinate clause
- in ‘same time’ T-relative
verb is inflected with diff
subject REL + LOC
Purpose
- is second clause
- is subordinate clause
- verb most often inflected
with purpose suffix
- is first clause
- is main clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
Result
- is second clause
- is subordinate clause
- verb inflected with result
suffix
- is first clause
- is main clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
Possible
consequence
- is first clause
- often a negative or
positive command
- is second clause
- verb inflected with active
or passive might suffix
Unordered
addition
- no Focal or Supporting clause distinction
- clauses occur in either order
- both clauses are independent
- verbs select regular TAM inflections
Elaboration
- is second clause
- is subordinate clause
- verb often inflected with
REL suffix
- is first clause
- is main clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
Contrast
- occurs in either order
- often a positive
declarative clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
- occurs in either order
- often a negative
declarative clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
Rejection
- occurs in either order
- is a positive command
- verb selects imperative
or potential suffix
- occurs in either order
- is a negative command
- potential inflected verb
negated with mirta
Real
manner
- most often first clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
- most often second clause
- verb selects regular TAM
inflection
- introduced by jurntat or
wantharni
sometimes
English ‘but’ is
used
semblative clitic
may be used in
supporting clause
320
Table 8.5 Summary of syntax used to form the Martuthunira clause linking types
Linking Type
Focal Clause
Supporting Clause
Temporal
succession
- is second clause
- verb often inflected
with future suffix
Relative time
- is main clause
Conditional
- is second clause
- verb usually inflected
with future suffix
- is second clause
- verb usually inflected
with future suffix
- is first clause (non-past)
- particle wii ‘if, maybe’
used
- is first clause (past)
- particle wii used
Cause
- is first clause
Result
- is second clause
- verb inflected with past
or passive perfective
suffix
- often inflected with
ablative complementiser
- is first clause
- main clause
- is second clause
- verb inflected with
‘different subject’
purpose suffix, or
‘subject same as
object’ purpose suffix
- is second clause
- is first clause
- verb inflected with
- is main clause
‘same subject’
purpose suffix
Counterfactual
Purpose
Possible
Consequence
Addition and
Elaboration
Contrast
Rejection
- is first clause
- is main clause
Other Devices
- is first clause
-rru NOW
- verb inflected the same as -l THEN
Focal clause verb
ngartil ‘next’
ngurnu-ABL ‘after that’
- is non-main clause
- TAM inflected verb stem
+ locative or ablative
complementiser
temporal clitic -l THEN
- is second clause
- verb inflected with lest
suffix
- when dependent may
select a LOC or ACC
complementiser
- can be independent
- verbs inflected with contemporaneous suffix
- is second clause
- is first clause
- verb inflected with
present relative suffix
- is positive imperative - is negative imperative
- formed by inflection - formed by future
of verb with
inflection of verb and
imperative suffix
negated with mirta ‘not’
Adapted from Dench (2009: 272)
complementary clitic
-lpurtu
321
8.1
Temporal Clause Linking
8.1.1 Temporal Succession
A temporal succession between clauses is represented, in Kurrama, by placing the
relevant clauses in a simple sequence, where - if clause Y is placed after clause X then
the event expressed by Y follows that expressed by X. In these temporal sequences the
verb in the final clause may select a potential inflection or a progressive inflection but it
can be assigned other TAM inflections, such as the past and present suffixes.
In the Payarrany narrative the progressive inflections most often have a
temporal sequencing role, where: if the verb in clause Y is inflected with a progressive
suffix, and clause Y is placed after clause X, then the progressive inflection codes that
the event described in clause X takes place ‘and then’ the event described by clause Y
follows.
The following sequence of clauses in example 8.1 expresses a succession of
events. The order in which the clauses are placed determines the order of the events that
they describe. Each lettered section in example 8.1 presents a new clause which
describes the next event in the succession. In example 8.1 both clause a. and b. contain
past inflected verbs, but clause b. describes a situation that followed after the event
described in clause a. The progressive marking of the verb in clause c. helps to indicate
that the preceding situation described in clause b. was carried out ‘and then’ the event
described in clause c. followed.
8.1
a.
Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu, jarta-warri- nha
ngunyji
that-ABL-EMPH4
old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV
kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha
take-COLL-PASS-PAST
b.
c.
Parni-nha ngunyji
stay-PAST thereNV
maya-arta-wa-yu.
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4
kuyharra-la-mpa Pampanyaa- la
two-LOC-TOP7 Sunday-LOC
ngarti-mu- mpa
muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu
again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 run-COLL-PROG
a. 'From that time, the old lady was taken over there to the homestead.' (P.337)
b. '(She) stayed there, for two Sundays (for two weeks) (P.338)
c. ‘and then (she) ran away again.' (P.339)
322
Several optional temporal expressions and a temporal clitic are also added to the
temporal succession in 8.1 to clarify the temporal frame of the event sequence. The
temporal sequence is introduced in clause a. with the demonstrative ngunhangaata
which is inflected with the ablative suffix –ngu. This construction can be glossed, in
English, as expressing ‘from that time’ or ‘after that’ and serves to mark the end of prior
events and the beginning of a new sequence of events. In clause c. the use of the
temporal expression ngarti combined with the temporal clitic –mu also aids in marking
the succession of events. The expression ngarti-mu not only denotes that event c.
follows on from b. but also expresses that event c. has occurred before and is now
repeated ‘again’. In the plot of the Payarrany narrative, the ‘old woman’ often leaves or
runs away from the company of her people to live and travel in the bush on her own.
Overall, AP uses a number of different Kurrama temporal expressions and clitics
when forming temporal sequences within the Payarrany narrative. At times AP also
uses some borrowed English terms to help form a temporal sequence; such as now, and
and or its abbreviation an’. Some of the common Kurrama temporal expressions and
clitics that AP uses in the narrative to aid in the formation of a temporal succession are
presented below. Note that some of these temporal clitics and expressions appear to
have overlapping functions; I am unable to determine a definite distinction between
those that do appear to overlap. The temporal clitics –rru, -l and –mu and the temporal
particles yala(a), palamu and ngarti(mu) were briefly discussed in §5.3.
-rru
NOW
• this indicates that the time reference of prior described
events is now past and that new events now take place.
Most often it denotes that the new events are happening
‘now’ at the time of speech.
-l and –mu
THEN
• this introduces a time frame that is different to the time of
speech and is calculated relative to another time
previously presented in the discourse. The time frame
marked by the clitic may contrast with, or refer to, the
time previously presented in the discourse.
yala(a)
‘now’
• a free form particle that marks a present event or situation.
palamu
‘long ago/before’ • introduces an event, or events, that occurred much
earlier than the present.
ngarti
‘again/then/next’ • introduces a new event which is often a repeat of what
has occurred some time earlier. The addition of –mu to
form ngartimu always codes a repeated event.
323
wantaa
yurlu
• marks a pause in a sequence of events where the speaker
evaluates what s/he has said before (as being ‘okay’ or
‘alright’) and then moves on to tell of new events.
‘alright’
‘finish/nothing
• marks the end of a train or sequence of events.
thangkatpa ‘that’s that/enough’ • also marks the end of a train or sequence of events.
In a temporal sequence the last clause is the Focal clause; it describes the central
activity or state that arises out of the succession. The earlier preliminary clauses in a
temporal sequence are Supporting clauses which express prior conditions, states or
activities upon which the activity or state described by the Focal clause is built. As
already indicated, a progressive inflection, or a potential inflection often marks the
Focal clause verb in a temporal succession.
Consider the temporal succession in example 8.2, below, which makes use of
some of the temporal expressions and clitics outlined above. In conjunction with these
temporal expressions and clitics the Supporting clauses in this sequence contain habitual
inflected verbs while the Focal clauses contain potential inflected verbs. The Supporting
clauses, in this sequence, describe the usual ‘habitual’ behaviour of the subject - ‘she
stays with family for a while and then she runs away’. The Focal clauses, in this
sequence, describe the predictable ‘potential’ behaviour of the subject based upon her
usual ‘habitual’ pattern of behaviour (which is described by the Supporting clauses);
‘she will come to see everyone and then she will leave again’.
8.2 a.
Ngularta- ngu-yu
parni-marta-yi
there-ABL-EMPH4 stay-HABIT-TOP4
martkurra-mu-yu
good-THEN-EMPH4
b.
Parna-ayi
stay-PERF
palanku kuma.
those
together
c.
Ngarti-yu
again/then/next-EMPH4
d.
yanku-ngu
go-REL
e.
Ngarti-mu-mpa
wurnta- tkayi
again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 come-POT
f.
nyaa-nyarri-lu.
see-COLL-PURP
parni-marta
be-HABIT
muyirri-ngu-warntura-wa
run-REL-DISTRIB-TOP1
marnta-ka.
hill-LOC
324
g.
Ngarti-mu-mpa
again/then/next-THEN-TOP7
yanki- i
go-POT
ngunyji
thereNV
thurti-mu
ngarti-mu
marnta-arta,
back-THEN again/then/next-THEN hill-ALL
a. ‘Well from there, (they) stayed there quite happily.’
b. ‘They all stayed together.’
c. ‘Then, (she) used to run away every now and then again…’
d. ‘…and go into the hills.’
e. ‘And then another time (she) will come again…’
f. ‘...to see everyone.’
g. 'And then once again, (she) will go back to the hills.’
(P.080-P.083)
8.1.2 Relative Time
In the Payarrany narrative AP constructs relative time links between clauses
with the use of T-relatives where the subordinate relative clause, acting as a Supporting
clause, specifies the temporal setting of the event described in the matrix Focal clause.
Yet, not all of the cross-linguistic relative time frame possibilities identified by Dixon
(2009: 10-14) are present in the narrative; such as ‘prior’ and ‘following’ relative time.
The main type of relative time construction, used by AP, is a ‘same time’ T-relative
where the event described by a Focal clause is specified as occurring at the same time as
the event described by the dependent Supporting clause. These ‘same time’ T-relatives
are represented grammatically by locative (‘while’) marking of the dependent verb in
the Supporting clause where the dependent verb is, most often, inflected with a
preceding different subject REL suffix (before the locative marking); as in example 8.3
below. Other examples of ‘same time’ T-relatives are presented in §7.1.1.2.
8.3
Ngayi
wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu
parni-lu
Mangkala-la-yu,
1sg.NOM return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 live/stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4
ngunhangaata-wu
that-ACC
ngayi
parni-lu
1sg.NOM live/stay-PURP
[parni-yangu-la
stay/be-REL-LOC
ngunyji-mpa
thereNV-TOP7
work'em-pa-rri-ngu
work-Ø-INCH-REL
kankala]sc.
on.top
'I came back to stay at Mangkarla. I stayed there working [while she was up top
there (in the hills)]sc.'
(P.393)
325
Without the locative complementiser inflection the different subject (and the
same subject) RELative markers can also often code a dependent event that is
contemporaneous with the main clause event, and as such can also have a ‘same time’
T-relative reading. However, when the relation between a main clause and a subordinate
clause has a NP-relative reading the linkage between the clauses is better classified as
an elaborative relation (see §8.4.1) Elaboration is what one expects an NP-relative
clause to provide because, at its simplest, it modifies a controlling argument in the
matrix clause by adding or specifying extra information about this controller. This is
illustrated by the following examples 8.4 and 8.5.
8.4
Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
wurnta-tkaayi
come-PERF
ngaliya-warri-wu-yu
1du.exc.NOM-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4
[Jalurrpa-la-wu
parni-yangu ngunhungu-mpa Pantuwarnangka-la].
Authur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC stay-REL
there-TOP7
Pannawonica-LOC
‘And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two [who were staying with A.
Lockyer at Pannawonica]’ or ‘And then (she) travelled about and came upon
we two [who with A.Lockyer were staying at Pannawonica].’ (P.014 - P.015)
8.5
Nhawu-ngumarnu blanket blanket-ku
see-PROG
blanket blanket-ACC
ngurnu-mpa.
that.ACC-TOP7
ngurnu-mpa
blanket-ku
[ wanyja-yi yirra-ngka-wu kanyja-rnu].
that.ACC-TOP7 blanket-ACC dog-ACC edge-LOC-ACC have-REL
‘And then (I) saw that blanket, you know that blanket I told you about, that
blanket [which had the (pictures of) dogs around the edges].'
(P.229 - P.230)
Dench (2009: 275-276) reports that in Martuthunira the ablative
complementiser –nguru can be used to inflect a past or passive perfective marked verb
stem, in a dependent clause, to describe an event that ‘is over and completed before the
matrix clause event begins’. One might expect similar situations in the Payarrany
narrative especially given that the same speaker, Algy Paterson, provided the
Martuthunira data for Dench’s study. However, there are no examples of this use of the
Kurrama ablative complementiser –ngu in the Payarrany narrative or in the Kurrama
corpus overall.
However, perhaps some examples presented by Wordick (1982) for Yindjibarndi
illustrate how ‘before’ and ‘after’ relative time could possibly be expressed in Kurrama.
Wordick (1982: 182) provides the following Yindjibarndi examples to illustrate ‘the
326
strategies used to express before, when and after in temporal clauses’. In example 8.6b
the Yindjibarndi locative marked ‘same time’ T-relative has the same form as was
discussed above for Kurrama. Wordick (1982: 182) glosses this as a ‘when’ relation.
Locative complementiser marking is also used in both the ‘before’ and ‘after’
Yindjibarndi relative time constructions where it marks a perfective inflected verb stem
in a Supporting clause. In example 8.6c. the locative and perfective inflection of the
verb karpa ‘rise’ codes an ‘after’ relation that expresses ‘after the time the sun had
risen’. Whereas, in 8.6a. the particle mirta negates the locative and perfective inflected
verb karpa to code a ‘before’ relation that expresses ‘at the time the sun had not risen’.
It is possible that similar patterns occur in Kurrama, but I have no examples.
8.6
Yindjibarndi relative time constructions
a.
Yurra mirta karpa-ayi-la,
sun not
rise-PRF-LOC
ngayi
thurlawarni-nha
1sg.NOM wake up-PAST
‘Before the sun rose, I woke up.’
b.
Yurra karpa-yangu-la,
sun rise-DEP-LOC
ngayi
karpa-nha
pampa-ngu.
1sg.NOM get up-PAST sleep-ABL
‘When the sun rose, I got up.’
c.
Yurra karpa-ayi-la,
sun
rise-PRF-LOC
ngayi
pangkarri-nha warrkamu-warta.
1sg.NOM go-PAST
work-DirectALL
‘After the sun rose, I went to work.’
8.2
(Wordick, 1982: 182)
Consequence Clause Linking
In consequence clause linking the situation that is described in the Focal clause
occurs as a consequence of the situation described by the Supporting clause. At its
simplest Dixon (2009: 17) identifies three main subtypes of Consequence linking:
• Cause: where the Supporting clause describes the reason for the situation
described by the Focal clause.
• Result: where the Focal clause describes a situation that is a natural consequence
of the situation described by the Supporting clause.
• Purpose: where the Supporting clause describes an action or activity undertaken,
volitionally, to ensure the desired outcome described by the Focal clause.
327
As has been discussed in earlier chapters, Kurrama has two specific verb
inflections that can be used in consequence clause linking; the purpose and the result
suffixes. However, as has also been discussed in earlier chapters, the progressive
suffixes can also be used to code consequential relations between clauses, and the
potential infections can also be used to mark the purpose for a prior event.
In the following discussion I first briefly examine the consequential linking
relations that can be formed with the use of the Kurrama progressive inflections. I then
summarise what has already been stated, in earlier chapters, on purpose and result
linking relations. I finish with a brief examination of cause/reason clause linking
relations.
8.2.1 The Progressive Inflections and Consequence Linking in Brief
It was shown in §4.5.10 and §7.2 that the progressive inflections can mark the
consequence of a preceding event. However, the main function of the progressive
inflection is to mark a sequence of events which logically or temporally follow one
another. Yet, under the process of marking a ‘progressive’ sequence, a number of
semantic relations between a progressive marked clause and a preceding clause are
possible.
The following list itemizes the roles that a progressive marked clause can take:
a.
The intended result or purpose of a previously described event
b. The direct consequence of a preceding event
c. The incidental consequence of a preceding event
d.
The next stage in a temporal succession but not a consequence of the
preceding event.
The following examples illustrate a purpose-like consequential relation between
a progressive inflected Focal clause and a preceding Supporting clause.
8.7
Ngayi
yanku-nha
1sg.NOM go-PAST
wangka-ngumarnu
tell/say-PROG
‘I went down and then talked to (her).’ or ‘I went down to talk to (her).’
(P.025)
328
8.8
Ngayi
ngurnat-ku
wartki-nha
1sg.NOM thatDEF-ACC open-PAST
'I opened it up and then had a look.'
nhawu-ngumarnu
see-PROG
(P.249)
In the following selection from the Payarrany narrative the progressive marking
in example 8.9b is part of a temporal succession, but in example 8.9d the progressive
marking can have a direct consequence reading.
8.9
a.
Ngunhaa ngaarta palangku parni-nha
Mangkala-la-yu
that
person those
live/stay-PAST Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4
‘These people and that one (the old lady) were at Red Hill.’
b.
Ngarti
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu
again/then/next see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5
nhuwa-yi
spouse-ACC
warrungkamu-l
ngarti-yu
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu
one.morning-THEN then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
kaliku-la-wa
sheet-LOC-TOP1
walypala-ngarli-lu.
whitefellow-PL-INSTR
‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a
sheet (killed) by whitefellows.’
c.
Wantaawa!
Well!
d.
Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
waa-wa
karra-ngka-wa.
fear/frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1
‘Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.’
(P.004 - P.009)
The Kurrama progressive clauses were discussed in greater detail in §4.5.10 and
§7.2.
However, the salient characteristic to be noted here is that when progressive
marked clauses form a consequential linking relation with a matrix clause the
subordinate progressive marked clause acts as the Focal clause while the matrix clause
acts as the Supporting clause. That is, the matrix clause describes the preconditions that
motivate or cause the consequence described in the progressive marked Focal clause.
8.2.2 Purpose and Result Clause Linking in Brief
Although the potential inflection can denote an expected or intended outcome of
a preceding event there are specific inflections, in Kurrama, that code a direct purpose
329
or result. These purpose and result inflections were discussed in §4.5.8, §7.3 and §7.4.
In all, the functions of the Kurrama purpose and result inflections overlap but the result
inflection most often codes the resultant endpoint or direct result of a prior event
described in the main clause; while the purpose inflection most often marks the intended
or anticipated outcome of a prior event described in the main clause. In result clause
linking, the action described in a preceding main clause can often be glossed, in
English, as being carried out ‘until’ the result marked endpoint is reached. The salient
point to be noted here is that the subordinate purpose or result inflected clauses are
Focal clauses in these clause linkages, while the main clauses are Supporting clauses.
The main clauses describe the preconditions for the result or purpose described in the
Focal clause.
8.2.3 Cause Linking Relations Between Clauses
Unlike the purpose and result clause linking types an overt cause/reason linking
relation between clauses is harder to identify in the Payarrany narrative. The following
example 8.10 seems to approach what would be expected of a cause linking relation. In
example 8.10, a reason is given for why an action cannot be carried out and why an
alternative action is to be maintained. However, there are no specific inflections to
denote the cause relation in this example. Nor have I identified any specific
cause/reason markers in the Kurrama corpus overall.
8.10 Nyinta-warnu
2sg.NOM-EMPH5
parni-i
nhungu mirta yanki-i
nyinta.
stay-POT here
not
go-POT 2sg.NOM
Nyinyji-mpa
ngarrwi
warangarti-ngarli ngayhalu
wantha-rnaarnu
here.NV-TOP7 be/lie.PRES trap-PL
1sg.INSTR put-PPERF
wanyja-yi
dog-ACC
kurnta-rnu
wait-REL
“Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere). Traps are lying here, put by me for
dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).”
(P.480 - P.481)
However, Wordick (1982: 110 & 184) reports that the causal suffix –rra can be
used in Yindjibarndi to denote a causal relation. Wordick (1982: 184) provides the
following examples.
330
8.11
Yindjibarndi
a. Nyampali yungku-nha mangkurla-u thuwarta-u,
Boss
give-PAST child-OBJ
sweet-OBJ
purpiwarna-ayi-rra.
want-PRF-BEC
‘The boss gave the child the sweets, because he wanted to.’
b.
Nyampali yungku-nha mangkurla-u thuwarta-u,
Boss
give-PAST child-OBJ
sweet-OBJ
purpiwarna-ayi-la-rra.
want-PRF-LOC-BEC
‘The boss gave the child the sweets, because he wanted them.’
(Wordick, 1982: 184)
Wordick (1982: 184) describes -rra as a causal suffix (BEC) which forms a
‘because’ clause when used in conjunction with a nominalised verb in Yindjibarndi.
However, there are no examples of this use of –rra in the Kurrama corpus. The
morpheme –rra is only used as a dubitative clitic, in the Kurrama data, to indicate a
speaker’s uncertainty about a situation or activity that she, or he, is attempting to
describe (see §5.6).
It should be noted, however, that the main clauses which precede progressive
inflected clauses may express a cause or reason for the activity described by the
progressive clause. This occurs in the earlier example 8.9 where part b. describes the
cause/reason for the action expressed in the progressive clause in part d. The same
situation also arises in some result inflected clause linkages where the cause or reason
for the result is expressed in the matrix clause; as in the following example provided by
Maudie Dowton.
8.12
Nhaa pirni-rna
this swear.at-PAST
ngayu
ngurra-arta pangkarra-angu.
1sg.ACC camp-ALL go-RSLT
'S/he swore at me until I went home.'
(MD)
Overall, then, unlike purpose and result marked clause linking, there is no
specific verb inflection, used in the Kurrama corpus, that codes cause/reason relations
between clauses. However, there are situations where a cause or reason is inherently
part of a result or progressive clause linkage. In these situations the Supporting clause
expresses the cause or reason for the result or consequence expressed by the Focal
clause. Yet, in a purpose clause linkage the Focal clause essentially describes the
reason, if not the cause, for the actions described in the Supporting clause. That is, in
331
purpose linking, the desired purpose outcome described by the Focal clause is the
reason why the volitional action described in the Supporting clause is carried out.
For instance, in the earlier examples 8.7 and 8.8 the progressive marking codes a
purpose-like function and the matrix clauses associated with them describe a preceding
action which is done to enable this purpose. This purpose is the reason why the subject
carried out the action described in the matrix clause. The same is also evident in the
specific –lu inflected purpose clause linkage in the following example. In 8.13 the
purpose and reason why the subject ‘will come again’ is ‘to see (everyone)’.
8.13
Ngarti-mu-mpa
again/then/next -THEN-TOP7
wurnta-tkayi
come-POT
nyaa-nyarri-lu.
see-COLL-PURP
‘And then another time (she) will come again to see (everyone).’
(P.082)
8.2.4 Other Morphology That Marks Consequence Relations
Can other devices be used in the formation of consequence linkages in Kurrama?
Although it may appear unlikely, the genitive inflection does play a part in an example
of a purpose linkage presented by Maudie Dowton. In this example, which was
presented earlier as 2.41, the genitive marker has an associative function that is purposelike. Also, it may be possible for the allative markers to play a part in purpose linkages.
The Kurrama genitive inflection is foremost a nominal suffix that indicates
alienable possession, but it can be used to code an associative relation between two
nominal expressions, or between a verb and a nominal expression (see §2.4.1). This
associative relation between two expressions, coded by the genitive inflection, can take
the form of a purpose. In the following example, the purpose - ‘to take for the road’ - is
constructed with genitive inflection of the nominal yirtiya ‘road’ and potential inflection
of the verb kartpa ‘to take’. This genitive and potential inflected clause is the purpose
for the action described in the preceding clause: ‘I will get some water’. The genitive
and potential marking forms a Focal clause that describes the purpose for the preceding
action described by the Supporting clause.
8.14
Ngayi
pawa-yi
manki-i /
1sg.NOM water-ACC get-POT
kartpa-tkayi yirtiya-arntu.
take-POT
road-GEN
'I will get some water to take for the road.'
(MD)
332
Yet, in the following example 8.15 the genitive marked verb yurra-t-jarntu 37 is
part of an elaborative clause linkage rather than a purpose linkage.
8.15
Karnti ngarrwi-yangu-la-wa
jinkarn-pathu-yu
mutha jaapala,
stick lie.down-REL-LOC-TOP1 crowbar-DIM-EMPH4 point sharp
ngunhu kurrumanthu yurra-t -jarntu ngarntula-wu ngantha karta-rtkayi
that
goanna
dig-CM-GEN
anthill-ACC also
poke-POT
ngulaarta tharrwa-rnaanu
there.LOC go.in-PPERF
ngurriny-murntu-la
swag-CONJ-LOC
janka-rnaanu ngunha
tie-PPERF
that
mathu-ngka-wa
tharrwa-rnaanu.
middle-LOC-TOP1 go.in-PPERF
‘And there was a stick lying in there (in the swag), a little digging stick with a
sharp point, that was for digging out goannas or breaking out anthills, that had
been put in with the swag, tied up in the middle.'
(P.220)
In example 8.15 above, the genitive marking of ‘dig’ establishes an associative
relation between ‘dig’ and ‘goannas’ to express the purpose: ‘for digging out goannas’.
However, this expression is part of an NP-relative that provides additional information
about the digging stick ‘that is lying in the swag’; it does not describe the purpose for a
preceding event or action, as is characteristic of purpose clause linkages. Another
purpose of the digging stick is to ‘break out anthills’. This purpose is coded by potential
inflection of the verb karta ‘poke’, but it is also part of the elaborative NP-relative Focal
clause that provides further information about the digging stick; it too does not describe
the purpose for a preceding event or action in this context.
So, among its range of uses, the genitive inflection in its associative function can
aid in the construction of a purpose linkage when it plays a part in a Focal clause to help
code the purpose for a preceding action described by a Supporting clause; as was shown
in example 8.14. In a similar fashion it may also be possible for the allative markers to
take part in a purpose linkage. Dench (1991:143) reports that in Panyjima the direct and
indirect allative suffixes can be used to mark purposive NPs. Two of the examples that
he provides are presented below. I have no Kurrama examples but perhaps the Kurrama
allative markers could be used in a Focal clause to help describe the purpose for a
preceding event or action.
37
There are not enough examples of genitive inflection of verbs in the corpus to determine why
the conjugation marker -t- and the genitive allomorph -jarntu are used here. If yurra were a
common nominal it would select the genitive allomorph -arntu.
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8.16
Panyjima allative marking of a purposive NP
Wangka-nha karlinypayi-rta-ku
say-PAST
return-FUT-ACC
ngamari-karta-ku.
tobacco-ALL-ACC
‘(I) told (you) to go back for the tobacco.’
8.17
(Dench, 1991: 143)
Panyjima allative marking of a purposive NP
Ngali, mayali,
1dlinc grandson
yana-rta jantaru-wali.
go-FUT honey-ALL
“We’ll go for honey, grandson.’
(Dench, 1991: 143)
In summary, the examples presented in this section suggest, or illustrate, other
possible devices that may be used in the construction of purpose clause linkages in
Kurrama. These devices deserve to be checked further. However, in Kurrama, the main
method of constructing a consequential linkage is by purpose or result marking of the
Focal clause verb. Also, as part of their wide range of functions, the progressive and
potential inflections can also be used in the formation of consequential linkages.
8.3
Possible Consequence Clause Linking
Dixon (2009: 23) states that in possible consequence clause linking the
Supporting clause specifies a consequence which may, or may not, take place if the
event specified by the Focal clause is carried out, or is not carried out. Dixon (2009: 23)
further states that in possible consequence constructions the Supporting clause typically
describes an undesired event and the Focal clause specifies what can be done to avoid it.
In most instances of possible consequence clause linkage, cross-linguistically, the Focal
clause is represented by either a positive or negative imperative (Dixon, 2009: 24).
In Kurrama, possible consequence clause linking is coded by the might
inflections which are used to form lest clauses. In Kurrama lest clauses, the Supporting
clause describes a possible consequence that is undesirable and the Focal clause
specifies what can be done to avoid this possible consequence. However, AP rarely uses
these constructions in the Payarrany narrative, which is possibly an accident of the
story rather than an aversion to their use. But, MD has provided some examples of lest
clauses using the might inflections; these were presented in §4.5.11 and §4.5.12. Some
of these examples are presented again below. In these examples the Supporting clause is
334
either in passive or active voice depending on whether a passive or active might
inflection is used; while the Focal clause is represented by either a negative or positive
command or suggestion.
8.18
Mujila
hide.PRES
marnta-yi
money-ACC
muya-rtpunta.
steal-MIGHT
'Hide the money or it might be stolen.'
8.19
Mirta pangkarri-i
not/no go-POT
ngurnu-warta
there-ALL
(MD)
jankara
police
manku-wunta.
get/grab-MIGHT
'Don't go there or the policeman might get/grab (you).'
8.20
Mirta
not/no
pangkarri-i
go-POT
(MD)
ngurnu-warta jankara-lu
manku-nnyaa
there-ALL
police-INSTR get/grab-P.MIGHT
‘Don't go there or (you) might be caught/grabbed by the policeman.’
(MD)
Following is an example from the Payarrany narrative which is somewhat
ambiguous. It can have either a possible consequence interpretation or perhaps a
conditional reading (even though there is no overt syntactic marker used to indicate
conditional linking). In 8.21 had the subject, Old Sarah, thought of the undesired
possible consequence (that someone might come), she would have responded by
running away so as to avoid them. Yet, the properties of counterfactual conditional
clause linking, as defined by Dixon (2009: 16), also fit this example. That is, in 8.21,
the Supporting might clause describes a condition which might have been fulfilled but
wasn't (Sarah did not think that someone might come) and had this been fulfilled (if she
did think that someone might come) then the event described by the Focal clause would
have occurred (she would have run away).
8.21
Wantharni-yu yanku-nha, muyirri-nha-nyu
how-EMPH go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE
wurnta-rtpunta-wu
come-MIGHT-ACC
kurtkaarri-ngu
think-REL
nganangu.
someone.ACC
'How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought
someone might come.'
(P.514)
Dench (2009: 276) reports that the particle wii ‘maybe/if’ can be used in
Martuthunira to code conditional constructions, but there is no comparable particle used
in the Kurrama corpus.
335
8.4
Addition Clause Linking
Dixon (2009: 26) identifies ‘addition’ clause linking as linking between clauses
where the different pieces of information described in each clause are not ‘in a
Temporal relation, or in a relation of Condition, Consequence, Possible consequence,
Alternatives or Manner’. That is, this clause linking category is, in effect, what each of
the other categories of clause linking are not. Within the category of ‘addition’ Dixon
(2009: 26-30) recognizes four subtypes: unordered addition, same-event addition,
elaboration and contrast.
Unordered addition involves the linking of clauses that code a semantic or
pragmatic relation but do not form a temporal sequence. There is no Focal and
Supporting clause distinction in unordered addition; as illustrated by the following
English example provided by Dixon (2009: 26):
Mary peeled the potatoes and John shelled the peas.
In this example the two clauses are semantically related, they both describe food
preparation, but they are not in temporal succession; temporal information concerning
the events they describe is not relevant.
In same-event addition the linked clauses describe differing aspects of the same
event. Dixon (2009: 27) provides the following English example:
Mary came first in her race, [and won the prize]sc.
In elaboration the Focal clause provides additional information about the event
or situation described in the Supporting clause; as in the English example provided by
Dixon (2009: 27):
[John telephoned]sc , he invited us to dinner.
In contrast clause linkages the information within the Focal clause contrasts with
that conveyed in the Supporting clause. Dixon (2009: 28) provides the following
English example and states that in this type of clause linking the contrast may be
surprising given the information conveyed by the supporting clause.
[John is rich]sc , but he is not happy.
336
In Kurrama, there are no clear distinctions between unordered addition, sameevent addition and elaboration clause linking; however, a differing contrast clause
linking type is observable. The following discussion first examines a joint subcategory
of unordered, same-event and elaboration addition (under the heading of elaboration)
and then contrast clause linking is examined.
8.4.1 Elaboration Clause Linking
Within the Payarrany narrative unordered addition, same-event addition and
elaboration clause linkages are formed by placing the relevant clauses in juxtaposition.
In elaboration and same-event addition relative clauses are added to a main clause to
provide extra information about, or to express differing aspects of, the event described
in the main clause; as in examples 8.24 to 8.27 on the following page. Examples 8.22
and 8.23, below, are instances of unordered addition. In example 8.22 unordered
addition is formed by the juxtaposition of REL marked clauses that have an independent
(or co-subordinate) status (see §4.5.9.2). In 8.23 unordered addition is formed by the
juxtaposition of REL marked clauses that have a dependent status plus the addition of
an unmarked copula in present tense.
8.22
Marliya-wu
wild.honey-ACC
wirlu-ngka-wu
tharni-rnu / mangkurlarra-yu
blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4
yirra-marri-ngu
call-COLL-REL
jingkaa-la.
upriver-LOC
'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum
(and/while) the children were calling out to each other up the river.
(P.436)
8.23
Ngunyji-warnu
parni
thereNV-EMPH5 be.PRES
nyinyji
here.NV.
patiki-wu
warama-rnu /
paddock-ACC make-REL
pilakurta-rri-ngu
wartat.
carpenter-INCH -REL north
'(They're) over there making paddocks (fencing) / (and) (we're) here doing
carpentry in the north.’
(P.050)
In the following example of same-event addition, independent clauses and a
dependent complement clause are placed in juxtaposition.
337
8.24
Kanarri-nyjarri-nha
thurrurtpa, kupiyarri-wu,
/
come.upon-COLL-PAST straight
small(plural)-ACC
nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa,
kantharri-wa-yu
see -COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH4
mangkurlarra-yi
children -TOP4
wurnta-rnu.
come-REL
‘(She) came straight on to those little fellas / those kids, (her) grannies, saw (her)
coming.'
(P.438)
The earlier examples 8.4 and 8.5 were discussed in §8.1.2 as examples of
elaborative clause linking; as was example 8.15 in §8.2.4. In the following example
8.25 the clause linkage is somewhat like purpose linking but is better read as
elaboration; the combination of dependent clauses provide additional information about
the action described in the matrix clause.
8.25
Ngayi
yanku
/
1sg:NOM go.PRES
wanyja-yi yanku-ngu purnpa-rnu.
dog-ACC go-REL chase-REL
'I'm going now, going off to chase dingoes.’
(P.496)
As in the earlier example 8.5, in the following example 8.26 there are a number
of dependent clauses placed in juxtaposition which provide extra information about the
subject of the elaboration – the ‘blankets’.
8.26
Blanket-ngarli
blanket-PL
ngunhangkat martamarta-ngarli kanyja-rnu wanyja-yi
those
red-PL
have-REL dog-ACC
yirra-ngka pija-yi
karri-yangu, yirra-warntura mankarn-ku
edge-LOC picture-ACC stand-REL
edge-DISTRIB mark-ACC
karri-yangu, ngarrwanyja
stand-REL tiger.(giant.dingo)
wangka-nguli-yangu.
call-PASS-REL
‘Those blankets were red, and they had pictures of dogs (tigers) all around the
edges. Each edge had those marks, what we might call 'ngarrwanyja'.’ (P.073)
The following final example of elaboration linking is made up of a number of
dependent clauses (including purpose linkages) which, together, provide additional
information about the subject of discussion: ‘coming to Gap Well to shepherd sheep’.
8.27 Mirna-wa-yu
parraa-la-wa-yu,
ngayi
pangkarri-nha
While-TOP1-EMPH4 long.time-LOC-TOP1-EMPH 1sg.NOM return-PAST
338
yurraamu-ngarli-wu-yu
ram-PL-ACC-EMPH4
parni-lu
japat
nhawungarra-rnu
stay-PURP shepherd look.after-REL
Yartalulu-la-ngu-yu,
parni-lu
nhungu Marryiri-la-wa
Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 stay-PURP here
Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1
japatjarri-ngu ….
shepherding-REL
‘Sometime later, a good long time, I came back to stay shepherding, to look after
the sheep. (I) came from Yarraloola to camp here at Gap Well shepherding…’
(P.098)
8.4.2 Contrast Clause Linking
Dixon (2009: 28) states that in contrast clause linking ‘the information conveyed
by the Focal clause contrasts with that provided in the Supporting clause, and may be
surprising in view of it.’ The following contrast clause linkage from the Payarrany
narrative (which continues on from example 8.27 above) is an illustration of this. In
example 8.28 the linkage is formed by the juxtaposition of clauses but a contrast is
constructed by apposing a negative Supporting clause against a positive Focal clause.
The negative Supporting Clause, in this contrast linkage, is formed by negation of the
clausal verb with the particle mirta.
8.28 ..mirta japatjarri-ngu,
nhawungarra-rnu, patiki-la-wu
parni-yangu.
not shepherding-REL look.after-REL
paddock-LOC-ACC be-REL
‘…(Well) not sherpherding, looking after (them), (they) were in the paddock.’
(P.098 continued)
In the following examples there are not only contrast linkages between clauses
but there are also contrast linkages between nominal predications. Negation by the
particle mirta and the privative inflection –warrimarta is used to form these contrasts
where negative clauses and negative nominal predications are juxtaposed against
positive clauses and positive nominal predications.
8.29
Wantaa parni
well
be.PRES
yaayu-warri-nha mirta waawarrirta parna-ayi
aunty-PRIV-SPEC not
big.person
be-PERF
kupija kuta-wathu.
little short-DIM
‘Well, Aunty wasn't a big person (she) was little, very short.’
(P.206)
339
8.30
Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta,
this-EMPH3 leg-ASSOC
not
old
EMPH
new very
thuumaya-la-ngu-mu
wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu
store-LOC-ABL-THEN come-PERF not
who-INSTR
nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu kurta.
EMPH
put.on-PPERF
nothing very
'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't
been worn by anyone, nothing at all.'
(P.290 - P.291)
8.31
…warla-wurraa-la-yu
heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4
parni-yangu-la jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu
be-REL-LOC tie.up-PPERF-very
wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa
waterbag wangka-nguli
old
thing water-ASSOC waterbag call-PASS.PRES
water-warrimarta-wa ngunhat
water-PRIV-TOP1
thatDEF
nyila-warrimarta-wa.
water-PRIV-TOP1
‘..towards the heel end really tied up was an old what-cha-ma-callit, waterbag,
but it didn't have any water in it.'
( P.221–P.223)
8.4.3 Contrast and Disjunction Alternatives Clause Linking
There are several instances in the Payarrany narrative where AP uses the
English ‘but’ within his storytelling. These uses of ‘but’ form a contrast between the
descriptions made in the clauses and sentences that it links. Consider the following
example. In example 8.32 the use of ‘but’ codes a contrast between sentences that
describe the ways and means that the subject obtains meat. That is, the subject would
find euros killed by dingoes but would go hunting for goannas. In this situation the term
wayharri ‘look for’ implies the act of hunting (for goanna).
8.32
Parntaya-rnu yala-yu
kurru-ma-rnaarnu
find-REL
fresh-EMPH4 dead-CAUS-PPERF
jurntat-pa
like.that-TOP2
patjarri-wu-yu,
but kurrumanthu-wu-yu yanku-marta wayharri-ngu kurta.
euro-ACC-EMPH4, but goanna-ACC-EMPH4 go-HABIT look.for-REL very
'(She) would find freshly killed euros like that (by dingo), but (she) used to/would
go looking/hunting for goanna.'
(P.093 - P.094)
The word order in contrasting clause linkages can help to emphasise a contrast.
That is, the words describing the main elements of a contrast may be placed so that they
340
stand out and conspicuously enhance the contrast. The preceding example 8.32
illustrates this. In this example kurrumanthu ‘goanna’ is placed in initial position in the
second sentence in contrast to the final position placement of patjarri ‘euro’ in the first
sentence. The separation of these two elements with ‘but’ serves to emphasise the
differing contrastive ‘meats’ that the subject obtains by the contrasting means of
‘finding’ versus ‘hunting’.
Yet, in example 8.32 above, there is not a true Focal clause and Supporting
clause distinction. Instead, in example 8.32, the use of ‘but’ forms a contrast between
the descriptions made by two complex sentences. These complex sentences (which are
both made up of a main and subordinate clause combination) have equal status (even
though they have different TAM marking) and could be placed in reverse order with
‘but’ still used as the linking device (even though the contrast would not be emphasized
by the proximal placement of patjarri and kurrumanthu).
Without the use of ‘but’ in example 8.32 and leaving the two sentences in
juxtaposition one would effectively form a sequence of alternatives which resemble
Dixon’s (2009: 30) ‘disjunction’ clause linking category. Dixon (2009: 30) states that
disjunction clause linking ‘involves symmetrical alternatives, where the clauses (that are
linked) have equal status and occur in either order’. An English example that Dixon
(2009: 30) provides utilizes or to conjoin the disjunct alternatives; as below:
John will dance or Mary will sing.
Mary will sing or John will dance.
There is not an equivalent of the English or in Kurrama. However, in the
following example AP does use a lexical device to differentiate between two NPs. In
8.33 the expression wirru is used to distinguish between two distinct quantitative
nominals: ngungkumarnta ‘heavy’ and wangkarn ‘light’. But the link between the
nominals could be said to represent either an alternative or a contrast relation.
8.33 Ngunhu
that
kurtan-kuyha, ngayi
bag-dual
1sg.NOM
wirru ngungkumarnta wirru
other heavy
other
pirntiwirnti-ma-rna,
separate-CAUS-PAST
wangkarn.
light
'Those two bags, I separated them, one heavy one light.
(P.247)
341
In the following example wirru is also used as a means to differentiate between
two alternative or contrastive entities - the names of two song cycles.
8.34 Waralka
wirru
name.of.song.cycle other
wangka-nguli,
wirru
call-PASS.PRES other
wangka-nguli
call-PASS.PRES
Ngirrpiri.
name.of.song.cycle
‘(One of the songs) was called waralka and the other was called ngirrpiri.’
(AP)
However, other than in the example 8.34, above, where the passive verbal
expression wangka-nguli ‘called’ acts more like a nominalization than a verb, there are
no instances in the Kurrama corpus where wirru is used to establish a contrastive or
alternative link between two verbal clauses.
8.5
Alternatives Clause Linking
As well as disjunction clause linking Dixon (2009: 30-35) lists two other
possible subtypes of alternatives clause linking: rejection and suggestion. Dixon (2009:
30) states that in rejection clause linking ‘there are two alternatives; (where) one is
rejected in favour of the other’; while in suggestion clause linking ‘one of the
alternatives is suggested as (being) more suitable than the other’. Only rejection
alternatives are clearly represented in the Payarrany narrative and the Kurrama corpus.
In the Kurrama examples of rejection linking a positive command and a negative
command are presented in apposition. The positive command directs the addressee to
carry out a specific action instead of carrying out another action which is described by
the negative command. In the following examples of rejection linking the positive
commands are formed either by imperative (8.35) or potential (8.36) inflection of the
verb while the negative commands are formed by negation of a potential inflected verb.
8.35
Nyinta
parni-ma nhangu! Mirta-warnu
2sg.NOM stay-IMP here
not-EMPH5
‘You stay here! Don't go anywhere now!'
8.36
Nyinta-warnu
2sg.NOM-EMPH5
parni-i
stay-POT
yanki-i
wantharni-nyu!
go-POT anywhere-TRUE
(P.489 - P.490)
nhungu, mirta yanki-i
nyinta!
here
not
go-POT 2sg.NOM
‘Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)!’
(P.480)
342
Dixon (2009: 35) states that the apposition of clauses, such as negative and
positive imperatives, ‘is widely used (cross-linguistically) for various kinds of
Alternative linking’. Dixon (2009: 35) provides an English translation of a sentence
from Warlpiri (which is similar to the Kurrama examples presented above) as an
example of suggestion linking formed by apposition. Dixon (2009: 35) describes the
suggestion linkage - ‘Rather than spearing the kangaroo, leave it!’ - as a natural English
translation of the Warlpiri translation of - ‘Don’t spear the kangaroo, leave it!’.
However, as I have stated above, I would suggest that the apposition of positive and
negative commands represents rejection linking rather than suggestion linkage in
Kurrama. That is, the apposition represents a sequence of commands where one
command rejects an action in favour of another action; instead of a sequence of
suggestions where one action is suggested to be more suitable than another. In the
Kurrama examples (if not in the Warlpiri example) the illocutionary force of the
apposed commands is stronger than just a ‘suggestion’; especially when the imperative
inflection is used.
In the Kurrama examples of rejection linking, 8.35 and 8.36 above, the positive
commands are Focal clauses: they represent the main or central action in the linkage.
The negative commands are the Supporting clauses: they set out the preconditions for
the Focal clause action. That is, the Supporting clauses command an addressee to reject
an alternative action so as to carry out the Focal clause action. Either order of the Focal
and Supporting clauses would be possible in these rejection linkages.
It should be noted that in §8.4.2 I provided some examples of contrast clause
linkages that are formed by the apposition of negative and positive declarative clauses.
While, in this section, I have stated that a rejection linkage, rather than contrast linking,
is formed by the apposition of negative and positive commands. There is possible
overlap but this semantic difference is based on the nature of the clause types involved.
Foremost, declaratives are statements of information and the apposition of a negative
and a positive declarative conveys contrastive information. But, commands direct an
addressee to carry out, or not carry out, a specified action, and do not convey declarative
information. The apposition of a positive and a negative command directs an addressee
to reject one action in favour of another and thereby is better interpreted as a rejection
clause linkage rather than a contrast linkage.
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As a final comment, it has been stated throughout this thesis that it is not
possible to negate an imperative verb in Kurrama. A distinction exists between a
command made with a potential inflected verb and a command made with an imperative
inflected verb. A negative command is only formed by the negation of a potential
inflected verb and not by the negation of an imperative inflected verb. This constraint is
syntactic rather than semantic; one inflected form of a verb cannot undergo negation
while another inflected form of the same verb can undergo negation. Yet, it is possible
that pragmatics may influence the constraint against the negation of an imperative verb.
The kin relations that hold between people determine the rights and obligations that
each person has, and it has been my experience in Aboriginal communities that people
are hesitant to say no or to make a negative statement to those who have the right to
make a particular request or carry out a certain action. Perhaps negated potential clauses
are used because they are not as forceful as negated imperative clauses. That is, the use
of a (forceful) negated imperative may not be as polite as a (moderate to mild) negated
potential and therefore is not used. Future research is required.
8.6
Manner Clause Linking
Dixon (2009: 35-36) identifies two subtypes of manner clause linking: real
manner and hypothetical manner. In a real manner clause linkage the action described
by the Focal clause is either ‘done in the manner described by the Supporting clause’ or
the Focal clause describes ‘a state which is similar to that reported in the Supporting
clause’ (Dixon, 2009: 35). For hypothetical manner clause linking Dixon (2009: 35-36)
also identifies two scenarios. First, ‘if the Focal clause portrays an activity, the
Supporting clause may describe what it pretends to be, or what it might be (but isn't)’;
or second, if the Focal clause describes a state the Supporting clause may describe
‘some imaginary event which might have given rise’ to this state.
In the Payarrany narrative (and the Kurrama corpus as a whole) there are only a
limited number of examples of manner clause linking and all are real manner linkages. I
expect that hypothetical manner clause linkages would be possible in Kurrama but I
have no examples to support this expectation.
In the examples of real manner clause linking, in the Payarrany narrative, AP
places the Focal and Supporting clauses in juxtaposition and introduces the Supporting
clause with the predicate demonstrative jurntat ‘like that’ or the indefinite/interrogative
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demonstrative wantharni ‘how/what way’. AP also sometimes uses the semblative
clitic in a Supporting clause to form a real manner relation. Some examples follow.
In the following example 8.37 the semblative clitic and the habitual verb
inflection are used to form a real manner clause linkage. In this example, the FC
describes the subject ‘picking up the old woman’ and the SC (in bold) compares this
action to the real life scenario: ‘just like (we) used to carry children’. In the context of
this example the semblative clitic has scope over the habitual (Supporting) clause in
which it is contained and not just its host mangkurla-wu ‘child-ACC’.
8.37
Manku-nha ngayi
/
get-PAST 1sg.NOM
ngaliyampurraarntu-wu
1pl.exc.GEN -ACC
kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-waa
carry-HABIT
child-ACC-SEMBL
/
jarta-yu.
old.woman-ACC
I picked (her) up, just like (we) used to carry children, this old lady of ours.'
(P.546)
In the real manner clause linkage in the following example 8.38 both jurntat and
wantharni are used in the Supporting clause. In this example, the Focal clause describes
the old woman telling the story ‘of how she had found her husband wrapped in a sheet,
killed by whitefellows’. The Supporting clause describes the manner in which she tells
this story: ‘just like that again, just the same as how she told me’.
8.38
Wangka-yinyjarri-ngu palangku-wurtu-wa / jurntat-ku
ngartarra
talk-COLL-REL
those-EMPH3-TOP1 like.that-ACC again
wantharni ngayu
muyu wangka-yi.
how
1sg.ACC same tell/say-PRES
(She) told those fellas (the story) / just like that again, just the same as how (she)
had told me.'
(P.055)
In the following real manner linkage in example 8.39 the Supporting clause
(presented in bold) describes the appearance of the old woman’s humpy as being similar
to the real life scenario of ‘how a euro makes shelter in spinifex’. The Supporting clause
is introduced with the indefinite/interrogative demonstrative wantharni which translates
as ‘how’ in this instance. Note that further qualification of the shelter’s similarity to
‘euro’s spinifex’ is made at the end of this example by use of the semblative marked
jurntat-kaa ‘just like that’ and the expression ngunhu ngunta-yu ‘(in) that style’.
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8.39 Jampa
ngunyjaat-pa-mpa
ngarrwa-wuntharri
maya-wathu /
moment thereNV.DEF-Ø-TOP7 lie.down-INSTR.NOM house-DIM
ngunyjat-pa-mpa thurnu-ngka ngarrwi-marta-yi,
thatNV-Ø-TOP7 inside-LOC lie.down-HABIT-TOP4
kupija-la munti
little-LOC true
marlirri-la / wantharni nhaa patjarri-yarntu warrapa tharrwa-nguli-ngu
low-LOC
how
this
euro-GEN
spinifex go.in-PASS-REL
patjarri-tu ngurra-ma-rnu
parni / jurntat-kaa
ngunhu ngunta-yu.
euro-INSTR camp-CAUS-REL be.PRES like.that-SEMB that
style-EMPH4
‘That little humpy was just for lying down in. / She used to lie down in it, it was
very small, very low / it was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to
make camp/ in that style, just like that.'
(P.190 - P.192)
As already stated there are no examples of hypothetical manner clause linking in
the Kurrama data, but gaining some examples in future research should be relatively
straightforward. Discussing hypothetical or imaginary situations with a consultant could
provide some useful data. However, by way of observation, it would be worth
considering when gathering this data that what is thought of as real and what is thought
of as imaginary may vary cross-culturally and from speaker to speaker.
8.7
Concluding Remarks
The research questions in this thesis have guided an investigation into the
characteristics of simple and complex sentence construction in Kurrama. The discussion
in this chapter expands on the information presented in the earlier chapters. In summary,
this chapter adds the further dimension of semantics to the mainly syntactic focused
description of clause construction and linking made in earlier chapters. This chapter
provides a broader focus on the way clauses are combined other than just the syntactic
focus on clause combination types such as relative and complement clause
constructions. The semantic focus captures a number of processes involved in the
construction and combination of Kurrama clauses. The semantic classification of Focal
clauses and Supporting clauses involved in clause linking helps to clearly characterize
the processes involved in each of the differing clause linkages. Consider two simple
examples.
The relation between two independent clauses placed one after the other may not
be recognizable on syntactic grounds but can be understood on semantic grounds as
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forming a temporal succession where the event described by the FC follows the time of
the event described in the SC. Also, purpose and result clause linking is best described
by a semantic parameter rather than just as a syntactic combination. Purpose and result
Focal clauses describe the consequence of an action described in the Supporting clause.
This relation cannot be understood just on syntactic grounds alone.
Again there are gaps in the Kurrama corpus and I cannot locate all of the
differing semantic clause linking types discussed in Dixon & Aikhenvald (2009).
However, an overview of what is involved in the semantics of clause linking in
Kurrama is provided in this chapter. A summary of the main detail discussed in this
chapter is presented in Tables 8.2 to 8.4. Table 8.2 summarises the semantics of the
main clause linking types that I was able to locate in the Payarrany narrative and the
Kurrama corpus overall (using the definitions presented by Dixon (2009)). Table 8.3
lists the criteria used to differentiate the Supporting clause (SC) and Focal clause (FC)
in each of the linking types (as also defined by Dixon (2009)). Table 8.4 lists the main
grammatical devices that are used in each FC and SC combination to construct the
differing clause linking types in Kurrama.
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9. EVALUATION OF PROJECT
9.1
Success in Addressing the Research Questions
The research questions that I have addressed in this investigation were:
1. What are the differing types of simple and complex sentences used in Kurrama?
2. How are these simple and complex sentences constructed?
3. What are the salient characteristics of these sentences?
To answer these questions I first examined, in Chapters 2 to 5, the forms and
functions of the various parts of speech that make up Kurrama simple and complex
sentences. Then I examined in further detail the characteristics of Kurrama simple and
complex sentences in Chapters 6 and 7. In Chapter 8 I extended the inquiry and
discussed the differing grammatical means by which simple and complex sentences are
linked to one another in Kurrama. The investigation in Chapter 8 was guided by the
work of the contributors to Dixon and Aikhenvald (2009) who have identified a set of
semantic relations that hold between clause and sentence linkages cross-linguistically.
In Chapter 8 I identified the differing grammatical devices that are used in Kurrama to
represent some of these differing semantic relations.
Because of the limitations of working with the last few speakers of an
endangered language, in what is essentially linguistic salvage work, this thesis presents
only a sketch description of Kurrama morphology and sentence construction. The data
was sufficient to enable a reasonable summation of Kurrama nominal morphology in
Chapter 2, but there are some gaps. For instance, ideally more examples of
dweller/denizen and indirect allative marking are required, as well as further examples
of ablative marking of ‘inherent’ locative nominals that do not require preceding
locative inflection.
The discussion in Chapter 3 was handicapped by incomplete data and only
partial paradigms of the Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives were presented. It is
evident from the available data that the paradigms of the Kurrama demonstratives are
(or were) especially complex. There appears to be a wide range of different shades of
348
subtle meaning associated with the differing demonstrative forms, but I was able to
present only a broad partial overview of these meanings. The opportunity for a detailed
investigation into the meaning and functions of the demonstratives in Kurrama may now
have passed but an investigation of those in the more viable Yindjibarndi may still be
possible.
The data was sufficient to provide a reasonable summation of Kurrama verbal
morphology in Chapter 4. I have suggested three conjugation classes for Kurrama in
contrast to Wordick’s (1982) classification of four classes in Yindjibarndi (see §4.4).
There were enough examples of the use of the Kurrama TAM inflections, in the corpus,
to determine most of their functions. However, more examples are needed of clauses
that contain perfective inflected transitive verbs. From the limited data I was unable
determine why the object arguments of perfective inflected verbs are not always marked
with an accusative suffix. The exact subject reference of the L- and R-conjugation
relative suffix –rnu has also proven to be difficult to determine.
The discussion of Kurrama particles and clitics in Chapter 5 falls short of my
expectations. The differing functions of the Kurrama particles and clitics were
frustratingly difficult to determine. AP in his narration of the Payarrany story makes
extensive use of them but I was unable to determine most of the reasons for their use
within this text. I also did not gain clarity on the functions of the particles and clitics in
my discussions with MD. The clitics that I have grouped together under the emphatic
and topicaliser classifications especially require further investigation. The topicaliser
clitics appear to indicate the main topic of a clause or sentence in which they occur;
while the emphatics add emphasis to the host word to which they are attached.
However, further research may reveal that they actually have differing or more specific
functions. Comparison with Wordick’s (1982) description of the functions of the
Yindjibarndi clitics and particles has provided some insight, and given that Yindjibarndi
is still spoken in the Pilbara community, there ought to be further opportunity to
investigate the clitic and particle functions in Yindjibarndi, if research into Kurrama is
no longer possible.
The data was sufficient to enable a relatively detailed discussion of the
characteristics of Kurrama simple sentences in Chapter 6. Yet, further examples of partwhole constructions are required. Evidence to determine whether the NPs that describe
349
a part and those that describe a whole form a single constituent or two separate
constituents, in a part-whole construction, would be worthwhile gaining. Determining
the patterns of marking of the grammatical relations in ditransitive passive clauses has
also proven to be difficult. I was unable to gain clarity about the coding of the
arguments of ditransitive passives in my discussions with Maudie, but further insight
might be gained, in the future, by examining the marking of the arguments of the
passive marked ditransitive causative verb mirnu-ma-nnguli ‘show/teach’ as well as
those of the passive marked yungku-nguli ‘give’. Reflexive constructions also need to
be investigated. I did not discuss them with MD and there are no examples of their use
in the corpus.
In Chapter 7 I discussed the patterns of main and subordinate clause
interrelations in complex sentences in Kurrama. Yet, further examples are required,
ideally, to support or refute the proposals and statements presented in this chapter. For
instance, I have presented some evidence to argue that the L- and R-conjugation REL
suffix –rnu has different subject reference by default, but does allow same subject
reference in some contexts. However, further evidence would possibly help to
determine if this is definitely so. I have also proposed that the composite morphology of
the (polysyllabic) progressive suffix determines its functions. I did attempt to explore
this with MD but this investigation was inconclusive and we were unable to properly
test this proposal. I have also presented some evidence to suggest that the Kurrama
purpose and result inflections are moving towards an emerging switch reference
relationship. Again, further evidence is required to definitively support or refute this
proposal. More examples are also required of clausal complements selected by the
predicates of cognition, perception, and information transfer. My expectation is that
they have a wider range of forms than is present in the available data.
In Chapter 8 I discussed the grammatical devices that are used in the Payarrany
narrative (and in the Kurrama corpus overall) to form the clause linkages that are
characterized by Dixon’s (1990) set of semantic relations. Although there are gaps in
the data this investigation proved to be relatively successful. This investigation provided
a different perspective on simple and complex sentence construction and the possible
linkages that can be made between them. I believe that the recognition of Focal and
Supporting clauses in a clause linkage especially provides a novel way of interpreting
the relations between linked clauses. I expected at first that there would be
350
correspondence between main clauses and Focal clauses in the various clause linking
types, and also correspondence between subordinate clauses and Supporting clauses, but
this did not prove to be the case. A Focal clause may be a matrix clause in one linkage
type but may be a subordinate clause in another linkage type, as is also the case for
Supporting clauses. Overall, the dynamics of the various semantic types of clause
linking in Kurrama is far more complex than I had expected when I first approached this
analysis.
9.2
Comparisons Between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi
In the chapters on the forms and functions of Kurrama morphology I have listed
the corresponding Yindjibarndi morphological patterns; and in the chapters on Kurrama
sentence construction I have noted some salient features of Yindjibarndi sentence
construction. I have employed Wordick’s (1982) work on Yindjibarndi as the source for
the Yindjibarndi information. This comparison between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi is
motivated by two factors. It is generally accepted that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are in
a dialect relationship and share similarities in their patterns of morphology and sentence
construction. I have used Wordick’s (1982) descriptions, on Yindjibarndi, to help fill
some of the gaps in the Kurrama corpus and to shed light on what may be possible in
Kurrama. However, a comparison with Yindjibarndi will only suggest what may be
possible in Kurrama and does not necessarily provide definitive evidence of the
Kurrama patterns. With this in mind a question arises which has also motivated the
comparison of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama; how similar are the two varieties? The
comparison in this study has shown evidence of differences and similarities.
In 1966 O’Grady et al reported a shared cognate density of 78% between
Yindjibarndi and Kurrama based on a comparison of their core vocabularies. Tables 1.2
and 1.3 (in Chapter 1) illustrate that the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi phonologies are very
similar and the occasional use of the laminal laterals in the Kurrama corpus (but not in
the Yindjibarndi inventory) must represent borrowing from ‘outside’. Yet, there are
some differences in the phonotactic patterns within the two varieties. Tables 1.4 to 1.6
list these differences. Dench (2001: 118) states that, ‘it is at least conceivable that these
differences are consciously maintained in order to preserve some distinction between
the different lects’.
351
The forms and functions of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi morphologies are
similar and the comparisons in Chapters 2 to 5 reveal only a few variations overall. I
will not present an itemized report on each variation and similarity here. Yet, notable in
both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama are the functions of the objective/accusative inflection
which is a reflex of an old dative. In general terms the objective/accusative reflex marks
not only the non-subject core arguments of transitive verbs, but also marks both direct
and indirect objects of ditransitive verbs; and has other functions such as marking the
complements of some predicate nominals and marking additional beneficiary arguments
which can be attributed to a wide range of predicates.
In Chapter 4, I list three verbal conjugation classes for Kurrama while Wordick
(1982) designates four conjugation classes for Yindjibarndi. As explained in §4.4, I
collapse Wordick’s (1982) L-class and N-class into just the L-class in Kurrama. The
difference that Wordick recognizes between the articulation of the alveolar onsets of the
N-class inflections and the articulation of the retroflex onsets of some of the L-class
inflections is the result of phonological conditioning and not a distinct morphological
difference. Wordick’s N-class is just made up of verb roots that end in the high front
vowel /i/. While the L-class verbs end in /a/ or /u/. In short, the high front final /i/ of the
N-class verb roots conditions an alveolar articulation of what are actually retroflex
onsets on some of its TAM inflections; while the /a/ and /u/ endings of the L-class verb
roots allow a retroflex articulation of these same onsets. Therefore, to restate, Wordick’s
delineation of the N-class is a phonological difference and not a morphological
difference.
The development of passive voice constructions in both Yindjibarndi and
Kurrama is a notable innovation that is shared with the other Central Pilbara languages.
The forms and the functions of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi passives are very similar
if not the same. Both varieties have a perfective passive inflection and a optative/might
passive inflection as well as a derivational passive. The old ergative marker of
arguments with an A function has been retained as a marker of agents and instruments
in present day passive constructions, but only surfaces as a marker of instruments in
active constructions. Unfortunately the Kurrama data on the marking of the grammatical
relations in ditransitive passives is inconclusive and cannot be compared with the ban
against nominative marking of the theme/patient arguments in Yindjibarndi ditransitive
passives. Kurrama ditransitive passives may or may not pattern the same (see §6.6.2 ).
352
The historical change from split ergative to nominative-accusative marking in
the Central Pilbara languages probably involved the shift of some dependent clause
types to independent status, and/or the shift of some independent clause types to
dependent status, where a nominative-dative marking pattern used in some dependent
clauses (evident still in some of the Northern and Southern Pilbara languages) came to
be generalized as the nominative-accusative pattern for most transitive clauses (adapted
from Dench 2001: 127). The lack of a marked difference between subordinate and main
clauses in the Central Pilbara languages may be a result of this historical shift.
In Yindjibarndi and Kurrama the dependency status of a clause is usually
signaled through complementiser marking of the subordinate verb and its arguments (if
it is not blocked by morphological constraints, such as a ban on sequences of the same
suffix and the inability of a complementiser to follow preceding accusative or
instrumental marking). There are some distinct subordinate verb inflections in both
Kurrama and Yindjibarndi but not many. Notably, Wordick (1982) does not list a
dependent purpose inflection in Yindjibarndi even though a dependent purpose
inflection is often employed in the Kurrama corpus. Also, Wordick seems to state that
only the imperfective allomorph –yangu is used as a marker of dependent verbs while
the other allomorphs –ngu and –rnu are used as markers of independent verbs.
However, the same forms, which I classify as allomorphs of the RELative suffix, are all
used as dependent markers in the Kurrama corpus, and only in rare instances do the
allomorphs –ngu and –rnu mark independent verbs.
In all, further details on Yindjibarndi sentence construction could possibly be
gained from further analysis of the texts that Wordick (1982) presents on pages 201 to
280 in his study (and also from other published texts). However, the main intent of this
thesis has been to investigate the patterns in Kurrama. This study would have stretched
to unwieldy proportions with a detailed analysis of both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama
sentence construction. However, based on the Kurrama data and on some of Wordick’s
observations, it has been shown the characteristics of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama
sentence constructions are very similar, as would be expected of related dialects. Also,
as has been stated, the morphologies of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama are also very similar
with no substantial differences.
353
9.3
Limitations of the Project
The answers to the research questions on Kurrama sentence construction have
been limited by the data available. I had contact with, and resources from, a limited
number of consultants. I worked mainly with Maudie Dowton but had some help from
Thomas Cox. I also had access to recordings made by Alan Dench with Algy Paterson
and Judy July who have since passed away. I was also able to use some data recorded in
written form by Ken Hale (1959). However, no conversational data was available for
this project and most of the useful lengthy narrative data was provided by one
consultant, Algy Paterson. I was keen to record MD telling stories in Kurrama but MD
was justifiably concerned that I immediately understand her stories and would relate
them mostly in English so that I could clearly comprehend. The two other consultants
Judy July and Thomas Cox worked only in a few short recording sessions. I must
reiterate here that I am grateful for the work done by the consultants; this project was
not possible without them. Yet, a shortcoming of this investigation into the endangered
Kurrama was the lack of access to a wider range of consultants and the inability to
observe and record conversational interaction between speakers.
The time available for research and the limits of my own abilities have also
influenced the success of this study. I would have liked to have spent more time with
MD so that we could record some lengthy narratives related in Kurrama. I also would
have liked to go back and check with MD some of the conclusions I have made in my
analysis of the data, and also to gain further data, before writing up the final draft of this
thesis. Unfortunately this was not possible. In all, I may not have been the best student
of Kurrama that the consultants could have hoped for, but I hope that I have conveyed
some reasonable detail about Kurrama morphology and sentence construction in this
thesis.
355
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359
APPENDIX:
The Payarrany narrative
Told by †Algy Paterson.
P.001 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
ngurnu
parni
that.ACC be.PRES
wantha-rrkayi wangka-yi.
put-POT
story/word-ACC
'I will tell (put down) that story now.’
P.002 Mangkala-la-yu
nhungkat parna-ayi
Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4 those
stay-PERF
nhuwamalingka-wari.
spouse.group-COM
'Those ones had been staying at Red Hill, with the husbands and wives.'
P.003 Ngayu
yarukal thurlajinkarri Yithirltany-nguyharntu,
1sg.ACC aunty
poor.fellow
name.of.person-GEN
karra-nyungu-yu
parni-marta
wangka-nguli-marta.
scrub/bush-DWELL-EMPH4 live/stay-HABIT tell/say-PASS-HABIT
'That poor old Aunty of mine was Tithirltany's daughter, the old lady who used
to live in the scrub, she used to be called Karranyungu, scrub dweller.
P.004 Ngunhaa ngaarta palangku parni-nha
Mangkala-la-yu
that
person those
live/stay-PAST Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4
‘These people and that one (the old lady) were at Red Hill.’
P.005 Ngarti
then/next
P.006
nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu
see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5
nhuwa-yi
spouse-ACC
warrungkamu-l
ngarti-yu
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu
one.morning-THEN then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
P.007 kaliku-la-wa
sheet-LOC-TOP1
walypala-ngarli-lu.
whitefellow-PL-INSTR
‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet
(killed) by whitefellows.’
P.008 Wantaawa!
Well!
P.009 Yanku-ngumarnu
go-PROG
waa-wa
karra-ngka-wa.
fear/frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1
‘Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.’
360
P.010 Munti-yaa
True/truly/really-SEMBL
P.011 jurntat-ku-warnu
like.that-ACC-EMPH5
jurntatma-rnaarnu-la,
like.that-CAUS-PPERF-LOC
jurntat-karlaa.
like.that-PROP
nhawa-ayi.
see-PERF
‘(She) really believed it had happened like that, (she'd ) seen how it happened.'
P.012 Yanku-nha
go-PAST
wantaawa
somewhere
marnta-ka-wa
hill-LOC-TOP1
P.013 muyirri-nha wantawanta-rri-ngu.
kurtawurtu.
run-PAST mad/crazy/silly-INCH-REL true.enough
'So (she) went off somewhere into the hills, ran away, getting crazy alright.'
P.014 Yanku-ngumarnu wurnta-tkaayi
go-PROG
come-PERF
ngaliya-warri-wu-yu
1du.exc-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4
P.015 Jalurrpa-la-wu
parni-yangu ngunhungu-mpa Pantuwarnangka-la.
Arthur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC stay-REL
there-TOP7
Pannawonica-LOC
'And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two who were staying with A.
Lockyer there at Pannawonica.’
P.016 Ngaliya
wirta-wuyha-mu
1du.exc.NOM youth/young.man-DUAL-THEN
'We two (were) young fellas, then.'
P.017 Wurnta-rna
come-PAST
parni-ngumarnu wuntu-wa
sit-PROG
river-LOC
marratha-la
river.gum-LOC
malu-ngka.
shade-LOC
'(She) came there and then sat (was sitting) in the river bed, in the shade of a
river gum.
P.018
Ngayi
nhawu-nha,
1sg.NOM see-PAST
“Ngana nhaa-yu
parni?”
who this-EMPH4 be.PRES
'I saw (her), "Who is this?"'
P.019 Ngaliya
kuyharra, nyinyji
Warlapurungu
nganthayi
1du.exc.NOM two
here.NV name.of.someone EMPH
mapuji-wu,
nhawu-nha-wa
thurla-npa-nha-wa
daugther's.son-ACC see -PAST-TOP1 eye-INCH-PAST-TOP1
P.020 ngunhaatu nhawu-nha-wa.
that.one
see-PAST-TOP1
'There were two of us. This other fellow was Warlapurungu's grandson,
he recognised (her) when he saw (her).'
361
P.021 “Walart-parnu
jarta
Yithirltany-nguyharntu jarta.”
thatDEF-EMPH5 old.woman name.of.person-GEN old.woman
“That's the old lady, Yithirltany's daughter.”
P.022 Nyinta-wu
yanku-ma
2sg.NOM-EMPH2 go-IMP
nhawu –lu.
see-PURP
"You go and/to meet/see (her)!"
P.023 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
yanka-angu
go-RSLT
wuntu-warta
river/creek-ALL
nhawu-lu.
see-PURP
‘So I went down the river to see.'
P.024 Muntikurtu-wurtu
true-EMPH3
jarta
kurta.
old.woman very
'True enough, it was the old lady alright.'
P.025 Ngayi
yanku-nha
1sg.NOM go-PAST
wangka-ngumarnu
tell/say-PROG
‘I went down and then talked to (her).’
P.026
“Yaayu, nyinta-rnta
walartu?”
aunty 2sg.NOM -INTRRG that.one
“Aunty, is that you?”
P.027 “Nhaat-pa-mpa
ngayi-yu
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4
parni-ngu
be-REL
P.028 ngayu
yaangana.”
1sg.ACC nephew
“(Yes), this is me my nephew.”
P.029 Yanku-nha maa-wu
go-PAST hand-ACC
manku-lu,
get-PURP
parni-ngumarnu
live/stay-PROG
ngunhungat
there
wangka-ngu.
talk-REL
'(I) went and took (her) hand, and then stopped there for a while talking.'
P.030 “Wanthilangu nyinta-yu
wurnta-rna yaayu?”
where.from 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 come-PAST aunty
“Where have you come from, Aunty?”
362
P.031 “Ngayi-yu
Mangkala-la-ngu
wurnta-rna,
1sg.NOM-EMPH4 Red Hill-LOC-ABL come-PAST
nyinta-yu
2sg.NOM-EMPH4
parni-unta,
be-MIGHT
ngalaa-yu
1du.exc-EMPH4
wala
don't
kurlka
think
yanku
go/be.PRES
wanta-marri-ayi-wa.”
leave-COLL-PERF-TOP1
“I've come from Red Hill. Don't (might) you think about it. We've left one
another.”
P.032 “Walypala-ngarli-lu parna-ayi kaliku-la-wa
murlimurli-ma-nnguli-ngu.”
whitefella-PL-INSTR be-PERF sheet-LOC-TOP1 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL
“(He) was wrapped in a sheet by whitefellas”
P.033 “Munti-wurtu?”
true – EMPH3
“Is that true?”
P.034 “Ngaa, jurntartpa, ngayi
yanku
ngunha ngulaarta-ngu-yu muyirra-ayi.”
yes
like.that 1sg.NOM go.PRES that
there-ABL-EMPH4 run-PERF
“Yes, that's how it is. That's how I ran away from there, why I'm travelling.”
P.035 “Ngaliya
parna-ayi
1du.exc.NOM be-PERF
ngunhungu wanta-ma-nnguli-ngu.”
that
leave-CAUS-PASS-REL
“We two were there and I was left.”
P.036 “Ngawu
munti
yes.(that's.right) true
pala jurntart.”
that like.that
“Yes that's true. It's like that.”
P.037 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
yanku-nha
go-PAST
wangka-lu
maatha-wu-wa,
tell/say-PURP boss-ACC-TOP1
Jalurrpa-ngu-wa
Arthur.Lockyer-ACC-TOP1
'I went to tell the boss, Jalurrpa, Arthur Lockyer.'
P.038 Ngunhaatu jurntat-ku-yu
wangka-yu,
mirta kurta wanyja-nha
that.one
like.that-ACC-EMPH4 story-EMPH4 not
very ? -PAST
kurlkanyjaa-rna
thurrulku.
think.about-PAST true
'The way that story was, he didn't believe it. (He) thought (it) wasn't true.'
363
P.039 Nhaa
this/he
kurlkanyjaa-rna
kurtat
think.about -PAST wrong
ngunhat.
thatDEF
'He thought it was wrong.'
P.040 “Mayinu
nhaa jarta
might kuyawuya-warni.”
poor.fellow this old.woman might silly-INCH-PRES
“Poor thing, this old lady might be going silly.”
P.041 He can talk Yinyjiparnti.
P.042 Ngunhat-ju
wangka-yi wantaa kurta Yinyjiparnti,
thatDEF-EMPH1 talk-POT which very Yindjibarndi
Jalurrpa-nha,
Authur.Lockyer-SPEC
old Arthur Lockyer.
old Arthur Lockyer
'He could talk Yindjibarndi very well, Jalurrpa, old Authur Lockyer.'
P.043 Ngunhaan kurlkarri-nha kurtat.
that
think-PAST wrong
'He thought that was wrong.'
P.044 “Nhaa mightbe kuyawuya-warni
this might.be silly-INCH-PRES
jarta
mayinu.”
old.woman poor.fellow
“She might be getting silly, the poor old thing.”
P.045 He can't be happen like that.
'It can't have happened like that.'
P.046 Yurlu
kurta-warnu mirta kurta jurntat.
nothing very-EMPH5 not very like.that
‘(It) was really nothing, wasn't really like that.'
P.047 Parni-ngumarnu-wa-thu
live/stay-PROG-TOP1-TOP3
P.048 Wantaa wantaa ngartarra, ngayi
pangkarri-nha
which which again
1sg.NOM return-PAST
ngarti-mu
nhawu-lu
again/then/next -THEN see-PURP
ngayi
thinarla-yu.
1sg.NOM dinner-EMPH4
'(She) stayed around then for a while before going every which way again. I
went back to see (her) and (took) dinner.'
364
P.049 “Wanthila-warnu wirru-ngaa-yu?”
where-EMPH5 other-PL-EMPH4
'Where are the others?'
P.050
“Ngunyji-warnu
thereNV-EMPH5
nyinyji
here.NV
parni
patiki-wu
warama-rnu
be.PRES paddock-ACC make-REL
pilakurta-rri-ngu
wartat.”
carpenter-INCH-REL north
“(They're) over there making paddocks (fencing) and (we're) here doing
carpentry in the north.”
P.051 “Wirru-ngaa-yu
parni-yangu-la
other-PL-EMPH4 live/stay-REL-LOC
ngaata patiki-wu
there paddock-ACC
juju-ngarli, ngunha
old.man-PL that
makem-ma-rnu
nhula Kurruu-la.”
make-CAUS-REL there Kurruu-LOC
“While the others, the old people, are making paddocks there at Kurruu.”
P.052 Ngayi
thaa-rrku-wa
1sg.NOM send-PRES-TOP1
P.053 “Nyinta
yanki-i
2sg.NOM go-POT
yaayu-warri-ngu, jawayiny-ma-rnaanu-yu,
aunty-PRIV-ACC ask-CAUS-PPERF-EMPH4
ngunhangaatu nhawu-marri-lu”.
there
see-COLL-PURP
'I sent Aunty off, (I) told (her), “You go over there and see (them)”.
P.054 Munti
true
kurta-wa,
very-TOP1
parntaya-nmarri-lu
find-COLL-PURP
yaayu-warri-nha
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
ngunyjaat-pa,
thereNV-TOP2
yanku-nha-wa
go-PAST-TOP1
ngunyjat-wurtu-wa
parni-i.
thereNV-EMPH3-TOP1 stay-POT
'True enough. Old Aunty went to find (them) there, and stayed there.'
P.055 Wangka-yinyjarri-ngu palangku-wurtu-wa jurntat-ku
talk-COLL-REL
those-EMPH3-TOP1 like.that-ACC
wantharni ngayu
muyu
how
1sg.ACC same
ngartarra
again
wangka-ayi.
tell/say-PERF
‘(She) told those fellas (the story), just like that again, just the same as how (she)
had told me.'
P.056 “Nhuwa-yu
spouse-EMPH4
kaliku-la
murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu.”
sheet.(calico)-LOC wrap-CAUS-PPERF
“(My) husband was wrapped up in a sheet.”
365
P.057 Ngunhangkat-purtu-wa
those-EMPH3-TOP1
parna-angu
be-RSLT
kurtkaarri-ngu
think-REL
murnti-nta
true-INTRRG
walaartu jurntaat -ju
murlurru-nta
nhaa wangka-yu,
that.one like.that-EMPH1 straight-INTRRG this
story-EMPH4
nhaa
this
yanku
ngunngawa wangka-ngu yanku
wanta-nguli-ngu-wa.
go/be.PRES not.right
say-REL go/be.PRES silly-PSYCH-REL-TOP1
'So those fellas there thought about it. Was it true like that? Was it straight this
story? This story is going a little bit funny. (She's) gone a bit silly.'
P.058 Wantaawa
well
palangku
those
parni-ngumarnu
live/stay-PROG
kumarla-ngarli.
together-PL
‘Well, those people stayed all together then.'
P.059 Yaayu-warri-nha
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
parni-nyjarri-nha.
live/stay -COLL -PAST
'Old Aunty stayed with (them).'
P.060
Warnaa- ngarli-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa janku-wuyha-yu.
brother-PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
sibling-DUAL-EMPH4
‘Those two siblings (were) in amongst/with all the brothers.'
P.061 Wantaawa
later
parni-nha
palangku
be/stay-PAST those
kumarla
together
wurnta-tkayi.
come-POT
thalaran-nguwarta.
Deepdale-ALL
'Later, they then came together down to Deepdale.'
P.062 Thalaran-ta-wa-yu
Deepdale-LOC-TOP-EMPH4
parni-lu
stay-PURP
muthuu-rri-yangu-la-wa-yu
Jalurrpa-la
maatha-la.
winter-INCH-REL-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 Arthur.Lockyer-LOC boss-LOC
'(They) stayed at Deepdale as it became winter, while Arthur Lockyer was boss.'
P.063 Parni
ngarli ngunhangaat
stay/be.PRES plural these
pangkarri-ngu-nyu
return-REL-TRUE
martkurra mirta
good
not
nganaarri-ngu-nyu
forget-REL-TRUE
mirta muyirri-ngu-nyu.
not
run-REL-TRUE
'They stayed there happily, didn't go back, apparently forgot about it, (she) didn't
run away.'
366
P.064 Wantaa kurta parni-nha
ngunhangan martkurra-ngarli palangku.
alright very live/stay-PAST there
good-PL
those
'Well that was alright, they stayed there happily, all of them.'
P.065 Well, ngunha ngaata-yu,
yala-mu-yu
well that
person-EMPH4 first-THEN-EMPH4
wurnta-rna
yaayu-warri-nha-yi
muyhu-yu
ngunhu
come-PAST aunty-PRIV-SPEC-TOP4 cold/winter-EMPH4 that
P.066 wangka-nguli-ngu yini,
call-PASS-REL
name
yiya-yu
1928 March.
year-EMPH4 1928 March
''Well that time, the first time Old Aunty came down, that winter, that year was
1928 in March.'
P.067 Nhawu-nguli-nha ngunhangaata
see-PASS-PAST that
yaayu-warri-nha,
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
ngunhat
thatDEF
yalamu munti-yu
wanta-nguli-ngu,
1928 in March.
first
true-EMPH4 mad/crazy-PSYCH-REL
'Aunty was seen there, the first time that she really went a bit mad, was in 1928,
in March.'
P.068 Wanyjarri-ngumarnu, wanyjarri-ngumarnu-warnu,
run.away-PROG
run.away-PROG-EMPH5
P.069 ngulaarta ngunhaan
there.LOC that
muyhu-ngka-yi.
cold/winter-LOC-TOP4
'And then (she) ran away, (she) ran away again from there that was that winter.'
P.070 Karrwanta-mu karrwanta-mu yanku-nha ngunhangkaat parna-ayi
autumn-THEN autumn-THEN go/be-PAST those
live/stay-PERF
Thalaran-ta-wa-yu
nhungu Jalurrpa-nha
manku-nha
Deepdale -LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 here
Authur.Lockyer-SPEC get-PAST
P.071 Blanket-ngarli-wu nyuupala-ngarli-wu pungkurri-yharntu-ngarli-wu
blanket-PL-ACC new-PL-ACC
cover-GEN-PL-ACC
yalaa-ngarli-wu miinyma-rnu nyirra-yharntu-ngarli-wu pungkurri-yharntu-u.
new-PL-ACC
provide-REL cover-GEN-PL-ACC
cover-GEN-ACC
‘And then that autumn, when those people were staying here at Deepdale,
Authur Lockyer got blankets, lots of new blankets for (us) to cover up with.'
367
P.072 Ngunhangka-rru Kurrama
those-NOW
Kurrama
wangka
call.PRES
pungkurri-yharntu-wa
cover-GEN-TOP1
blanket-wu-yu.
blanket-ACC-EMPH4
"Pungkurriyharntu, that's what the Kurrama call blankets.'
P.073 Blanket-ngarli
blanket-PL
ngunhangkat martamarta-ngarli kanyja-rnu wanyja-yi
those
red-PL
have-REL dog-ACC
yirra-ngka pija-yi
karri-yangu, yirra-warntura mankarn-ku
edge-LOC picture-ACC stand-REL edge-DISTRIB mark-ACC
karri-yangu, ngarrwanyja
stand -REL tiger.(giant.dingo)
wangka-nguli-yangu.
call-PASS-REL
‘Those blankets were red, and they had pictures of dogs (tigers) all around the
edges. Each edge had those marks, what we might call 'ngarrwanyja'.
P.074 Yirra-ngka-yu
ngularta blanket-ngarli-la jurlu-ngka kurta
edge-LOC-EMPH4 there
blanket -PL-LOC all-LOC
very
P.075 ngayintharri-mpa
1pl.NOM-TOP7
manku-nha-yu.
get-PAST-EMPH4
'That was on the edges of all the blankets we got.'
P.076 Ngunhat-pa-mpa ngunhu blanket mirta murna-arta yanku-nha
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 that
blanket not
close-ALL go-PAST
kanyja-nnguli-ngu
ngulaartu yaayu-warri-lu,
ngunyji-pa
keep/have -PASS-REL thatINSTR aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV-TOP2
ngunhu yala ngantha-yi
that
now also-TOP4
parni
ngunyji-mpa
marnta-ka
be.PRES thereNV-TOP2 hill-LOC
tharra-ngka, marnta-wu martawi-rnaarnu.
cave-LOC rock -ACC cover-PPERF
'Now that blanket didn't go just a little way. It was kept (for a long time) by Old
Aunty.That's the one that is still there now, up there in that cave in the hills,
covered with a rock.'
P.077 Martkurra-ma-rnaanu wantha-rnaarnu
good-CAUS-PPERF put -PPERF
‘(It) was put there neatly by Aunty.’
yaayu-warri-lu
aunty-PRIV-INSTR
ngunyji.
thereNV
368
P.078 Ngayi
ngunhat
1sg:NOM thatDEF
kartarri-ngu-wa-mpa.
go.towards-REL-TOP1-TOP7
‘I am going towards that.'
P.079 Ngayi
yanka-ayi yala-yu
wangka-ngu nhurnu wangka-yi
1sg:NOM go-PERF now-EMPH4 talk-REL
thisACC story/word-ACC
wantha-rnu munti-nta
martkurra-nta ngayi
ngantha-yu
thaa
put-REL
true-INTRRG good-INTRRG 1sg:NOM also-EMPH4 mouth
manta-yi warrku wantharni-wu, wantha-rrkayi martiny-ku.
tie-POT maybe how-EMPH2 put-POT
story-ACC
‘I'll get to that in the story. I'll keep going for now, I'll keep on with this story,
putting it down good and true. I'll do it well I hope. We'll see how I go at putting
down this story.'
P.080 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu
parni- marta- yi
martkurra-mu-yu
there.LOC-ABL-EMPH4 live/stay-HABIT-TOP4 good-THEN-EMPH4
parna-ayi
palanku
kuma.
live/stay-PERF they/those together
'Well from there, (they) stayed there, quite happily. They all stayed together.'
P.081 Ngarti-yu
parni-marta
again/then/next-EMPH4 be-HABIT
yanku-ngu
go-REL
muyirri-ngu-warntura-wa
run-REL-DISTRIB-TOP1
marnta-ka.
hill-LOC
‘Then, (she) used to run away every now and then again and go into the hills.’
P.082
Ngarti-mu-mpa
wurnta-tkayi nyaa-nyarri-lu.
again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 come-POT
see-COLL-PURP
‘And then another time (she) would/will come again to see (everyone).’
P.083 Ngarti-mu-mpa
again/then/next-THEN-TOP7
thurti-mu
back-THEN
yanki i
go-POT
ngunyji
thereNV
ngarti-mu
marnta-arta, mirnu-wa
again/then/next-THEN hill-ALL
know-TOP1
parni-marta maru-ngka
be-HABIT mob/many-LOC
wantharni-ngarra-wu jurntat-ku.
how-VBZ-ACC
like.that-ACC
‘And then once again, (she) would/will go back to the hills. It was known by
everyone in the mob how (she) used to be, it was just like that.'
369
P.084 Wantaawa
which-TOP1
parni-marta
live/be-HABIT
martkurra kurta-wa,
good
very-TOP1
martkurra kurta-wa,
good
very-TOP1
parni-marta
live/be -HABIT
nhawu-nguli-ngu-mpa.
see-PASS-REL-TOP7
‘Well, at that time, (she) used to be very well, (she) looked to be very well.'
P.085 But yaayu-warri-nha
mirta parni-nha
but aunty-PRIV-SPEC not live/stay-PAST
yini marnta-ka, nhula
only hill-LOC
here
Waliji-wathaa
name.of.place-ALL
nhungu
here
yini, Kanarrakuri-wathaa
only name.of.place-ALL
yini
only
yawut.
west
'But Old Aunty didn't stay only around here in the hills, not just here around
Kanarrikuri, or near Waliji in the west.'
P.086 Yanku-marta
go-HABIT
mirta murna-arta nhula-arta
not
close-ALL there-ALL
Ngama-ngka.
name.of.place-LOC
'(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, all over the Ngama (Hamersley
foothills and Buckland Hills).
P.087 Ngunhu-mpa Jarrungkajarrungka-arta-mpa
that-TOP7
Rocklea-ALL-TOP7
murna-yu
close-EMPH4
Kartajirri-wu-mpa-yu
kuyhaamunti-ngu, Thinungu-mpa-yu
Duck.Creek-ACC-TOP7-EMPH4 cross.over.river-REL Yaranti-TOP7-EMPH4
kuyhaamunti-ngu
ngamarlarri-la
cross.over.river-REL side.of.hill-LOC
ngunhangkaarta
those.LOC
ngartatha-la.
foothills-LOC
'She went right up to Rocklea Station, crossed over Duck Creek, at Yaranti, went
up that way, in the side of those hills, in the foothills.'
P.088 Wantaa kurta
which very
ngurra-yu
camp-EMPH4
ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngunhangkat yaayu-warri-nguyarntu,
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
those
aunty-PRIV-GEN
yanku-wuntharri-yarntu jurlu-wu-mpa
mirnu
go-INSTR.NOM-GEN all-EMPH2-TOP7 know
pawa-yarntu-ngarli-wu, ngurrara
water-GEN-PL-ACC
country
mangkurla-ngu-mu.
child -ABL-THEN
'All around there, those places, these were Old Aunty's places, where (she)
would camp. All the paths, the ways to travel, all the places to get water, (she)
knew all these. (She) was a child of that country.'
370
P.089 Mirnu papu-ngarli-lu
kanyja-rnaanu
ngunhangat ngurra-ngka.
know father-PL-INSTR keep/have -PPERF thatDEF
country-LOC
'(She) knew because she had been raised in that country by (her) father's people.'
P.090 Mirnu kurta parni-marta pirringu-la kurta pintu-ngarli-la pirringu-la
know very stay-HABIT own-LOC very seeds-PL-LOC own-LOC
kurta kawurnarra-la,
pirtangkayi-la
partunya-la ngarluwany-tha
very type.of.seed -LOC type.of.seed-LOC onion-LOC rush.nut-LOC
puwayi-la,
kurrumanthu mijirri-ma-rnu
rush.nut-LOC goanna
squashed-CAUS-REL
ngarra-rnu.
chop-REL
'(She) knew everything alright, in her own places. (She) stayed amongst her own
foods, seeds, wild onions, rush nuts of different kinds, goanna squashed and
pounded up.'
P.091 Murla-ngarli-wu-yu
meat-PL-ACC-EMPH4
P.092 parna-ayi
be-PERF
parni-marta, manku-ngu wanyja-warrimarta-rra,
be-HABIT
get-REL
dog-PRIV-DUB
thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta mujira-lu-wa
pet.dog-PRIV-DUB
be-HABIT dingo-INSTR-TOP1
kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi
manku-ngu
dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL
murla-ngarli-wu.
meat-PL-ACC
‘(She) used to get meat without a dog, apparently. I don't think (she) had a pet.
(She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo.’
P.093 Parntaya-rnu yala-yu
kurru-ma-rnaarnu
jurntat-pa
find-REL
fresh-EMPH4 dead-CAUS-PPERF like.that -TOP2
P.094 patjarri-wu-yu,
but
euro-ACC-EMPH4, but
kurrumanthu-wu-yu
yanku-marta wayharri-ngu
goanna-ACC-EMPH4 go-HABIT look.for-REL
kurta.
very
'(She) would find freshly killed euros like that (by dingo), but (she) used
to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.'
P.095 Mijirri-ma-rnu-rra
parni
squashed/preserved.goanna.meat-CAUS-REL-DUB be.PRES
parraa-mu-yu
long.time-THEN-EMPH4
parna-angu
murla-ngarli-wu.
be/stay-RSLT meat-PL-ACC
'Apparently that squashed goanna meat keeps for a very long time.'
371
P.096 Mirtuwarra kurta.
clever
very
'(She) was very clever.'
P.097 Wantaawa
Well
parni-nha
ngunhangat.
live/stay-PAST thatDEF
‘Well, she stayed out there.'
P.098 Mirna-wa-yu
parraa-la-wa-yu,
ngayi
pangkarri-nha
while-TOP1-EMPH4 long.time-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg.NOM return-PAST
yurraamu-ngarli-wu-yu
parni-lu
japat
nhawungarra-rnu,
ram.(sheep)-PL-ACC-EMPH4 stay-PURP shepherd look.after-REL
Yartalulu-la-ngu-yu
parni-lu
Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 stay-PURP
nhungu Marryiri-la-wa
here
Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1
japatjarri-ngu,
mirta japatjarri-ngu,
shepherding-REL not shepherding-REL
nhawungarra-rnu,
look.after-REL
patiki-la-wu
paddock-LOC-ACC
parni-yangu.
be-REL
'Sometime later, a good long time, I came back to stay shepherding, to look after
the sheep. (I) came from Yarraloola to camp here at Gap Well, shepherding.
(Well) not shepherding, looking after (them), (they) were in the paddock.'
P.099 Ngaamatjurntu-ma-rnu
warrungkamu-warntura
bring.them.up-CAUS-REL morning-DISTRIB
kayulu-warta-yi
water-ALL-TOP4
kartpa-tkayi
take-POT
pawa-arta
water-ALL
'(I) would bring the (sheep) up each morning to take them to water.'
P.100 Yaayu-warri-nha-yu
ngunyjat-pa-mpa yanku-yangu-la-wa
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thatNV-Ø-TOP7 go-REL-LOC-TOP1
murna-arri-ngu-wa
close -INCH-REL-TOP1
ngayintharri-wu-yu
1pl.exc(disharmonic)-ACC-EMPH4
ngunhaata-wu-yu
parni-yangu
there -ACC-EMPH4 be/stay-REL
Marryiri-la-wa.
Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1
'Poor old Aunty was travelling along there and was getting close to us staying
there at Marryiri.'
372
P.101
Wangka-yangarnu maatha-lu
kurtun-ma-rtkayi-wa-yu
tell/say-PPERF
boss-INSTR gather-CAUS-POT-TOP1-EMPH4
parnangarri-yarlaa-ngarli-wu-yu.
sheep-?-PL-ACC-EMPH4
‘(We'd been) told by the boss to gather up the horned sheep.’
P.102 Yaayu-warri-nha-wu
warrungkamu-yu
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH2 morning-EMPH4
purlu-ngka kartpa-lu
above-LOC go.up-PURP
marnta-ka-yu
parni
nhawu-ngu-mu ngana-wathaa-wu
hill-LOC-EMPH4 be.PRES see-REL-THEN who-ELSE-ACC
parni-yangu nhungu Marryiri-la -wu
be/stay-REL here
Gap.Well-LOC-ACC
outcamp-wathu-la-wu.
outcamp-DIM-LOC-ACC
'Old Aunty, that morning, was climbing up above us. (She) was up on the hill to
see who else was staying here at Marryiri outcamp.'
P.103 Wangkaa-lu-mpa-wurtu-wa
tell-PURP-TOP7- EMPH -TOP1
murtiwarla-yi. Maatha, an’ mangkurla
car-TOP4
boss
and child
P.104 kupiyarri-murra Red-ngu-waya Karntawayi
an’ juju-warri-nha,
small(pl)-LOST Red-ACC-?
person's.name and old.man-PRIV-SPEC
Donkeyman,
maatha-la-ja- wu.
person’s.name boss-LOC-TOP6-EMPH2
‘The car was running. The boss, and a little boy who we've lost now, Red's boy
Karntawayi, and the old man, Donkeyman, were with the boss.'
P.105 Ngunhu motorcar Chev4 wangka-nguli
that
car
Chev4 call-PASS.PRES
murtiwarla-yi.
car-TOP4
'That car is called a Chev 4.'
P.106 Ngayi
ngunyji, jarrwurti ngunyji parnangarri-yarlaa parni-nha
1sg:NOM thereNV three
thereNV sheep-?
be-PAST
ngartarra kanyjayu-rnaarnu five-wu
ram-u
yantha-yu.
again
keep/have-PPERF five-ACC ram-ACC missing-ACC
'I was away over there, three of us had gone for sheep. (We) were looking for
five rams that were missing.'
P.107 Jinkakurru ngayi
yanku-nha
up.river 1sg:NOM go-PAST
'I went up river looking for them.'
ngurnu
that:ACC
wayharri-ngu.
look.for -REL
373
P.108 Karntirri-wu-wa
wat.thurraanu murrirni,
smoke-EMPH2-TOP1 lightning
following.PRES
nhungku wurnta-rna maatha-yi murluwarla-la-yu
these
come-PAST boss-ACC car-LOC-EMPH4
karri-ngumarnu
stop-PROG
ngunhungat partkarra-la marnta-ka ngurna.
there
flat-LOC
hill-LOC that
‘These others had come following the smoke from the lightning, with the boss in
the car and they stopped there on the flat by that hill.’
P.109 Yaayu-warri-nha ngunhungat purlu-ngka mijularri-nha tharra-ngka
aunty-PRIV-SPEC there
above-LOC hide-PAST cave-LOC
kupija-la. Nhungkurtu karri
warni-ngka-mu
murtiwarla-la-yi.
little-LOC those
be.PRES clear.ground-LOC-THEN car-LOC-TOP4
'Old Aunty was there up above hiding in a little cave. Those others are out on
clear ground, in the car.’
P.110 Karntirri-wu nhawu-ngumarnu jinkarrku kampa-yangu Warluru-la-wu.
smoke-ACC see-PROG
up.river burn-REL
Warleru-LOC-ACC
'And then (they) see smoke burning up river at Warleru.’
P.111 Maatha wangka-nha,
boss
tell/say-PAST
nyinta
2sg.NOM
“Kayari,
name.of.person
warniya-lku ngurnu-warta
run-PRES
that.ACC-ALL
P.112 nhawi-i
see-POT
ngurnu
that.ACC
karla-yi
fire-ACC
you run up the hill,
you run up the hill
ngurnu-mu
marnta-arta
that.ACC-THEN hill-ALL
wanthila-wu kampa-yangu.”
where-ACC burn-REL
'The boss said, “Kayari, you run up that hill and see where that fire is burning”.'
P.113 Murnti-pa
true-TOP2
ngunhaaku
that.ACC
piningkarra-ngu kankala kartpa-nha
run-REL
on.top
go.up-PAST
marnta-yi,
hill-ACC
yaayu-warri-nha-yu
aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4
ngunyjat-u-mpa tharra-ngka kupija-la
little-LOC
thatNV-Ø-TOP7 cave-LOC
ngarrwi-ngu,
lie.down-REL
ngamarlangu-la
hollow-LOC
nyaa-nyarri-ngu-wurtu.
see-COLL-REL-EMPH3
'True enough, (he) ran to the top, climbed up the hill and Old Aunty was right
there, out of sight, in a little cave, lying in a hollow. (She) saw (him).'
374
P.114 Ngana-wa
who-TOP1
nhaa-yu
mangkurla? Yanku
ngayu-yu
this-EMPH4 child
go.PRES 1sg.ACC-EMPH4
mulurru kantharrii-nha
straight Daughter's.chld-SPEC
ngantha-wa.
also-TOP1
'Who is this boy (child)? (He’s) coming straight for me. That's my grandson!’
P.115 Ngunhaat-ju
thurlanpa-nyjarri-ngu
thatDEF-EMPH1 recognize-COLL-REL
kartpa kankala-wurtu-yu
go.up on.top-EMPH-EMPH4
nhungu
here
parntaya-nmarri-nha ….. ngani-ngarli
find -COLL-PAST
what-PL
ngunhungku ….. karrwanyji-wu
those
pigeon-ACC
walu-ngarli-la
boulder-PL-LOC
kurta
very
pirtuwu-la
boulder-LOC
karri-yangu-wa
stand-REL-TOP1
marnta-ngarli-la.
rocks-PL-LOC
‘She recognised him alright! (This fella) was going up along the top and found
some…what-ya-call these?... pigeons standing on top of some boulders, on some
rocks.'
P.116 Manku-ngu marnta-ngarli-wu-yu
get-REL
rock-PL-ACC-EMPH4
ngarra-rnu-yu.
throw-REL-EMPH4
'(He) was getting some rocks and was throwing them (at the birds).'
P.117 Kantharri-warri-yu
grandmother-PRIV-EMPH4
tharra-ngka-yu
cave-LOC-EMPH4
ngunhungu kurtkaarri-nha
that
think-PAST
ngarra-nmarri-nguli-ngu,
throw-COLL-PASS-REL
ngunhaat-pa
wurnta-rna thaanyjarni-ngu wurnta-rna tharra-ngka-ngu.
thatDEF-TOP2 come-PAST entrance-ABL come-PAST cave-LOC-ABL
‘'The poor old grandmother was back in the cave thinking that she was the one
having rocks thrown at (her). She came through/from the entrance and came out
of the cave.’
P.118 “Kantharri
nyinta-yu
ngayu-yu
Daughter's.chld 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4
‘(She shouted), “Granny you might hit me!”’
P.119 “Nhaat-pa-mpa
ngayi-yu.
Thuu!”
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4 look.out
“This is me here! Look.out!”
ngarra- rtpunta.”
hit-MIGHT
375
P.120 An’ nyaa-nyjarri-nha-yi
kantharri-warri-ngu.
and see -COLL-PAST-TOP4 granny-PRIV-ACC
P.121 “Yaa!
expressing.surprise
Parringka!”
devil
'And when (he) saw poor old granny. “Yaa! A devil!”’
P.122 An’
and
maatha-yu
karri-nha
nhawu-ngu kankala-wu-rru
boss-EMPH4 stand-PAST see-REL
on.top-ACC-NOW
'And the boss was standing watching what was happening on top there.'
P.123 “Hello? What's a matter Kayari?”
“Hello, what’s the matter with Kayari?”
P.124 “No more!”
P.125 Mirta jarruru, wirrili, kunkurr.
not
slow
fast
downhill
‘Not slow! Like a flash (he) was down the hill.'
P.126 “Kantharri nyinta-yu
ngayu-yu
mirnu-nta ?”
Granny 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 know-INTRRG
“Granny you know me don't you?”
P.127 “Wangka-yinyjarri-i
talk-COLL-POT
waa
fear/frightened
kantharri
granny
nyinta-yu
2sg.NOM-EMPH4
yanku-warri
go/be-PRIV
ngayi
1sg.NOM
nhaat -ju.”
thisDEF-EMPH1
“(Stop and) talk granny, don't you be frightened, this is just me (it's just me).”
P.128 Thurlanpa-nyjarri-ngu-mpa
recognise-COLL-REL-TOP7
nyirtiyunu.
poor.fellow
'(He) recognised (her) then, poor fella.'
P.129 “Ngunhu
that
kantharri-nha-mpa.”
granny –SPEC-TOP7
“That's old Granny!”
P.130 Karri-lu-mpa
walawanti-nyjarri-ngu
stand/stop-PURP-TOP7 look.back-COLL-REL
'(He) stopped at the bottom of the hill to look back.'
yawutpa karta-ngka.
down.hill base-LOC
376
P.131 Thurlanpa-nyjarri-ngu-mpa,
recognise-COLL-REL-TOP7
nhaat-pa-mpa
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7
“kantharri-nha-warnu
granny-SPEC-EMPH5
nyirtiyunu pura-nyungu-yu.”
poor.fellow bush-DWELL-EMPH4
‘(He) recognised (her), "That's old granny isn't it? This poor fellow (who) lives
in the bush.”
P.132 Wantaawa yinti-nha
well
go.down-PAST
yaayu-warri-nha
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
Donkeyman-ku-wa
name-ACC-TOP1
wangka-yangu-la
maatha, “ who's that?”
talk/say-REL-LOC boss
'Well, Aunty came down towards Donkeyman, and the boss said, "Who's that?"’
P.133 “That's old Sarah!”
P.134 ‘course they all know him.
‘Of course they all knew her.’
P.135 Mirnu jurlu ngunhungkat
know all
that.DEF
jarta-warri- ngu.
old.woman-PRIV-ACC
'They all knew the poor old lady '
P.136-137 An’
and
Donkeyman-tu juju
wangka-nha, “Yes, that's her”.
name-ONE
old.man tell/say -PAST
'And old Donkeyman said, “Yes, that’s her”.'
P.138 “Oh! Marajunu.”
Oh poor.fellow
“Oh! Poor thing.”
P.139 “Come on”, maatha-wa karraangu mirra-ngu,
come on
boss-TOP1 himself
call-REL
‘“Come on”, the boss called out to her.’
P.140 “Come on Sarah, poor fella, you kukayi.”
come on Sarah poor fella you come.here
“Come on Sarah, poor fella, you come here.”
P.141 He can talk nhaawu
now too, juju-nha
He can talk Aboriginal(person) now too old.man-SPEC
maatha.
boss
‘He could talk Aboriginal language now too, the old man, the boss.’
377
P.142 Alright
Alright
that
she
wurnta-rna
come-PAST
shake hand
shake hands
parni-nha
wangka-yinyjarri-ngu-wa
stay/be-PAST talk-COLL-REL-TOP1
ngurnu
that.ACC
ngunhungat
there
everything,
and.everything
parni-nha
live/stay-PAST
wangkayi-nyjarri-ngu-wa.
talk-COLL-REL-TOP1
'Alright, she came over, shook hands and everything. (She) stayed and talked
with them there.'
P.143 “Well, nyinku
kukayi
now, wakayi, I take you
maya.”
well 2sg:ACC come.here now go
I take you house/homestead
'Well, you come with us now. We'll go. I'll take you to the homestead.'
P.144 Wangka-ngu, “ngunhungat-ju nyinta
yanki-i ngathala
tell/say-REL there-EMPH1 2sg.NOM go.POT 1sg.LOC
P.145 wiya-rnu maya-arta-wa,
parni
thanuwa ngarrku-ngu.”
see-REL house-ALL-TOP1 stop/stay.PRES food
eat-REL
‘The (boss) told (her), “You go with me to see everyone there at the homestead.
Stop and have something to eat.”’
P.146 “Maya-arta yanki-i
house-ALL go-POT
ngarrku-ngu nyinta
eat-REL
2sg:NOM
winya-arri-ngu.”
full-INCH-REL
“You go to the house and have a feed, get full.”
P.147 Murntipa.
true
‘True.’
P.148 Martu-ngka-ma-rnumarnu murtiwarla-la Chev.4-ngka,
back-LOC-CAUS-PROG car-LOC
Chev.4-LOC
yanku-ngumarnu Gap Well
go-PROG
Gap Well
wurnta-langu-wa
come-RSLT-TOP1
jinkarni
up.river
‘So then they put (her) in the back of the car, in the Chev 4, and then went,
coming to Gap Well, upriver.
P.149 Nhawu-ngu ngayi
yanku,
“Ngana nhaa-yu
see-REL
1sg.NOM go.PRES
who
this-EMPH4
parni
be/sit.PRES
malu-ngka
shade-LOC
marruwa-la ?”
snakewood-LOC
'I was going along there and saw (them). "Who's this in the shade of the
snakewoods?"
378
P.150 “Nhaa-yu
yaayu-nha-rra-wa
thurlajinkarri.”
this-EMPH4 aunty-SPEC-DUB-TOP1 poor.fellow
“This must be Aunty, poor thing."
P.151 Ngayi
thurlanpa-ngu kurta-wa.
1sg:NOM recognise-REL very-TOP1
'I recognised (her) alright.'
P.152 “Ngaa, thurlajinkarri yaayu-nha-rra-wa.”
yes
poor.fellow
aunty-SPEC-DUB-TOP1
"Yes, poor thing, it must be Aunty."
P.153 Alright, ngunhangata-ngu-yu
wurnta-langu, mangkurla-mpa-yi
alright thatDEF-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 come-RSLT child-TOP2-TOP4
nhungu waa-ma-rri-yangarnu-yu
here
frightened-CAUS-INCH-PPERF-EMPH4
ngayu, “Mimi, walaart-pa-mpa kantharri-nha
1sg:ACC uncle that-Ø-TOP7
granny-SPEC
wangka-lu-wa
tell/say-PURP-TOP1
parni-ngu.”
be-REL
'Alright, they came along from there and this boy, the one who had been
frightened, (he) called out to me, "Uncle, that's Granny.”
P.154 “Ngayi
mirnu kurta walart-pa-mpa
1sg:NOM know very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
pura-nyungu
bush-DWELL
kantharri-nha parni-ngu
granny-SPEC be -REL
karra-nyungu-nha.”
scrub/bush -DWELL-SPEC
“I know who it is, it's Granny who lives in the bush, ‘scrub dweller’.”
P.155 “Ngawu,
that's.right
ngayi
mirnu kurta nyampali-wu.”
1sg:NOM know very elder-ACC
“Yes, I know, (she's) boss/elder for (me).”
P.156 Ngayi
wangka-nha, “ ngayi
mirnu nyampali-wu purrinkarru.”
1sg:NOM tell/say -PAST 1sg:NOM know elder-ACC
?
'I said, "I know, that's an elder for me".'
P.157 Ngarrka-ayi ngayi
eat-PERF
1sg:NOM
pintuwuyu ngayi-yi,
ngarrka-ayi
dinner
1sg:NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF
P.158 yurlu-ma-rnu
ngayarntu-wi,
ngayi
yanku-nha
finished-CAUS-REL 1sg:GEN-TOP5 1sg:NOM go-PAST
dinner
dinner
nhawu-lu
see -PURP
379
P.159 yaayu-warri-ngu-rru.
Martkurra munti, mirta wantawanta
aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW good
true not
mad/crazy/silly
nganthayi, mirnu kurta.
EMPH
know very
'I was eating dinner. So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to
see poor old Aunty. (She) was very well, not silly or anything, very sharp.’
P.160 Ngayi
parni-ngumarnu, ngayi
ngunhungat kanyja-rnu
1sg:NOM stay-PROG
1sg:NOM there
keep/have-REL
P.161 wangka-ka jawayinyma-rnu-ma, “Yaayu
talk-LOC
ask-REL-?
aunty
wurnta-rrku
come-PRES
wanthila-ngu nyinta
where-ABL 2sg.NOM
ngurra-ngka-ngu-yu?”
camp-LOC-ABL-EMPH4
‘I stopped there, I kept her there, and asked (her), “Aunty, where are you coming
from, where's your camp?”’
P.162 “Walart-pa-mpa
ngayi
parni-ngu
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM stay.REL
Yalyarra-la
Yalyarra-LOC
parni.”
live/stay.PRES
“I am stopping there at Yalyarra."
P.163 “Ngunhat-pa-mpa
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
parni
stay.PRES
ngayarntu ngurra-yi,
ngunhungat-pa-mpa
1sg.GEN camp-TOP4 there-Ø-TOP7
ngayi.”
1sg.NOM
“That's where my camp is. That's where I'm stopped."
P.164 “Ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayarntu
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.GEN
ngurriny-ngarli ngarrwi.”
swag-PL
lie/be.PRES
“My swag and everything is there.”
P.165 Ngayi
kurtkaarri-ngu parni-nha
1sg.NOM think-REL
be-PAST
'I thought about that.' or ‘I was thinking about that.’
P.166 “Well, yanki-i, ngayi
murrini-wa-yu
Well go-POT 1sg.NOM follow-TOP1-EMPH4
nhawu-lu
see-PURP
ngunyji ngurra-yi.”
thereNV camp-ACC
“Well go on then. I'll follow behind and check that camp.”
380
P.167 Ngayi
mirnu
1sg.NOM know
ngurnu
that.ACC
ngurra-yi
camp-ACC
wanthila-wu
where.at-ACC
mirnu kurta Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu.
know very Yalyarra-ACC where.at-ACC
'I knew where that camp was. (I) knew where it must be at Yalyarra.'
P.168 Wantaawa maya-arta-wa-yu
yaayu-warri-nha yanku-nha
well
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC go -PAST
Yarrarlurlu-warta-wa, kartpa-rnmarri-nguli-ngu murruka-la-wa Chev4-la .
Yarraloola-ALL-TOP1 take-COLL-PASS-REL car-LOC-TOP1 Chev4-LOC
wantaawa, warrungkamu ngarti-l
ngayi
ngartimu ngunhu
later
morning
then/next-THEN 1sg:NOM again
that
yiramu-ngarli-wu
watharri-i
ngurnungku, yanku-nha mirta
ram.(sheep)-PL-ACC look.for-POT thoseACC
go-PAST not
jurluwi-nnguli-nha.
get.all-PASS-PAST
'Well, poor old Aunty went to the homestead then, went to Yarraloola, taken in
the car, in the Chev 4. And later, next morning, I went off another time looking
for those rams. (I) had been but hadn't got all of them.’
P.169 Ngayi
watharri-ngu yiramu-ngarli
yanku-nha
1sg:NOM look.for -REL ram.(sheep) -PL go-PAST
'I went looking for the rams.'
P.170 Ngayi
wantawa
1sg.NOM later
yawarta-wu
horse-ACC
yanku-nha, ngayi
warrungkamu
go-PAST 1sg.NOM morning
thaddlem-ma-rna
yanku-ngumarnu
saddle-CAUS-PAST go-PROG
P.171 wuntu-warta
ngurra-arta
river/creek-ALL camp-ALL
pangkarri
go.PRES
nhawu-lu
see-PURP
kurtkarri-ngu, “ngayi
think-REL
1sg.NOM
yaayu-ngarntu
aunty-GEN
ngurra-yi”.
camp-ACC
‘Later I went one morning, saddled a horse and then went off towards the creek. I
thought to myself, “I'll go and look at Aunty's camp”.'
P.172 Yanku-nha ngayi
murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkaayi Yalyarra-ngu-yu
go-PAST 1sg.NOM straight very come-POT
Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4
381
wangka-yangaarnu ngunhungat-ku-rra ngurra-yi,
call-PPERF
there-ACC-DUB camp-ACC
pawa-arta.
water-ALL
‘I went straight (there) and came to that place called Yalyarra, where the camp
was apparently, near water.’
P.173 Pawanyaa-arta thurrurtpirt-ku, kupija-a-wa ngunhu pawa-yu
waterhole -ALL ?
little -?-TOP1 that
water-EMPH4
P.174 nganila-martu, kartpi-martu, mirta martkurra, waji-yarta-wu,
thing-PROP
algae-PROP not
good
bad-?-EMPH
P.175 pajarri-ngarli parni-yangu-la ngurnungat-ku mija-rnu.
euro-PL
be-REL-LOC there-ACC
drink-REL
'It's a waterhole, a good place for water, but there was very little water there. (It)
was covered with this what-cha-ma-callit, algae, (it) wasn't good at all, (it) was
bad/dirty where the euros came in to drink there.'
P.176 Nhawu-ngka-rri
see-?
yaayu-ngarntu yurrama-wu watharri.
aunty-GEN
soak-ACC look.for
'(I) was looking around for Aunty's soak.'
P.177 “Wanthila-mpa yaayu-ngarntu
where-TOP7 aunty-GEN
yurrama-yu?”
soak-EMPH
"Where is Aunty's soak?"
P.178 “Wanthila-mpa
where-TOP7
yurrama-yu
soak-EMPH
nhulangka?”
here
“Where is the soak around here?”
P.179 Well, juju-ngarli nhaa
well old.man-PL this
wirrumu-mu-yu,
yala
long.ago-THEN-EMPH4 now
yurrama-ma-kayi ngunyji
soak-CAUS-POT thereNV
karrala-wu-yu-mu
clear-ACC-EMP4-THEN
nganthayi,
EMPH
murruwa-arta-la
manki-i
up.stream-ALL-LOC get-POT
pawa-yi
wurnta-langu.
water-ACC come -RSLT
'Well, the old people once upon a time, and now too, would make a soak there,
up stream a little, to get clear water to come.'
P.180 But yurlu
kurta yurrama mirta kurta.
but no/nothing very soak
not/no very
‘But there was nothing at all, no soak at all.’
382
P.181 Well, ngunhaat jina-mpa
pawa ngunhangaat-u
well thatDEF foot/footprint-TOP7 water these-INSTR
mija-nnguli-ngu
drink-PASS-REL
ngunhangan.
there
'Well her tracks were here, this is the water she was drinking.'
P.182 Yaayu-warri-nha
parni-marta manku-ngu ngurnart-ku
kurta
aunty-PRIV-SPEC be-HABIT get-REL
that.DEF-ACC very
mija-rnu
yurranmarta-ma-tkura…
drink-REL ?
'Poor old Aunty used to get this water and drink it as it was…'
P.183 …karrala-wu pawa-yi
manki-i,
clear-ACC water-ACC get-POT
kanayi kurta, ngurnat-ku
kurta
not.at.all very thatDEF-ACC very
mija-tji ngarlu-u kartpi-martu-u,
nguthi-martu-u,
ngunhangata-wu
drink -? pool-ACC algae-PROP-ACC algae-PROP-ACC thatDEF-ACC
ngayi
kankala-wurru-wa thali-ngka
ngartarra
1sg:NOM on.top-FACE-TOP1 on.horse.back-LOC again
kankarni-wurru-la-wu.
on.top-FACE-LOC-EMPH2
‘… didn't get clean water. Not at all. She drank water from the pool, algae and
everything. Well from there, I head back up out of the river bed. (I) got on the
horse again and climbed up there...'
P.184 …warraparri-la ngunhangan, watharri-ngu ngayi
parni-nha ngunhungu
spinifex-LOC there
look.for-REL 1sg.NOM stay-PAST there
thali-ngka
on.horse.back-LOC
jina-yi-nyu
nhawi-i
wanthartu kanarra-yu
track-ACC-TRUE see-POT where
come-EMPH4
pangkarri-aayu ngayu
wuntu-warta-wu-nyu
pawa-arta-wu,
return-?
1sg:ACC river/creek-ALL-EMPH-TRUE water-ALL-EMPH2
“Wanthirta wanthila murnti nyinyji”.
which
where
true
here.NV.
'…toward the spinifex. I stayed around there, on horse still, looking for her tracks.
(I) was looking for where her tracks went by me, going down to the river. “Where
exactly are they around here?”
P.185 Wayinypayi
ngayi
parni-nha watharri-ngu yirra-ngka ngularnta
back.and.forth 1sg:NOM be-PAST look.for-REL bank-LOC there
383
P.186 yurlu
kurta.
nothing very
'(I) went back and forth on/along the bank there searching but there was nothing'
P.187 Mirta nhawi-i
not
see-POT
karla-yi-nyu
kampa-rnaanu , ngani-i-nyu ,
fire-ACC-TRUE burn-PPERF
anything-ACC-TRUE
yurlu
kurta.
nothing very
'(I) couldn't see where a fire had been burning or anything. Nothing at all.'
P.188 Well, pangkarri-ngu-yu ngayi
Well, go-REL-EMPH4 1sg.NOM
parni-nha yimpaa-rnu ngurnart-ku
be-PAST pass-REL that.DEF-ACC
maya-wathu-wu.
house/humpy-DIM-ACC
'Well I went past that little humpy.'
P.189 Ngunhat-pa-mpa nganila-wathu yatha-wathu parni-yangu, warrapa-ngarli
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 thing-DIM
shade-DIM be-REL
spinifex-PL
wantha-rnaarnu kankala-wurru-mpa-rta yamarti-yaa ngunhat kartpa-yi.
put-PPERF
on.top –FACE-TOP7-? self-SEMBL thatDEF go.up-PRES
‘That poor little humpy, what-cha-ma-callit, bough shade had been made, with
spinifex. (It) had been made with all the spinifex standing up to look as if it had
happened by itself.'
P.190 Jampa
ngunyjaat-pa-mpa
moment thereNV-Ø -TOP7
ngunyjat-pa-mpa
thatNV-Ø-TOP7
ngarrwa-wuntharri
lie.down-INSTR.NOM
maya-wathu
house-DIM
thurnu-ngka ngarrwi-marta-yi,
kupija-la munti
inside-LOC lie.down-HABIT-TOP4 little-LOC true
P.191 marlirri-la wantharni nhaa pajarri-yarntu warrapa tharrwa-nguli-ngu
low-LOC
how
this
euro-GEN
spinifex go.in-PASS-REL
P.192 pajarri-tu ngurra-ma-rnu
parni
jurntat-kaa
ngunhu ngunta-yu
euro-INSTR camp-CAUS-REL be.PRES like.that-SEMB that
style-EMPH4
P.193 ngurra-wurtu
camp-EMPH3
ngunhaat.
thatDEF
‘That little humpy was just for lying down in. She used to lie down in it, it was
very small, very low, it was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to
make camp/shelter. It was in that style, just like that, that's the sort of camp it was.'
384
P.194 Ngarti-yu
ngayi
parntaya-rna-wa karrany-tha munti
again/then/next-EMPH4 1sg:NOM find-PAST-TOP1 stick-LOC true
nganila-la karrany-ngarli-la kupiyarri-la
karta-ngka.
thing-LOC stick-PL-LOC
small.(pl)-LOC base-LOC
‘Next, I found the sticks, the things, all the little sticks at the base (on which it
was built).’
P.195 Ngayi
nhawu-nha, nganarri-nha
nhaa-yu pawu
pijparra-rri-nha.
1sg:NOM see-PAST what.happen-PAST this-ACC spinifex dry-INCH-PAST
'I looked at that, what has happened to this, this spinifex is all dried up.'
P.196 Pirtirn-wathu thaa-wurrayi, martamarta-rri-ngu ngurra ngathalu
clear-DIM
door -?
red-INCH-REL
ground 1sgINSTR
nhawu-nguli-nha kukanyjaat-jirra-a-rna-wa.
see-PASS-PAST think-?-?-PAST-TOP1
'There was a little doorway, almost clear. I could see where the ground was red
(from the movement across it), I thought.'
P.197 Mirta karla-nyu, mirta
not/no fire-TRUE not/no
P.198 Yurlu
munti,
Nothing true
ngani-nyu
karri-yangu-la.
anything-TRUE stand-REL-LOC
kuyhi-nyu
mirta ngani-nyu.
bone -TRUE not
anything-TRUE
'There was no fire at all, and not anything where it (the spinifex shelter) was
standing. Nothing at all. There were no bones or anything around.'
P.199 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
ngunhangarta-yi parntaya-rna-wa might nhungu
there-TOP4
find-PAST-TOP1 might here
kurta-wa-yu,
nhawu-ngumarnu wartaarni-nha.
very-TOP1-EMPH see -PROG
look.in-PAST
'So I'd found it. This might be it here. So (I) looked in right here, peeped in.'
P.200 Munti payi,
true enough
nhaa-mpa
this-TOP7
martpaayi-wa
nhawu-ngu
paperbark-TOP1 see-REL
manyjarnpa-ku-wa
yirra-yi.
ground.sheet-ACC-TOP1 edge-ACC
'True enough, (I) could see some paperbark, the edge of a groundsheet made of
paperbark.'
P.201 Yinti -ngumarnu ngayi
yawarta-la-ngu
wartaarni-lu.
go.down-PROG 1sg.NOM horse-LOC-ABL look.in-PURP
'Then I got down off/from the horse to look in.'
385
P.202 Nhaa-mpa-yu.
this-TOP2-EMPH4
'This is it'
P.203 Parntaya-rna-wa ngayi
ngurra-yi, kupija-wu.
find-PAST-TOP1 1sg:NOM camp-ACC little-ACC
'I'd found the camp, this little thing.'
P.204 Wantaa-wurtu ngulaarta mirtungka-yi
which-EMPH3 there.LOC inside-TOP4
parni
kankala-wurtu?
sit.PRES on.top-EMPH3
'How could (she) sit up inside there?'
P.205 Wantaa parni-ngu-la
which sit-REL-LOC
yatha-wathu-ngka-yi
kankala-wurtu?
shade -DIM-LOC-TOP4 on.top-EMPH3
‘How could (she) sit up in this little shade/humpy?’
P.206 Wantaa parni
yaayu -warri -nha mirta waawarrirta parna-ayi
well
be-PRES aunty-PRIV-SPEC not
big.person
be -PERF
kupija kuta-wathu.
little short –DIM
‘Well, Aunty wasn't a big person (she) was little, very short.’
P.207 Kuta-wathu.
short-DIM
A real shortie.'
P.208 Ngayi
nhawu-nha
1sg.NOM see-PAST
ngurriny-ku
swag-ACC
kurtkaarri-ngumarnu.
think-PROG
'I spotted the swag and thought about that then.'
P.209-210 Ngayi
nhawi-i, nhawi-i ngayi
nhurnu.
1sg.NOM see-POT see-POT 1sg:NOM thisACC
‘I could see it. I could see it there.'
P.211 Yawarta-wu janka-rna ngayi,
horse-ACC
tie-PAST 1sg.NOM
P.212 purri-ngumarnu
pull-PROG
ngurriny-ku.
swag-ACC
'I tied up the horse, and then pulled out that swag.'
386
P.213 Kaliku
martkurra-ma-rnaanu
sheet.(calico) good-CAUS-PPERF
P.214 ngunha rollem-ma-rnaanu
kaliku.
that
roll-CAUS-PPERF sheet.(calico)
'There was a calico sheet that was neatly rolled up.'
P.215 Kaliku-la
inside blanket mirtungka parni.
sheet.(calico)-LOC inside blanket inside
be.PRES
'And there was a blanket inside the calico.'
P.216 Blanket-ngarli
blanket-PL
ngunyji mirtungka kaliku-la
martkurra-ma-rnu-lu
thereNV inside
sheet-LOC good-CAUS-REL-PURP
murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu
wrap-CAUS-PPERF
janka-rnumarnu-lu,
tie-PROG-INSTR
ngurriny-a-lu
swag-Ø-INSTR
mirriji-lu
rope-INSTR
swagstrap-u-lu.
swagstrap-Ø-INSTR
'There were blankets inside there, all put together neatly in a sheet,
rolled/wrapped up and then tied with a swag rope, with a swag strap.'
P.217 Ngurnuwuyha swagstrap-u-wuyha-yu
mirta waji
that.DUAL
swagstrap-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 not bad
yalaa-wuyha.
new-DUAL
'These were two swag straps, not bad ones, quite new.'
P.218 Wanthila manku-yangarnu-yu
where
get-PPERF-EMPH4
ngurriny- a-wuyha-yu
marnta-tkaayi?
swag-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 tie.up -PERF
'Where had (she) got two swag straps to tie up (that swag)?'
P.219 Marnta-tkaayi ngurnu
ngurriny-ku martkurra-ma-rnu ngunha-rra
tie.up-PERF that:ACC swag-ACC good-CAUS-REL that-DUB
yalaa-wuyha, karanymarta-wuyha.
new-DUAL fresh-DUAL
'To tie up that swag to keep it neat. They were very new, very fresh.’
P.220 Karnti ngarrwi-yangu-la-wa
jinkarn-pathu-yu
mutha jaapala,
stick lie.down-REL-LOC-TOP1 crowbar-DIM-EMPH4 point sharp
ngunhu kurrumanthu yurra-t-jarntu
that
goanna
dig-CM-GEN
ngarntula-wu ngantha karta-rtkayi
anthill-ACC
also
poke-POT
387
ngulaarta tharrwa-rnaarnu
there.LOC go.in-PPERF
ngurriny-murntu-la janka-rnaarnu ngunha
swag-CONJ-LOC
tie-PPERF
that
mathu-ngka-wa
tharrwa-rnaarnu.
Middle-LOC-TOP1 go.in-PPERF
‘And there was a stick lying in there, a little digging stick with a sharp point, that
was for digging out goannas or breaking out anthills, that had been put in with the
swag, tied up in the middle.'
P.221 Ngurriny-murntu-la-wa
swag-CONJ-LOC-TOP1
ngula
there
mirriji-murntu-la, ngunhaatu wanu
rope-CONJ-LOC that.one
crowbar
wanarra-wathu-yu kupijaa, an’ ngulaarta-yu
long-DIM-EMPH4 thin
and there-EMPH4
mutha-ngka-yu
end-LOC-EMPH
parni-yangu-la-mu
warla-wurraa-la-yu
parni-yangu-la
be-REL-LOC THEN heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC
P.222 jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa
tie.up-PPERF-very
old
thing
water-ASSOC
P.223 wangka-nguli,
water-warrimarta-wa ngunhat
call-PASS.PRES water-PRIV-TOP1
thatDEF
waterbag
waterbag
nyila-warrimarta-wa.
water-PRIV-TOP1
'And there where the swag was tied up, there was a longer crowbar. It was quite
thin. And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old whatcha-ma-callit, waterbag, but it didn't have any water in it.’
P.224 Nganila parni
janka-rnaarnu kurtan-ma-rnaarnu ngunhat
thing be.PRES tie-PPERF
bag-CAUS-PPERF thatDEF
martkurra-ma-rnaarnu
good-CAUS-PPERF
purntura
rolled.up
'That thing had been tied up into a bag, had been made neatly and rolled up.'
P.225 Mutha-ngka ngula wanu-ngka-yu,
mirta ngurriny-ku murna-arri.
point-LOC there crowbar-LOC-EMPH4 not swag-ACC close-INCH.PRES
'(It) was there at the point end of the crowbar, not close to the swag.'
P.226 Tharnartarra ngunhaa
kartpa-nmarta ngunhat-ju
wirtiwirti-aanu
distant
that.(far.aug) take-HABIT thatDEF-EMPH1 hang-?
parni-yangu wanu-ngka-wa-yu.
be-REL
crowbar-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
'So when that was carried, (the bag) would be hanging from the crowbar.'
388
P.227 Wanta kurta, ngayi
nhawu-nha nhurnu, purri-nha wajpa-rna
alright very 1sg:NOM see-PAST thisACC pull-PAST take.off -PAST
ngurnu
mirriji-wuyha nganila-wuyha mathu marnta-tkaayi-wa
that.ACC rope-DUAL thing-DUAL middle tie.up-PERF-TOP1
ngurriny-ku-yu.
swag-ACC-EMPH4
‘Alright I looked at this, (I) pulled it off, (I) undid those two ropes, the things
tying the swag in the middle.'
P.228 Wajpa-rnaanu
take.off-PPERF
wantha-rnumarnu karlungka nhungu
put-PROG
aside
here
nganila-la-wa-yu
thing-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
jinkarn-ta-wa-yu.
crowbar-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
'(I) then put to one side that thing (I) had taken off that what's-a-name, crowbar.
P.229 Wantha-rna
put-PAST
P.230 blanket
blanket
wanyja-yi
dog-ACC
karlungka, ngurriny-ku nhawu-ngumarnu, nhawu-ngumarnu
aside
swag-ACC see-PROG
see-PROG
blanket-ku
ngurnu-mpa,
blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7
yirra-ngka-wu
edge-LOC-ACC
ngurnu-mpa
that.ACC-TOP7
blanket-ku
blanket-ACC
kanyja-rnu.
have-REL
'(I) put it to one side and then looked at the swag. And then (I) saw that blanket,
you know that blanket I told you about, that blanket which had the (pictures of)
dogs around the edges.'
P.231 Nhaa-wurtu blanket
this-EMPH3 blanket
parni
be.PRES
ngartarra.
again
'Here was this blanket again.'
P.232 Well, ah!
P.233
Ngunhangaata-yu ngayi
nhaw-nha
that-EMPH4
1sg:NOM see-PAST
ngunhat-ku
thatDEF-ACC
nganila-la-wa
muyhu-ngka-wa
what/something -LOC-TOP1 winter-LOC-TOP1
blanket-ku
blanket-ACC
wangka-nguli-yangu
call-PASS-REL
jiwarra-ngarli-lu
thirty six-a-wa,
nineteen thirty six ngunhaatu,
whitefella-PL-INSTR thirty six-Ø-TOP1 nineteen thirty six that.one
ngulaata ngunhaat nganila-la
yiya-ngka
nganila-la
there
thatDEF what/something-LOC year -LOC what/something-LOC
389
muyhu-ngka ngayi
winter-LOC 1sg:NOM
nhawu-nha ngurna.
see-PAST that
'When I saw that blanket it was in what’s-a-name, in the winter of, what the
white people call '36, it was 1936. That time, it was in, what’s-a-name, in the
winter, of what’s-a-name, in/of that year that I saw it again.’
P.234 Ngarti-mpa,
wantharni wala, ngawu
mirta waji-ma-rnumarnu kuwa.
then/next-TOP7 how
that that's.right not bad-CAUS-PROG ?
‘Then.. where was I? That's right, it had not been ruined at all.'
P.235 Ngartimu murlimurli-ma-rna karraangu martkurra-mu.
again
wrap-CAUS-PAST ready
good-THEN
'So once again (I) wrapped it up neatly then.’
P.236 Nhawu-ngu-wa ngayi,
see-REL-TOP1 1sg.NOM
kuyharra
two
“Ngani-mpa-yi
nhurnu-wa
what-TOP7-TOP4 this.ACC-TOP1
kurtan-kuyha?”
bag-dual?
'And I saw, "What's this here? Two bags?"'
P.237 Pirntu-nyaa kurtan, flourbag wangka-nguli-ngu parri-ngarli-lu.
food-ASSOC bag
flourbag call-PASS-REL
whitefella-PL-INSTR
'(They were) bags for food, (what are) called flour bags by whitefellas.'
P.238 Kuyharra cleanpala
two
clean
ngurnakuyha-mu, martkurra-wuyha ngurnakuyha
thatDUAL-THEN good –DUAL
thatDUAL
P.239 puntha-rnaarnu wirru-yu
ngungkumarta, wirru-yu
wangkarn.
wash-PPERF other-EMPH4 heavy
other-EMPH4 light
'Two clean ones (flour bags), that were neat and washed, one was heavy, one
was light.'
P.240-241 “Ngani-mpa-yi
what-TOP7-TOP4
nyunyji?” Ngayi
kurtkaarri.
thisNV
1sg:NOM think.PRES
'What's this?' I thought (to myself).’
P.242 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu
nhawu-ngumarnu-wa ngayi.
there-ABL-EMPH4 see-PROG-TOP1
1sg:NOM
'And then, from there, I looked.’
390
P.243 Ngayi
wartki-nha ngunhu wirru-wu purla-yi
1sg.NOM open-PAST that
other-ACC first-ACC
kuyharra janka-rnaarnu ngunhangku kuyharra-ma-rnu-lu
two
tie-PPERF
thatINSTR two-CAUS-REL-INSTR
P.244 yanki-i-wa
wirtka-aala-yu kartpa-nnguli-ngu-yu
martkurra.
go-POT-TOP1 ?
take-PASS-REL-EMPH good
'I opened the other one first. The two bags had been tied up by that one (the old
lady) so that they were kept separate so that (she) could go along and (they)
could be taken along well.'
P.245 Pangkarri-ngu parni-nha-yu
might be ngulaarta.
go-REL
be-PAST-EMPH4 might be there.LOC
‘(She) might have travelled with them there.’
P.246 Walaartangu-wa yanki-i-wa-yu
mirnart muntimunti yanku-nha
ready-TOP1
go-POT-TOP1-EMPH4 ready truly
go -PAST
ngunnga purluyhu-rnu
warnat kurta-wa,
ngurriny-kuyha wantha-rnu
make.sure go.in.front-REL ready very-TOP1 swag-DUAL
put-REL
martkurra-wuta ngarrwa-ngu.
good-?
lie.down-REL
'(They) were quite ready to go. (They'd) been put together ready to go in front,
ahead. The two swags were all neat and ready.'
P.247 Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha, ngayi
pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, wirru ngungkumarnta
that
bag-DUAL 1sg.NOM separate-CAUS-PAST other heavy
wirru wangkarn, nhawi-i
other light
see-POT
ngayi
ngunhangaata nhawi-i
1sg.NOM that
see-POT
purla
first
wirru-la-wu
ngarrayi purla-yu
ngungkumarnta-la ngarrayi
other-LOC-ACC first
first-EMPH heavy-LOC
first
'Those two bags, I separated them, one heavy one light. I looked at that one first
and put the other aside. First I looked at the heavy one.’
P.248 Purri-nha
pull-PAST
ngayi
kurtan-ku,
1sg:NOM bag-ACC
nhaa-wu
wirru-yu
this-EMPH2 other-EMPH4
kurtan martkurra puntha-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-lu,
bag good
wash -PPERF good-CAUS-REL-INSTR
thaa
mouth
391
jankaa-rnumarnu-lu,
tie.up-PROG-INSTR
ngarluwany ngunhaat.
rush.nut
thatDEF
'I pulled out the bag. This other bag was clean and washed (by her), (she) had
cleaned it properly. The mouth of the bag was tied up. It was rush nuts.'
P.249 Ngayi
ngurnat-ku
1sg:NOM thatDEF-ACC
wartki-nha nhawu-ngumarnu.
open-PAST see-PROG
'I opened it up and then had a look.'
P.250 Ngarluwany-wurtu
rush.nut-EMPH3
nhaa-yi.
this-TOP4
“This is ngarluwany (rush nuts)!”
P.251 Ngayi
ngarrku-nha ngunhart-ku
kupijawi-yu
jarrwurti-yu.
1sg:NOM eat-PAST
thatDEF-ACC little-EMPH4 three-EMPH4
'I ate a few, just three of them.'
P.252-254 Ngartimu jankaa-rnu wirru-ngaa karri-yangu-la
maru
again/then tie.up-REL other-PL be/stand-REL-LOC many
ngartarra wirru-wurtu-wa
again
other-EMPH3-TOP1
'Then (I) tied it up again while the others are standing there/while amongst the
others standing there; lots of others again.’
P.255 Ngayi
nhawi-i, “Ngani-mpa-yu
nhula-yu.”
1sg:NOM see-POT what-TOP7-EMPH4 there-EMPH4
'I looked, "What is here?"’
P.256 Ngurnaaku kurta wartki-nha nhaa-wurtu partunya-yu, winya.
that.ACC very open-PAST this-EMPH3 onion-EMPH4 full
'(I) opened that one. This was partunya (wild onion) full.'
P.257 Pirntu-ngarli
food-PL
ngunhangkaatu.
those
‘These were all (different) foods.'
P.258 Ngarti
wirru-wurtu nhaa wirru-yu
puwayi winya,
then/next other-EMPH3 this other-EMPH4 rush.nut full
winya ngartarra ngunhaat.
full
again
thatDEF
'And then another one. This one was puwayi full. That one was full too.'
392
P.259 Jankaa-rna
ngurnaat-ku,
ngarti-mu
martkurra-ma-rnu.
tie.up-PAST thatDEF-ACC again-THEN good - CAUS - REL
'So (I) tied it/that up, made (it) neat again.'
P.260 Parnti-lku
smell-PRES
ngayi-yu
nganila-muntu-wu-yu.
1sg:NOM-EMPH4 thing-CONJ-ACC-EMPH4
'I could smell something, this what-cha-ma-callit.
P.261 Well have to put that one English way, I think, they had no name for this.
P.262 Ngarti-mu
again-THEN
wangka-yi
ngunhaart-ku?
language/word -TOP4 thatDEF-ACC
'What's that word again?'
P.263 Ngayi
parnti-nha-wa
ngayi
1sg.NOM smell-PAST-TOP1 1sg.NOM
nhulangka
there
ngunhangata-yi, munti-pa
thatDEF-TOP4 true-TOP2
pepper-murntu salt-murntu parnti.
pepper-CONJ salt-CONJ smell.PRES
'I smelt that stuff. That's right, I could smell salt and pepper in there.'
P.264 Ngayi
1sg:NOM
kurtkaarri-ngu kurta
think -REL
very
‘(So) I was really thinking (now).’
P.265 “Ngayi
mirnu ngani-i
ngurnat-ku,
1sg.NOM know what-ACC thatDEF-ACC
P.266 ngunhaatu mitjirri.”
that.one
squashed/preserved.goanna.meat
“I know what that is! That's mitjirri (squashed/preserved goanna meat).”
P.267 Nhawu-ngu ngayi,
nhankajan ngunhu yalaa-wa-yu
see-REL
1sg.NOM hankerchief that
new-TOP1-EMPH4
mirta nhawu-nguli-ngu jilirra-ntharri.
not
see-PASS-REL big-PL
'I had a look. Here was a hankerchief. The sort you don't see nowadays, really
big.'
P.268 Ngulaarta ngunhu mitjirri.
there.LOC that
squashed meat
'That mitjirri was in there.'
393
P.269 Ngayi
nhawu
nhurnu
1sg.NOM see.PRES thisACC
pampikan-ku-waa
pumpkin-ACC-SEMBL
P.270 ngarrwi-yangu roundpalarrayi-ku wantharni nhaa corner-ngarli
lie.down -REL round-ACC
how
this corner-PL
ngankaju
purri-rnaanu jankaa-nnguli-wa-yu.
hankerchief pull-PPERF tie.up-PASS-TOP1-EMPH4
‘I see this thing like a pumpkin lying there, all rounded, with the corners of the
hankerchief pulled together and all tied up.'
P.271 Wangkarn ngunhat-pa-mpa ngunha mitjirri.
light
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 that
squashed meat
'It was light this mitjirri.'
P.272 Ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngurnu ngayi
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
that:ACC 1sg.NOM
parnti-ngu
smell -REL
P.273 kurtan-ta-wu-mu-yu,
ngunhu pepper-murntu
bag-LOC-ACC-THEN-EMPH4 that
pepper-CONJ
salt-murntu parnti-yangu.
salt-CONJ smell-REL
'So that's what it was, that's what I could smell in the bag before, the salt and
pepper smell.'
P.274 Ngunhaat ngurnu
ngayi
karlungka ngartarra mirna-yu,
thatDEF that.ACC 1sg.NOM aside
again
while-EMPH4
mirna-wa
nhawi-i.
while-TOP1 see-POT
'Then I (put) that to one side again for a while, to look at it later.'
P.275 Ngayi
nhungkurtu pulaa-wa nhawu-nha.
1sg:NOM those
first-TOP1 see -PAST
'I looked at these things first.'
P.276 Well,
well
ngunha pirntu-ngarli-yu
that
food-PL-EMPH
ngarrku-yarntu-ngarli,
eat-GEN-PL
ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku…
rush.nut
rush.nut onion
'Well, all of these things (in the heavy bag) were foods, things to be eaten (for
eating), ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku ...'
394
P.277 …ngani wirru-wa-yu?
…ngarluwany, puwayi, partunya.
what other-TOP1-EMPH4 rush.nut
rush.nut onion
'…and what's this other thing? ...ngarluwany, puwayi, partunya.'
P.278 Ngunhangkat kurta an’ ngunhaat-pa,
mitjirri-wa
murla-wa.
those
very and thatDEF-TOP2 squashed.meat-TOP1 meat-TOP1
'All of those things and that mitjirri meat.'
P.279 Ngunhaart-ku ngayi
manku-nha.
thatDEF-ACC 1sg.NOM get/grab –PAST
'So I grabbed that one.'
P.280 Nhaa-mpa, nhaa salt-murntu pepper-murntu parnti-ngu.
this-TOP7 this salt-CONJ pepper-CONJ smell-REL
'This is the thing, this is the salt and pepper smell.'
P.281 Wajpa-rna
ngurnaat-ku-wa-yi,
nhawu-ngumarnu.
take.off-PAST thatDEF-ACC-TOP1-TOP4 see-PROG
'(I) took it apart and then had a look at that one.'
P.282 Well ngunhangaata, ngunhangaata-wa-yi
well that
that-TOP1-TOP4
kuyharra-nta
two-INTRRG
kuyharra-nta kurrumanthu
two-INTRRG goanna
jarrwurt -nta
ngarra-rnaarnu
three-INTRRG chop-PPERF
yurntaa-ma-rnaarnu
martkurra ngunyji-yu.
powder-CAUS-PPERF good
thereNV-EMPH4
'Well there it was. That must have been two goannas, maybe two or three,
chopped up, powdered up. That's very good.'
P.283 Thaa-ngka yini wantha-nnguli,
parni-ngumarnu ngarrku-ngu punyu.
mouth-LOC only put-PASS.PRES be-PROG
eat-REL
content
'(You) only have to put it in your mouth and then eat it very happily.'
P.284 Martkurra munti
ngunhaan ngunhaatu.
good
true/very that
that.one
'That's really/truly good, that is.'
P.285 Ngayi
kurti-ma-rna
1sg:NOM round-CAUS-PAST
ngartila-mu ngurnaat-ku
next-THEN that/it -ACC
395
jankaa-rnumarnu martkurra-ma-rna.
tie.up-PROG
good-CAUS-PAST
'I made it all round again, tied it up and made it nice and neat.'
P.286 Jurlu-wa ngunhaatu pirntu-ngarli ngunhaat ngunhaat-pa, jurlu-wa
all-TOP1 that.one food-PL
thatDEF thatDEF-TOP2 all-TOP1
P.287 thangkat-pa-yu
ngayi
nhawu ngunhangkutu-wa jurlu-warnu
enough-Ø-EMPH 1sg.NOM see
those-TOP1
all-EMPH5
wantha-rnumarnu.
put-PROG
'That was all food, all of these things, all bundled together. I'd looked at
everything, all that had been put there.’
P.288 Wirru-u-wa
ngarti
wartki-tkayi, wirru-u-wa
other-ACC-TOP1 then/next open-POT other-ACC-TOP1
ngarti
then/next
wartki-tkayi, nganila-wu, kurtan-ku,
open-POT thing-ACC
bag-ACC
nhawu-ngu-nyu.
see-REL-TRUE
'Next, (I) undid the other one. (I) opened the other one next, this thing, this other
bag (the light bag) and looked.'
P.289 “Ngani juntu-yu?”
what like-EMPH4
“What's this one like?”
P.290 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta
this-EMPH leg-ASSOC
not
palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta
old
EMPH
new very
P.291 thuumaya-la-ngu-mu
wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu
store/shop-LOC-ABL-THEN come-PERF not
anyone-INSTR
nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu
kurta.
EMPH
put.on-PPERF
nothing very
'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't
been worn by anyone, nothing at all.'
P.292 Yalaa munti-wa ngunhaatu,
new true-TOP1 that.one
P.293 jilirra-arntu ngunhu
big-GEN
that
nhawu-yarntu.
man-GEN
“That one (was/is) truly/really new (brand new) and for a big man too.”
396
P.294 Thurntaarli-nyaa mirta-kurta ngana-nyu
tharrwa-yangu.
leg-ASSOC
not-very
someone/anyone -TRUE put.on –REL
‘These trousers no-one at all had worn, it seemed.'
P.295 Wantha-rnu ngurnat-ku.
put-REL
thatDEF-ACC
'(She) had kept that.'
P.296 Ngarti
then/next
wirru-wa-yu.
other-TOP1-EMPH
'And next another one.'
P.297-298 Nhaa-yu
purtu-nyaa
nhaa wara, jaat
this -EMPH chest-ASSOC this cloth shirt
wangka-nguli-ngu.
call-PASS-REL
'This cloth, associated with the chest, it’s called a shirt.’
P.299 Jaat kurta wangka-marta juju-ngarli.
shirt very call-HABIT
old.man -PL
'(That's) what the old people used to call a shirt.'
P.300 Jaatu ngunhan jilirra-arntu ngartarra nhawu-yarntu, mirta kupija-wu.
Shirt that
big-GEN
only
man-GEN
not little-EMPH
‘This shirt could only fit (is for) a big man, not a little one.’
P.301 Ngunhaartu yalaa ngartarra, thuu-ngka-ngu
wurnta-tkaayi
thatDEF
new again
store-LOC-ABL come-PERF
P.302 wantha-rna ngurnaat-ku.
put-PAST thatDEF-ACC
'This was brand new too, straight out of the store (she) had put that there too.'
P.303 “Ngarti nhawi-i?”
next see-POT
“What would (I) see next?”
P.304 “Ngani-wa
nhaa-yu.”
what-TOP1 this-EMPH4
“What is this?”
P.305 Leather, kupija.
leather little
‘A little piece of leather.’
397
P.306 Palamu-mu-yu
long.ago/before -THEN-EMPH4
juju-ngarli
old.man-PL
mirnu-ma-rnaarnu
know-CAUS-PPERF
jiwarra-ngarli-lu,
they kanyja-nmarta-yu
ngunhangkat,
whitefella -PL-INSTR they keep/have-HABIT-EMPH those
ngarrarnmarta-wu martkurra-ma-tkaayi
rifle-ACC
good-CAUS-PERF
ngurnu.
that:ACC
'Well, long ago the old people had been taught by the whitefellas, they used to
keep these things, that was a rifle cleaner (lit: makes good that rifle).'
P.307 Martkurra-ma-tkaayi ngurnu
purri-tkaayi ngurnu
nganila-wu
good-CAUS-PERF that.ACC pull-PERF that:ACC thing-ACC
cleaner-wu
wangka-nguli-yangu, jilaman-ku-yu
cleanem-ma-tkaayi
cleaner-EMPH2 call-PASS-REL
rifle-ACC-EMPH4 clean-CAUS-PERF
leather-yi
ngurnungkat kanyja-nmarta,
waraa-la-wu,
leather-ACC those
have/keep-HABIT cloth-LOC-ACC
P.308 purri-tkaayi-wa-yu
cleanem-ma-rnu ngurnu,
pull-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 clean-CAUS-REL that.ACC
pawurta-wu-yu,
powder-ACC-EMPH4
ngarrarnmarta-la-wa-yu.
rifle-LOC-TOP1-EMPH
‘(It) cleaned a rifle, (you) pulled it through that thing, it's called a 'cleaner'. It's
for cleaning a rifle. They kept that leather, with a cloth on it, (you) pull it
through and it cleans that powder out of the rifle.'
P.309 Well ngunhu cleaner wangka-nguli-ngu-yu
jilaman-tarntu ngunhaatu
well that
cleaner call-PASS-REL-EMPH4 rifle-GEN
that.one
mirta parraa
jilaman-ta pungkarri-nha purri-nguli-nha,
not
long.time rifle-LOC ?-PAST
pull-PASS-PAST
P.310 cleaner-ma-tkaayi
pawurta-ku,
cleaner-CAUS-PERF powder-ACC
mirta parraa,
yalaa.
not
long.time recently
'Well that cleaner, that rifle thing, not long ago it had been pulled through a
rifle, and had cleaned out the powder. Not long ago, very recently.'
P.311 An’
and
ngunhaata thangkat.
there
enough
P.313 Ngawu, yurlu-wa
yes
nothing -TOP1
Ngurnaata-ngu-yu…
there-ABL-EMPH4
ngunhaatu.
that.one
‘And, well that's enough of that. From there.....Yes, that's the end/finish of that.'
398
P.314 Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi
kurtkaarri-nha ngurnu
there-ABL
1sg.NOM think-PAST
that.ACC
karnti-ka-wu
stick-LOC-ACC
mutha-ngka-wu parni.
point-LOC-ACC be.PRES
‘From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick (on the
end of the long thin crowbar).’
P.315 “Ngani-wa-nta
nhaa-yu?”
what-TOP1-INTRRG this-EMPH4
“What can this be?”
(P.315)
P.316 Nganila-wayhu-la jinkarn-wayhu-la mutha-ngka parni-yangu
thing-DIM-LOC crowbar-DIM-LOC point-LOC be-REL
wanarra-wayhu-la.
long-DIM-LOC
'What was this thing on the end of the crowbar, this longish one.'
P.317 “Ngani?” Ngayi
kurtkaarri kurta ngunhungan.
what
1sg:NOM think.PRES very that
“What is this?” I was really thinking like that.'
P.318 “Nhaa waji.”
this
bad
“This (is) bad!”
P.319 Thanarta parni-ngu jankaa-rnaanu ngurriny-ku pangkarri,
far.away be-REL tie.up-PPERF swag-ACC go.PRES
pangkarri-yangu-la ngunhu kana parni wurtiwurti-rnu yamarti.
go-REL-LOC
that
clear be
hang-REL
alone/self
'(It) was a long way off, the swag had been tied up to go, with that thing going
along hanging clear, on its own.'
P.320 Ngayi
ngunhaku wajpa-rna-wa.
1sg:NOM thatACC take.off -PAST-TOP1
'I took it off then.'
P.321 Wajpa-rna
ngurna kurta karnti-ka-nguu, nhawu-ngu parni-ngu.
take.off -PAST that
very stick-LOC-ABL see-REL be-REL
'(I) took it off the stick, and had a look.'
399
P.322 Jankaa-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-yu
ngunha purntura-ma-rnaarnu.
tie.up-PPERF good-CAUS-REL-EMPH4 that
rolled.up-CAUS-PPERF
'It had been rolled up, made neat and tied up.’
P.323 Ngayi,
nganila-ma-rna,
wajpa-rna
mirriji-wu, purri-tkayi
1sg.NOM thing-CAUS-PAST take.off-PAST rope-ACC pull-POT
ngurnu, yurlu
ngunhu, parni
ngartirra-wa wirrungaya-la ngartarra,
that.ACC nothing that
be.PRES still-TOP1 others-LOC
again
mirtungka munti ngunyji.
inside
true thereNV
'I did this thing, undid the string, and pulled it apart. There was nothing, there
were still other layers, right there, inside.'
P.324 Jilirra-wayhu ngunha parni-nha
big-DIM
that
be-PAST
jurnta-wa.
like.that-TOP1
'It was sort of big, like that.'
P.325 Wantaa-wa
ngunha kupija-rri-ngu
ngayi
ngurnuku, wajpa
which-TOP1 that
little-INCH-REL 1sg:NOM that.ACC take.off
jurnta-ma-rnu
kupija-rri-yangu-la-wu.
like.that-CAUS-REL little-INCH-REL-LOC-ACC
'Alright, it was getting smaller as I took it apart like that, it was getting smaller
and smaller.'
P.326 Ngarti
ngayi
panthu-nha ngurnu.
then/next 1sg:NOM feel-PAST that.ACC
'Then eventually I felt it.'
P.327 Thurlanpa-nha
nhaa, thintharr-wa-rra.
recognise -PAST this poison-TOP1-DUB
'(I) recognised this thing, poison.'
P.328 Ngayi
kurtkanyjaa-rna kurta nhaa thintharr, jurntu-yu
1sg.NOM think-PAST
very this poison
like.that-EMPH4
P.329 murlimurli-ma-rna wara-ngka martkurra-ma-rnaanu
wrap-CAUS-PAST cloth-LOC good-CAUS-PPERF
jankaa-rnaanu-u parntaya-rrkaayi yini.
tie.up-PPERF-? find-PERF
only
‘I thought, this must be poison, wrapped up like that in a cloth, tied up neatly,
that was the only thing I found.'
400
P.330 Well, thintharr ngunhu wangka-nguli-ngu, kari,
Well, poison
that
call-PASS-REL
bitter.(poison)
parri-yarntu
strychnine
whitefella-GEN strychnine
wangka-nguli-ngu.
call-PASS-REL
‘Well, that was called poison, it was whitefella poison, what is called
strychnine.’
P.331 Ngunhaat-pa
ngunhaatu winya.
thatDEF-TOP2 that.one
full
'That's what it was, and it was full.'
P.332 Mirta kurta ngunhu openem-ma-rnaarnu, yurlu kurta murntu, murntu kurta
not very that
open-CAUS-PPERF nothing very CONJ CONJ very
'It had never been opened, never been used at all.'
P.333 Ngayi
thurti-mu
wantha-rna
1sg.NOM back-THEN put-PAST
ngurnat-ku
thatDEF-ACC
martkurra-ma-rna
good-CAUS-PAST
ngarti-mu
murlimurli-ma-rnu ngunhaangkat-a-mpa wara-ngarli-la-wa
again-THEN wrap-CAUS-REL those-LOC-TOP7
cloth-PL-LOC-TOP1
martkurra-ma-rna jankaa-rnumarnu wantha-rnumarnu yanku-ngumarnu.
good-CAUS-PAST tie.up-PROG
put-PROG
go-PROG
'I put it back and tidied everything up again, wrapped it up in all that cloth, made
it neat, tied it up, put it away, and then left.'
P.334 Wantaawa, wantha-rna jurlu-u
alright
put-PAST all-ACC
tharra-ngka-mu
ngarti
humpy-LOC-THEN again/next
'Alright, (I) put all those things back into the little humpy again.'
P.335 Wantaawa,
alright
ngurra-arta-mu.
camp-ALL-THEN
Alright, then (I) headed for home.'
P.336 Now that's the finish of that one, that story just up to there.
P.337 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu, jarta-warri-nha
ngunyji
that-ABL-EMPH4
old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV
kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha
take-COLL-PASS-PAST
maya-arta-wa-yu.
house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4
P.338 Parni-nha ngunyji
kuyharra-la-mpa Pampanyaa-la
stay-PAST thereNV two-LOC-TOP7 Sunday-LOC
401
P.339 ngarti-mu-mpa
muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu
again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 run-COLL-PROG
'From that time then, the old lady was taken over there to the homestead. (She)
stayed there, for two Sundays (for two weeks) and then (she) ran away again.'
P.340 Waa-nha
murnakurru-mu
fear/frightened-PAST this.way-THEN
ngartimu-wa
again-TOP1
waa-nha,
fear/frightened -PAST
wuntu-wa.
river/creek-LOC
'(She) got frightened again, and then went this way to the river.'
P.341 Ngurna-mpa kurtkaarri-ngu pirriyartaa-wu ngurriny-ku
that-TOP7 think-REL
own-ACC
swag-ACC
maya-wathu-ngka-wu
nganila-la-wu
yathu-wathu-ngka-wu
house-DIM-LOC-EMPH2 thing-LOC-ACC shelter-DIM-LOC-EMPH2
ngarrwi-yangu, manku-lu.
lie.down -REL get/grab-PURP
'She must have been thinking about her things, her swag, in that little house, in
that what-cha-ma-callit, lying in the little shelter. She thought about getting those
things.'
P.342 Wantaawa yurni-ngumarnu marnta-arta-mu-wa
ngartimu,
alright
go.away-PROG hill-ALL-THEN-TOP1 again
ngunyjiwa-wa-yu
there-TOP1-EMPH4
waliji-watha-wu,
place.name-NEAR-ACC
ngurra-nhanu-la-mu-wa.
country-3sg:POSS-LOC-THEN-TOP1
'Alright, and then (she) went away, disappeared into the hills again, somewhere up
near Waliji Pool, in her own country.'
P.343 Wantaawa
alright
yanku-nha, mirta-wa
go-PAST
not-TOP1
nhawu-nguli-nha ngarti.
see-PASS-PAST again
'Alright (she) went off (somewhere) and wasn't seen again.'
P.344 Parraa-mpa
ngunyji-wa
Kartajirri
long.time-TOP7 thereNV-TOP1 Duck.Creek
nhawu-marri-nguli-ngu
see-COLL-PASS-REL
puyhu-marri-wa
meet-COLL-TOP1
mani-ngku-yu.
others-INSTR-EMPH4
‘A long time later, over there on Duck Creek, (she) was seen by some other
people. (They) met up with one another.’
402
P.345 Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji thalingka-arri-la
find-COLL-PASS-HABIT
anywhere there
riding-INCH-PRES-LOC
puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri.
cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC
look.for.PRES
'(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were
riding around looking for cattle.’
P.346 Wirru-yu
parntaya-nmarri-nha, Ah...
other-EMPH4 find-COLL-PAST
'Others would find (her). Ah...'
P.347 …mirta wala, ngayi-mpa
wala, ngayi-mpa
not that 1sg:NOM-TOP7 that 1sg:NOM-TOP7
wirru-yu…
other-EMPH4
'..not that, I that, I was another one ...'
P.348 Ngayi
wurnta-rtku Yarrarlurlu-la-ngu-yu.
Marryiri-la
thuraka-la.
1sg.NOM come-PRES Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH GapWell-LOC truck-LOC
'I was coming from Yarraloola, near Gap Well, on the truck.'
P.349 Ngunha wajpala-wuyha
purlaa-la
that
whitefella-DUAL front-LOC
parni
sit.PRES
parni,
ngayi
sit.PRES 1sg.NOM
kankala murrukaa-la,
nganila-la
on.top
motor.car-LOC thing-LOC
martu-ngka, kankala parni
back-LOC on.top sit.PRES
murtiwarla-la
car-LOC
ngayi,
load-a.
1sg.NOM load-LOC
'Two whitefellas were sitting in the front. I was sitting on top of the truck, in the
back, I was on top of the load.'
P.350 Marruwarra-la
ngunhangat-pa-mpa Marryiri-la
murna, yirtiya-la
snakewood.PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 GapWell-LOC close road-LOC
parliwarli-la-rra murna wurnta-nha-wa,
yaayu-warri-ngu-mpa.
bendy-LOC-DUB close come-PAST-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-ACC-TOP7
'At the snakewood trees, close to GapWell, there where the road is a bit bendy,
we came upon poor old Aunty.'
P.351 Jarta-warri-nha
nyimpa-nha-yu,
nhawu-yangaarnu kurta-wa.
old.woman-PRIV-SPEC shock-PAST-EMPH4 see-PPERF
very-TOP1
'The old woman got a shock, being seen so clearly like that.'
P.352 Ngurnawuyha
that.DUAL
wajpala-wuyha
purlaa-la
whitefella-DUAL front-LOC
nhawu-nha,
see-PAST
403
karri-rnumarnu
stand/stop-PROG
murruka-wu.
car-ACC
'These two whitefellas in the front saw (her) and so (they) stopped the car.'
P.353 Ngayi
nhawu-yu
ngurnu-mpa-wurtu.
1sg:NOM see-EMPH4 that:ACC-TOP7-EMPH3
'I saw her too then.'
P.354 Nhurnu-wuyha-yu,
wajpala-wuyha-yu
this-DUAL-EMPH4 whitefella-DUAL-EMPH
wirta-wuyha,
youth/young.man-DUAL
karri-tkaayi-wa
murtiwarla-wu, wangka-nha
ngayu.
stop-PERF-TOP1 car-ACC
tell/say-PAST 1sg.ACC
These two young whitefellas, having stopped the truck, spoke to me.’
P.355 “Ngana-warnu nhaa-yu?”
who-EMPH this-EMPH
“Who is this?”
P.356 “Ngana nhaa-yu-warnu
jarntira?”
who
this-EMPH-EMPH old.woman
“Who is this old woman?”
P.357 Ngayi
wangka-nha
ngurnatkuyha-wu,
1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST that.DUAL -ACC
“nhaat-pa-mpa-warnu
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7-EMPH
Sarah wangka-nguli-ngu”.
Sarah call-PASS-REL
‘I said to them, “This one is called Sarah”.’
P.358-359 “Oh! That's Old Sarah!”
P.360 Ngunhangaatu, ngayi
yinti-ngumarnu,
there
1sg.NOM go.down-PROG
yaayu-warri-nha,
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
thurlaanpa-nha
recognise-PAST
ngayu
1sg.ACC
thurturt
kurta.
straight.away very
'So then I got down. Poor old Aunty recognised me alright, straight away.'
P.361 “Nyinta-warnu
2sg.NOM-EMPH
“Is this/that you?”
nhaat-pa-nta?”
thisDEF-Ø-INTRRG
404
P.362 “Ngawu, nhaat-a-pa
ngayi.”
yes
thisDEF-Ø-TOP2 1sg:NOM
'Yes it's me.'
P.363 An’
and
ngunhangaata-wu, ngayi
wangka-nha-wa
warnaarti-yu
that-EMPH2
1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST-TOP1 brothers-EMPH4
marraa-yu
ngunyji parni
yawut Jalyarnu-la
young.brother-EMPH4 thereNV live/stay.PRES west Jalyarnu-LOC
patiki-yu
make'em-ma-rnu
juju-la
Louis Basset-a.
paddock-EMPH4 make-CAUS-REL old.man-LOC Louis Basset-LOC
'And so I told her that her brothers, her younger brothers were over to the west,
at Jalyarnu, making paddocks (fencing) with old man Louis Basset.
P.364 “Yaayu nyinta
yanki-i nyunyji-pa
parni
warnaa-ngaa
aunty 2sg.NOM go-POT thisNV-TOP2 live/stay/be.PRES brother-PL
yawut, patiki-la
west
paddock-LOC
make'em-ma-rnu.”
make-CAUS-REL
“Aunty, you go this way. Your brothers are over to the west in the paddocks,
fencing.”
P.365 “Nyinta
yanki-i purtpi ngunyjat pulutha-nmarri-ngu.”
2sg.NOM go-POT want thereNV meet-COLL-REL
"You go over there, you want to meet one another."
P.366 “Oh, ngayi
Oh 1sg.NOM
parni
be.PRES
yanki-i
ngunyjat kurta.
go-POT thereNV very
Ngunyjat
thereNV
mimi-nha-yi.”
uncle(m.b.)-SPEC-TOP4
"Oh, I'll go there. (Your) uncle is there."
P.367 “Ngaa, ngunhat-pa-mpa
yes
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
ngunha parni
yawut.”
that
be/stay.PRES west
“Yes, he's there to the west, that's right.”
P.368 Wantaa ngayi
martu-ngka-rri-ngumarnu murtiwarla.
alright 1sg.NOM back-LOC-INCH-PROG car
'Alright, and then I got back on the truck.'
405
P.369 “Yanku-ngu-mu
parni
wantaa
ngayi.”
go-REL-THEN be.PRES which/alright 1sg:NOM
“Alright I am going then.”
P.370 But
but
yanku-nha ngunyji
go-PAST thereNV
parni-ngumarnu
live/stay-PROG
parni-lu
live/stay-PURP
ngunyjaat,
thereNV
parntaya-nmarri-nha
find-COLL-PAST
marraa-la-yi.
young.brother-LOC-TOP4
'But (she) went off to stay over there. (She) found them and so stayed over there
with her young brother.'
P.371 Ngunyjaat-purtu
thereNV-EMPH
muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu marrkaa-wurtu-wa.
run-COLL-PROG
young.brother-EMPH-TOP1
P.372 ngartimu muyirri-nyjarri-ngu.
again
run-COLL-REL
‘But then later (she) ran away from her young brother, run away again.'
P.373 Wantaawa
later
ngartimu-warnu ngunyji-warta-mu
marnta-arta.
again-EMPH5 thereNV-ALL-THEN hill-ALL
'Once again, another time, (she went) there into the hills.'
P.374 an’ ngunhaatu ngunhan, ngunhaatu ngunhaatu thangkatpa.
and that.one that
that.one
that.one
enough
'And that's that one. That's enough of that one (that part of the story).'
P.375 That's the finish of that one, for now.
P.376 Ngunhangata-ngu-yu yaayu-warri-nha
there-ABL-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC
thurlajinkarri wantaawa
poor.fellow
somewhere
parni-nha
ngaliyawulu
mirta nhawu-nguli-ngu
live/stay-PAST 1pl.exc.INSTR not
see-PASS-REL
yurlu
kurta-wa,
nothing very-TOP1
ngarti,
again/then
wantaa kurta.
which very
'Well from that time, Old Aunty, poor thing, stayed away somewhere or other,
and wasn't seen by any of us again, not at all, for a very long time.'
406
P.377 Wirru-ngaa-lu
other-PL-INSTR
nhawu-wuntharri, mujira-la-ngarli-yu-rru
see-INSTR.NOM dingo-LOC-PL-EMPH-NOW
yanku-yangu-lu wayharri-ngu.
go-REL-INSTR look.for-REL
‘(She) was seen by some other people going looking for dingoes.’
P.378 Parntaya-nmarta-mpa, kartajirri-wuyhaa
find-HABIT-TOP7
Duck.Creek-NEAR
thinuu-la
nganthayi
Yirranti.Spring -LOC EMPH
nganthayi
EMPH
kankala ngunyji,
on.top thereNV
ngunyji,
thereNV
nhawu-marta-mpa.
see-HABIT-TOP7
'(She) would be found near Duck Creek and there atYirranti Spring, (she) would
be seen on the top country, up there.'
P.379 Puliman-ku nyinyan-ku wayharri-ngu tharlingka-ngarli, nhawu-nguli-nha.
cattle-ACC ?-ACC
look.for-REL rider-PL
see-PASS-PAST
'Some others used to see her while out riding looking for cattle.’
P.380 Ngayi-yu
mirta nhawu-nha
1sg:NOM-EMPH4 not
see-PAST
yaayu-warri-ngu ngulaarta-ngu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC there-ABL
‘I did not see Aunty from there (on).’
P.381 Ngunhaatu ngayi
kunyjirra-arnu kurta-nhanu mirta-wa ngarti.
that.one
1sg:NOM last-?
very-?
not-TOP1 again/next
‘That was the very last time I saw her. Not again (until the end).’
P.382 Wanthaa
parni
ngunyji nhawu
yuntu-ma-nnguli-ngu-mpa
somewhere be.PRES thereNV see.PRES ?-CAUS-PASS-REL-TOP7
wirru-ngaa-lu
thalingka-arri-lu
ngunyji-rra
yanku-marta-yu.
other-PL-INSTR riding-INCH-INSTR thereNV-DUB go-HABIT-EMPH4
‘(She) was away somewhere but was spotted by others, by riders/stockmen, who
used to travel in that country.'
P.383 Mirta nhungu yawut parni-marta,
ngama-ngka,
yawut
not here
west live/stay -HABIT name.of.place -LOC west
ngunyji kartayirri-wa,
yimpaa-rnmarta ngartat pinkaan-ta
thereNV name.of.place -TOP1 cross-HABIT
creek name.of.place -LOC
407
ngarraminyju-la.
name.of.place-LOC
'But (she) didn't stay around here in the west, but in the Ngama. West of
Kartayirri. (She) used to cross the creek at Pinkaan, at Ngarraminyju.’
P.384 Ngunyji-pa
ngurra-wali yarra-wurraa,
yarra- yu
thereNV-TOP2 country-ALL name.of.place-towards name.of.place-EMPH4
wangka-nguli
call-PASS.PRES
ngurra wanthila yaayu-warri-ngaarntu,
country where
aunty-PRIV-GEN
thurlajantu-yharntu-yu,
papu-yarntu-yu,
yithirtiny-tharntu.
old.woman-GEN-EMPH4 father-GEN-EMPH4 name.of.person -GEN
'(She) went there towards Yarra country, that country called Yarra, that's where
(she) was, old Aunty’s country, the old woman's country that (she) inherited
from her father, Yithirtiny.'
P.385 Ngunhu, murna-kuyu jarrungkajarrungka.
that
close-SIDE Rocklea
‘That is right near Jarrungkajarrungka (Rocklea Station).’
P.386 Mirta murna, tharna yanku-marta ngunhangkaat-pa-mpa…
not close far
go-HABIT those-Ø-TOP7
ngurra yini nhawu-nguli-ngu wirru-ngaa-lu.
country only see-PASS-REL other-PL-INSTR
‘(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, and those people (the others)…
only the country was seen by the others (they didn't see her).’
P.387 Wanthila parni?
where
be.PRES
Wanthila ngarrwa-yi? Karra-ngarli- la
where
lie.down-POT scrub/bush-PL-LOC
pawa-nyaa-ngarli-la
water-ASSOC-PL-LOC
ngurra-ngka.
country-LOC
'Where was (she)? Where would (she) camp? (She) was in the scrub, in the
country, near the waterholes.'
P.388 Ngurra-yi
ngunhanganyuwa kurta parni-nha pirtiyarri-la kurta
country-TOP4 belong.to.there very be-PAST own-LOC very
ngurra-ngka
country-LOC
ngunhaatu ngama-ngka-yu,
that.one
name.of.place-LOC-EMPH4
'That country belonged to her. That was her very own country, there in the
Ngama.’
408
P.389 Ngama-ngka-yu
pangkarri-ngu wurnta-rnumarnu wantaawa
name.of.place-LOC-EMPH4 go-REL
come - PROG
somewhere
P.390 nhungkuyirri-la ngartimu jajiwurra-wali
parni-nha ngunhangkaata.
here.abouts-LOC again
Robe.River-ALL stay-PAST there
‘(She) travelled in the Ngama and then came this way again, here abouts,
towards the Jajiwurra (the Robe River) and stayed there.'
P.391 Mirna-wa-yu
ngayi
yanku-nha nhungula-nyuwa-mpa
while-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg:NOM go-PAST here-?-TOP7
mangkala-arta, parni-lu
Red Hill -ALL live/stay-PURP
P.392 parni-yangu-la
live/stay-REL-LOC
mangkala-la-wa-yu
Red Hill-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4
ngunyji-mpa
kankala marnta-ka,
thereNV-TOP7 on.top hill-LOC
yaayu-warri-nha
martkurra-wathu ngurtarra.
aunty-PRIV-SPEC good-DIM
still
'Meanwhile, I had moved to this place, to Red Hill station, to stay at Red Hill
while (she) was up there staying in the hills. Poor old Aunty was still fairly
good’
P.393 Ngayi
wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu
parni-lu
1sg:NOM return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 stay-PURP
ngunhangaata-wu
that-ACC
mangkala-la-yu,
Red Hill-LOC-EMPH
ngayi
parni-lu
work'em-pa-rri-ngu,
1sg:NOM stay-PURP work-Ø-INCH-REL
parni-yangu-la
ngunyji-mpa
live/stay/be-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7
kankala.
on.top
'I came back to stay at Mangkarla. I stayed there working while she was up top
there (in the hills).'
P.394 an’
and
wirru-yu
juju,
parni
mujira-wu wayharri-ngu,
other-EMPH4 old.man be.PRES dingo-ACC look.for-REL
marnta-ka, ngunyjaat-pa-mpa.
hill -LOC thereNV.DEF-Ø-TOP7
'And well another old man was looking for dingoes in the hills, up that way.'
P.395-396 Mangkurlarra nhungu-mu parni-ngu yalaa paparrathalu-la kupiyarri-mu
children
here-THEN stay-REL now Wyloo-LOC
small.pl-THEN
'(He and his) children were here then, staying now at Wyloo Station, (they were)
little then.’
409
P.397 Ngunhungat mangkurlarra nhungu ngana, Pat Doker kanyja-nmarri-ngu,
there
children
here who Pat Doker have-COLL-REL
mangkurlarra nhungkaat, nyurnti-la,
nyurnti-la
wuntu-ka,
children
those
Nyurnti.Creek-LOC Nyurnti.Creek-LOC creek-LOC
pangkarri-yangu mujira-wu-yu
wayharri-ngu, marntikurti-wulu-yu
go-REL
dingo-ACC-EMPH4 look.for-REL friend-DEAD-EMPH4
nharranngarti-nha
wangka-nguli-ngu-yu
marnta-ka,
name.of.person-SPEC call-PASS-REL-EMPH hill-LOC
kurtkaarri-nyjarri-ngu-mpa kantharri
ngunhu ngunyji-mpa-rra
think-COLL-REL-TOP7
Daughter's.chld that
thereNV-TOP7-DUB
nyirtiyunu-warnu
wanthila parni-ngu.
poor.fellow-EMPH5 where be-REL
'Well, those children, that was, you know the girl, Pat Doker has a missus. That's
the kids. Well they were going along Nyurnti, on Nyurnti Creek, looking for
dingoes. Well that poor old friend Nharranngarti, he was called, was thinking
about that granny of his, up there in the hills."Where could this poor old thing
be?"'
P.398 Yanku-nha marnta-ka-yu
go-PAST hill-LOC-EMPH4
kurlka kurta jina-yi
nhawu-marri-ngu
think very track-ACC see-COLL-REL
wanthila parni-yangu ngani-ngka-wathu.
where be-REL
what-LOC-DIM
'(He) went into the hills thinking (he) would see her tracks somewhere about.'
P.399 Nhaa kurta-mpa-yu
kantharri-nha
parni
jina-wa-yu,
this very-TOP7-EMPH4 Daughter's.chld-SPEC be.PRES track-TOP1-EMPH4
ngunyji-pa-wa-yu
ngunhu wantharni-la.
thereNV-TOP2-TOP1-EMPH4 that
how-LOC
‘This fella's tracks, old granny, must be here somewhere. She must be doing
something around here.'
P.400 Muyhu-ngka-rra
mangkurlarra-yu ngunyji yawut-mu
parni
winter-LOC-DUB children-EMPH4 thereNV west-THEN live/stay.PRES
nyurnti-la-wa
ngurra-ngka-yu.
Nyurnti.Creek-LOC-TOP1 camp-LOC-EMPH
'It was winter time (I think) and the children stayed over there to the west,
camping at Nyurnti. (They) stayed in camp.’
410
P.400 cont.
Nhaa pangkarri-nha ngunyji kankala nyurnti-ngu
this go-PAST
thereNV on.top
Nyurnti.Creek-ACC
pawanyaa-wu-yu
thurrurt-pa
kanarrinyjarri pirlin-ta-wa
waterhole-ACC-EMPH4 straight-TOP2 come.upon
flat.rock-LOC-TOP1
parni-yangu.
be-REL
‘This fellow went off that way, from above Nyurnti waterhole and came straight
to a big flat rock.'
P.401 Marnta-ka
karri-ngumarnu
rock/hill-LOC stand-PROG
kankala nhawu-marra-yu
on.top
see-COLL? –EMPH4
jina puyhu-marri-wu
yawut-ku-mu-yu
partkarra-la
track meet-COLL-EMPH2 west-ACC-THEN-EMPH4 flat.ground -LOC
partkarra-la-wu
parnaa-yu,
ngarni-ngka-wayhuu,
flat.ground-LOC-EMPH2 walking.about-EMPH4 thing-LOC-?
kurtkaayi-rnu karri-nha.
listen-REL
stand-PAST
'(He) stood on top of the rock and could see tracks, meeting each.other/together
from the west, all over this flat where (she'd) been walking about in the whatcha-ma-callit. (He) stood and listened.’
P.402 Murnti kurta-mpa-yi,
ngunyji-pa
parni
ngarra-rnu.
true
very-TOP7-TOP4 thereNV-TOP2 be.PRES chop-REL
'Sure enough, there was chopping somewhere.'
P.403 Warrapa nhaa pirntu
spinifex this food/seed
manku-yangaarnu ngarra -nnguli
get-PPERF
chop-PASS.PRES
marnta-ku
pirlin-ta
rock-INSTR flat.rock-LOC
'This spinifex seed is collected and pounded on a flat rock, with another rock.’
P.404 [tap] [tap] Kurlkayi-nmarri-nha nhaa mimi-warri-nha
marnta-ka, “Kayi
hear-COLL-PAST this uncle-PRIV-SPEC rock-LOC Hey
ngunyji-mpa
kantharri-nha
thereNV-TOP7 granny-SPEC
parni
nyirtiyunu wantharni-la”.
be.PRES poor.fellow how-LOC
'[tap] [tap] He could hear this, that poor old uncle of mine, on the rock, "Hey,
that's granny, the poor thing, somewhere here”.’
411
P.405 Ngarti-yu
then/next-EMPH4
nhawu-marri-nha
see-COLL-PAST
ngurnu.
that.ACC
'Then next he saw her.'
P.406 Munti kurta-mpa-yu
kantharri nhaa-mpa nyirtiyunu parni
true very-TOP2-EMPH4 granny this-TOP7 poor.fellow sit.PRES
thurtiwurru mirta tharnamurti murna kankarni -la nyaa-nyarri-ngu,
other.way not
far.away
close above-LOC see-COLL-REL
kunkurr
downhill
purnta-ka-wu.
hollow-LOC-ACC
‘True enough alright. This is poor old Granny. (She) was close, sitting facing the
other way, not far away, (he) could see (her) from above. (She was) downhill in
a little hollow.’
P.407 Mirta ngayi
nhurnaat-ku waa-ma-rtkayi
not 1sg.NOM this/her-ACC fear/fright-CAUS-POT
nyirtiyunu.
poor.fellow
“I'd better not frighten her, poor thing.”
P.408 An’ ngunhangaatu parni
kanarri-nyjarri-nguli-ngu-yu
and there
sit.PRES come.upon-COLL-PASS-REL-EMPH4
yaayu-warri-nha
ngawirta-marri-ayi
marraa-wu-yu.
aunty-PRIV-SPEC to.lose.kin-COLL-PERF young.brother-ACC-EMPH4
'And so she was there and someone had come upon her again. Well, poor old
Aunty had lost some of her family, her younger brother.'
P.409 Might be kunyjirri-mu-yu,
wayi, kunyjirri-wa-yu,
muyhu
might be one-THEN-EMPH4 maybe one-TOP1-EMPH4 winter
ngawirta-marri-nha
to.lose.kin-COLL-PAST
warnaa-wu, yaayu-warri-nha.
brother-ACC aunty-PRIV-SPEC
'It might have been one year past, maybe one winter past, (she) had lost a
brother, poor old Aunty.'
P.410 Mangkarla-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa yurlaarri-nha.
Red.Hill-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
pass.away-PAST
'He'd passed away there at Red Hill station.'
412
P.411 And he mirta mirnu, mirta mirnu
and s/he not
know not
know
marraa-yi
young.brother-TOP4
mimi-warri-ngu ngawarna
uncle-PRIV-ACC ?
thurtu-yu.
elder.sister-EMPH4
'And she didn't know. Didn't know that uncle of mine was gone. The younger
brother had left the older sister behind.'
P.412 Ngunhangaata-yu wurnta-nmarri
that-EMPH4
come-COLL.PRES
mimi-warri-nha,
nhaa
uncle-PRIV-SPEC this
ngawurti-nha-yu.
?-PAST-EMPH4
'The fellow was coming up to her, this Old Uncle of mine.'
P.413 Wantaa karri-ngumarnu kurrwurtarri-ayi, mirta ngunha waa-marri.
which stand-PROG
quiet-PERF
not that
fright-COLL.PRES
'Alright, so he stood there, keeping quiet, not frightening her.'
P.414 “Shuu, munti-mpa karri
Shuu true-TOP7 stand.PRES
wanthiwa-rru nhaat
where-NOW thisDEF
nhawu wurnta-tkaayi mirtawaa,
man
come -PERF big
kawayintharri nhanthawa.”
Ashburton.side must.be
“Shuu, sure enough a man, who just came up, is standing (behind), a big fellow.
Now where is (he) from? He must be from the Ashburton side.”
P.415 An’ munti-pa
ngunhu-wa-yu
nhawu-nha-wa
kantharri-nha.
and true-TOP2 that-TOP1-EMPH4 see-PAST-TOP1 Daughter's.chld-SPEC
'And sure enough that granny had seen him.'
P.416 “Kawayintharri-wurtu
Ashburton.side-EMPH
ngarranngarri-nha
Ngarranngarti-SPEC
ngunhaatu,
that.one
kawayintharri ngunhaat-ju,
Ashburton.side thatDEF-EMPH1
nhanthawa.”
must.be
“This one is from the Ashburton side, from Ashburton country for sure. That
must be Ngarranngarti.”
P.417 Ngunhu kurlkarri-nmarri-nha ngurnu.
that
think-COLL-PAST that.ACC
'She had thought that.'
413
P.418-419 “Ngawu, kantharri. Nhaat-pa-mpa
ngayi
karri-ngu.”
yes
granny
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM be/stand -REL
"Yes, Granny. This is me.”
P.420 “Ngawu wurnta-rnma wantaa ngayu
kantharri!”
yes
come-IMP
alright 1sg:ACC granny
“Yes, alright, come over here to me, Granny!”
P.421 Yinta-angu
mimi-warri.
go.down-IMPF uncle-PRIV
'So that old Uncle come down.'
P.422 Pangkarri kantharri-yarta-yu
murna-arri-nyjarri-ngu-yu
go-PRES granny-ALL-EMPH4 close-INCH-COLL-REL-EMPH4
wangka-yinyjarri-ngu-wa
talk-COLL-REL-TOP1
'(He) went over to his old granny, went up close and talked to (her).'
P.423 Ah, wangka-yinyjarri-warri-warla purlaawin-marri-nguli-yu-wa.
talk-COLL-PRIV-FIRST
firstly-COLL-PASS-EMPH4-TOP1
'Ah, (he) didn't speak straight away, (she) spoke first.'
P.424 “Wanthawa
kantharri-ngalaarnu nganthayi , ngayarntu marrkaa
how.about.it! granny-2sg.POSS
EMPH
1sg:GEN young.brother
wanta-marri-nha-wa
ngalaa-yu
karlamarrkantu kanayirrayirra-la-wa
leave-COLL-PAST-TOP1 1du.exc-EMPH4 light
dream-LOC-TOP1
ngayhala mirta-rra-wa
wurnta-tkayi-la
1sgLOC not-DUB-TOP1 come-POT-LOC
ngayu
wurnta-rnu-la
1sg.ACC come-REL-LOC
P.425 ngaliya-wu
wanta-marri-nha-wa.”
1du.exc.NOM-EMPH2 leave -COLL-PAST-TOP1
“Well it's your granny isn't it? My young brother has left me, we've left one
another. That light in my dream it won’t come, because it doesn’t come to me
we must have left one another.”
P.426 “Ngawu, palamu
yes
long.time.ago
nyinta-wu
2sg:NOM-EMPH2
“Yes, you lost (him) a long time ago.”
jinpayi-nmarri-nha.”
lose-COLL-PAST
414
P.427 “Wala kurtka parni-nyjarri-wunta nyinta-yi.”
don't think be-COLL-MIGHT
2sg:NOM-TOP4
“Now don't you think about that!” (lit: “Now, don’t might you think about that.”)
P.428 Karra-ngka
yanku-marta-yu,
mirta purluyha-nmarri,
scrub/bush-LOC go-HABIT-EMPH4 not
meet-COLL.PRES
P.429 wantaa parni
kurlu-marri-ngu-wa.
which be.PRES ?-COLL-REL-TOP1
‘(She) had been in the scrub, hadn't met anyone, hadn't been to mourn with
anyone.'
P.430 Wangka-yinyjarri-ngumarnu walarntat-pa-mpa-warnu kantharri-ngawilaa-yu
granny-?-EMPH4
talk-COLL-PROG
there-Ø-TOP7-EMPH5
parni-ngu.
be/sit-REL
‘And then (he) sat and talked with that old granny there.’
P.431 “Nyinta
purlaa
yanki-i wantaa kantharri ngayaarntu-warta
2sg:NOM front/first go-POT which granny 1sg.GEN-ALL
ngurra-arta-yu,
walarntat-pa-mpa yawut
west
camp-ALL-EMPH4 there-Ø-TOP7
nyurnti-la.”
Nyurnti.Creek-LOC
“You go in front, okay Granny, to my camp. It's over there to the west, at
Nyurnti Creek.”
P.432 “Nyinta
2sg:NOM
purlaa yanki-i
ngunhangat-karta wanta, ngayi
front/first go-POT thatDEF-ALL
alright 1sg:NOM
pirringka-ya wurnta-tkayi ngurra-yu.”
afternoon-? come-POT
camp-EMPH4
“You go ahead alright? I'll come to camp this afternoon.”
P.433 “Ngayi
yanku
wanyja-yi wayharri-ngu.”
1sg:NOM go.PRES dog-ACC look.for-REL
“I'm going off to look for dingoes now.”
P.434 “Ngawu, ngayi
yanki-i
yes
1sg.NOM go-POT
“Yes, I'll go then.”
kurta.”
very
415
P.435 Pangkarri-nha-wa yaayu-warri-nha
go-PAST-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-SPEC
mangkurlarra-wu-yu,
children-ACC-EMPH4
yawut-ku, kanarri-nyjarri-yu
west -ACC come.upon-COLL-EMPH4
an’ ngangka-warra-wa-yu.
and mother-PAIR-TOP1-EMPH
'So poor old Aunty went off to the west, and (she) came upon those children,
together with their mother.'
P.436 Marliya-wu
wirlu-ngka-wu
tharni-rnu mangkurlarra-yu
wild.honey-ACC blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4
parni
yirra-marri-ngu
be.PRES call-COLL-REL
jingkaa-la.
upriver-LOC
'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum
and/while the children were calling out to each other up the river.’
P.437 Warnaa-marringka mangkurla Cliff wangka-nguli-ngu, mangkurlarra
brother-GROUP
child
Cliff call-PASS-REL children
nhungu Pat Doker gottem, girl one.
here
Pat Doker
'That's those brothers and sisters, Cliff and this woman that Pat Doker has.'
P.438 Kanarri-nyjarri-nha
thurrurtpa kupiyarri-wu
come.upon-COLL-PAST straight
small.(pl)-ACC
nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa
kantharri-wa-yu
see-COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH4
mangkurlarra-yi
children-TOP4
wurnta-rnu.
come-REL
‘(She) came straight on to those little fellas. Those children, (her) grannies, saw
(her) coming.’
P.439-440 “Yaa!
Parringka!”
express.surprise devil
“Yaa ! A devil.”
P.441 Frighten the other three little fellas.
‘She frightened the three little fellas.’
P.442-443 “Yaa!
Pipi parringka!”
express.surprise mum devil
“Yaa! Mum a devil!”
P.444 And mother sing out, think straight away,
‘And the mother sang out to them, she thought straight away..’
416
P.445 Hello? Yaayu-nha.
hello aunty-SPEC
‘Hello? It must be Aunty!’
P.446 Nhaa ngunhat wurnta-nmarri
nyunyji yaayu-nha
ngantha
this thatDEF come-COLL.PRES thisNV aunty-SPEC also
waa-marri-ngu.
fear/frightened-COLL-REL
‘This fellow that is coming along, it/this must be Aunty, frightening (the kids).’
P.447
Sure it's her alright.
‘She was sure it was her alright.’
P.448 “Kantharri-watha, nyintawu waa yanku-warri, ngayi
nhaat-ju.”
granny-NEAR
2pl:NOM fright go/be–PRIV 1sg:NOM thisDEF-EMPH1
“Grannies don't you (all) be frightened. It's just me.”
P.449 And 'course the mother tell 'em then.
‘And of course, their mother told them then.’
P.450 “Mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i,
not
fear/frightened -INCH-COLL-POT
kantharri-nha.”
granny-SPEC
“Don't be/become frightened! Its Granny.”
P.451 “Kantharri-nha karra-nyungu-wa,
granny-SPEC scrub/bush-DWELL-TOP1
yanku-marta
go-HABIT
karra-ngka,
mirta
scrub/bush-LOC not
walangart-pa-mpa
there -Ø-TOP7
waa-rri-nyjarri-i,
fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT
ngayintharri-yarntu, mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i.”
1pl.GEN
not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT
“It's old Granny who lives in the scrub, (the one) who travels around in the bush.
Don't be frightened, she's one of our people. Don't be frightened.”
P.452 Getting proper frightened.
‘They were really frightened.’
P.453 Anyhow, when they bin told, got used to it.
‘Anyhow, when they’d been told, they got used to it.’
417
P.454 Parni
ngunhu
live/stay.PRES that
ngunhangarn, wantaawa.
there
alright
'Alright she stayed there.'
P.455 Jampa parni-nha ngunhungat mirta parraa munti
while stay-PAST there
not/no long.time true/truly
wanta-nmarri- ngumarnu ngartimu.
leave-COLL-PROG
again
‘(She) stopped there for a little while, though not for very long, and then (she)
left them again.'
P.456-457 Wanta-nmarri-ngumarnu ngartimu, marnta-ka puyi ngunhan wirru-yu.
leave-COLL-PROG
again
hill-LOC far that
other-EMPH4
'And then (she) left them again, into those other hills far away.'
P.458 Ngunhaatu ngulaarta-yu
muyhu-ngka ngulaarta-yu, ngunhaatu
that.one
there-EMPH4 winter-LOC there-EMPH4 that.one
ngunha muyhu wangka-nguli-ngu 1942.
that
winter call-PASS-REL 1942
'Well that was winter time. When that happened it was in the winter of 1942.'
P.459 Ngunhangatu nyurnti-la-yi
parntaya-nmarri jurnta-nmarri-ngu
that
Nyurnti-LOC-TOP4 find-COLL.PRES like.that-COLL-REL
parni-ngu waa-marri-ngu.
be-REL fear/frightened-COLL-REL
'That was when (she) was found near Nyurnti and where (she) frightened (those
kids) like that.'
P.460 Wantaawa ngulaarta-ngu -yu
parni-ngumarnu jampa-wa,
well
thereLOC-ABL-EMPH be-PROG
moment-TOP1
walyurn-jarri-ngu-wathu-wa.
old-INCH-REL-DIM-TOP1
'Well after that, from then on, (she) was starting to get old, getting a little bit
older.'
P.461 Parni-nha
stay-PAST
ngunhangu-mpa
there-TOP7
Milharn-ta
Milhan-LOC
‘(She) was staying up there in the hills at Milhan.
kankala.
on.top
418
P.462 Marliyaa-wu-nta
tharni-rnu-wathu.
honey-ACC-INTRRG chop.for.honey-REL-DIM
P.463 Tharni-rnumarnu-yu
wantharni-ma-rnu kaju ngunhu
chop.for.honey-PROG-EMPH how-CAUS-REL axe that
ngunhu
that
pinkarli-nha-yu
ngarra-rna thurla-yi-wa
ngunhu kankarni ngarra.
turn.around-PAST-EMPH4 chop-PAST eye-ACC-TOP1 that
above chop
‘(She) was probably chopping honey or something. While chopping for honey,
something happened, that axe, it turned around and chopped her just above the
eye.’
P.464 Yirra kurta ngarra-rna nhungu thangkat-pa waji-ma-rnu-wa
thurla-yi.
edge very chop-PAST here enough-TOP2 bad-CAUS-REL-TOP1 eye-ACC
‘The edge cut/chopped (her) right here and destroyed (her) eye.
P.465 Wantharni-ngarra parni-nha martkurra-rri-nyu yamarti?
how-?
be-PAST good-INCH-TRUE alone/self
'How did (she) manage to recover on her own?’
P.466 Parni-ngumarnu wathu ngunyjat kankala-wu pawa-yi
nganila-la-wu
be-PROG
DIM thatNV on.top-ACC water-ACC thing-LOC-ACC
ngarrwi-yangu, walurn-jarri-ngu kurta-wa.
lie.down-REL old-INCH-REL very-TOP1
'So (she) went and stayed there at a place where there was some water lying.
Now (she) was really getting old.'
P.467 Mirta-wa yanku,
not-TOP1 go.PRES
mirta-wa wayharri-ngu murla-ngarli-wu nganthayi,
not-TOP1 look.for -REL meat-PL-ACC EMPH
waju-rru
yini parni-nha wayhu ngarrku-ngu, ngunhangat-ju.
wild.bean-NOW only be-PAST DIM
eat-REL
thatDEF-EMPH
'(She) couldn't go anywhere, couldn't look for meat, there was only wild beans to
eat, that was that.
P.468 Mathit kurta-wa, majawa-mpa yanku-nha
parrii
parntaya-rrkaayi.
weak very-TOP1 luckily-TOP7 go/be-PAST whitefella find-PERF
'(She) was very weak (now), but luckily a whitefella found (her).'
P.469 Bashfoot-nha ngunhaat wangka-nguli,
government trapper,
Bashfoot-SPEC thatDEF call-PASS.PRES government trapper,
419
government-nguyharntu, thaa-rna-nhani yanku-yu
mujira manku
government-GEN
send-PAST-? go-EMPH4 dingo get.PRES
thinan, parni,
wangka-yangarnu ngunha jurntat
?
be.PRES tell/say-PPERF
that
like.that
nhawungarra
look.out.PRES
parni
walangan.
be.PRES that.one
'That was Fred Bashfoot, a government trapper. He was sent out to get dingoes
and he was told to look out for her.’
P.470 Parri-ngarli
wirrungaa wangka,
“ Nyinta nhawungarra yanki-i
whitefella-PL others
tell/say.PRES 2sg:NOM look.out.PRES go-POT
walangarta-yu, (h)e'es a jantira
out there in the, yamarti-wa
that.one-EMPH4
old.woman
alone/self -TOP1
parni
marnta-ka.”
live/stay.PRES hill-LOC
‘The other whitefellas told (him), "You look out for that fella while you're going
around. There's an old lady out there in the scrub. She's by herself out there in
the hills”.’
P.471 “Don't want to get her in the trap or anything.”
“You don’t want to get her in a trap or anything.”
P.472 Mirnu kurta ngunhat wangka-nguli-ngu yanku-nha, parrii.
know very thatDEF tell/say-PASS-REL go/be-PAST whitefella
'So he knew alright, the whitefella had been told.’
P.473
Parrii
ngunha
whitefella that
jingkaku-rru
upriver-NOW
yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa
go-PAST there.LOC river/creek-LOC
wurnta-tkayi kurta-wa
nhawu-lu-wa.
come-POT very-TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1
'That whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right
on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).
P.474 “Nhaa-mpa-wurtu.”
this-TOP7-EMPH3
"This must be (her)."
P.475 Nhawu-ngu-wa.
see-REL-TOP1
'(He) saw (her) then.'
420
P.476 Nhaa-mpa-wurtu-warnu
nhaa.
this-TOP7-EMPH3-EMPH5 this
'This must be that fella they were talking about.'
Oh well, I might as well put that English way when that old Bashford ran into
her, hey? He was carrying a trap, and he seen old Sarah sitting down,
"Hello, this that old girl."
Anyhow, Fred knew who that was, he bin told. He went over and see her,
"Hello Sarah, That you Sarah?"
"Yes, that's me."
"Oh, poor old fellow. How you getting on?"
"Oh, no good, I bin cut meself eye here."
And he's a billycan of water there, was a no tucker or anything, this was only,
only what she was living on, what they call a wajiwurru, that's a wild bean. Oh,
fairly long one, about that long, you know, new ones you get'em, fill you up
alright. That's only thing she was living on then, can't get round to get any, you
know, bungarra's and that, can't get no more honey. Very sick and very thin, 'cos
she very old. And alright, course when Fred seen her there an' he told her,
"You stop here Sarah, I'll go back and get some tucker for you."
So old Fred walked back about, oh, about a mile and a half ....
P.477 Wantaawa, nhawu-ayu-wa-yu
jarta-warri-wu,
parrii-yu.
Well
see -?-TOP1-EMPH4 old.woman-PRIV-ACC whitefella-EMPH4
'Well, so this whitefella had found the old lady.'
P.478 Yanku-nha
go-PAST
murruka-arta-mu-wa
car-ALL-THEN-TOP1
ngunhat -jarntu-warta-mu-wa
thatDEF-GEN-ALL-THEN-TOP1
murtiwarla-arta manku-lu pirntu-u, pirraa-minyjarnu-wu pawa-arntu-u.
car-ALL
get-PURP food-ACC bucket-ANDALL-ACC water-GEN-ACC
'(He) went back to that car of his to get food, and a bucket (and all) for water.'
P.479 Yanku-ngumarnu mungarti-muntu-yu manka-ayi, jiya-rnu
go-PROG
meat-CONJ-EMPH4 get-PERF take.back-REL
421
yaayu-warri-ngu-yu,
wantha-rrkaayi ngunhungu pirntu-u, wangka-murntu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4 put-PERF
there
food-ACC talk-CONJ
‘He went and got some meat and stuff, took it back to poor old Aunty, and left
the food there, and he talked to her...'
P.480 “Nyinta-warnu
parni-i
nhungu mirta yanki-i nyinta,
2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here
not go-POT 2sg.NOM
P.481 nyinyji-mpa
here.NV-TOP7
wanyja-yi
dog-ACC
ngarrwi
warangarti-ngarli ngayhalu wantha-rnaanu
lie.down.PRES trap-PL
1sg.INSTR put-PPERF
kurnta-rnu.”
wait-REL
“Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere). Traps are lying here, put by me
for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).”
P.482 “Nyinta
parni
nhungu wantaa kurta nhaa-warni nyinku
pirntu-yu.”
2sg.NOM stay.PRES here which very this-EMPH 2sg.ACC food-EMPH4
"You stay here for a while. Here's some food for you”
P.483 “Ngayi
nyinku
pawa-yu
minyma-rtkayi.”
1sg.NOM 2sg.ACC water-ACC collect-POT
"I'll collect some water for you."
P.484 “Wanyjila nyinta
pawa-yu-warnu
manku?”
anywhere 2sg:NOM water-EMPH4-EMPH5 get.PRES
"Where do you get (your) water?”
P.485 Ngunhaatu jawanyma-rrku, parrii,
walart-pa-mpa-wa-yu,
that.one
ask-PRES
whitefella thatDEF-Ø-TOP7-TOP1-EMPH4
purtajirri-la waji-ngka.
rough-LOC bad-LOC
'He asked (her), that whitefella. That was in a very difficult place.'
P.486“Ngayi
yanku-nha kayulu-warta-yi
pirraa-wari manku-rlu.”
1sg.NOM go-PAST water/water.hole-ALL-TOP4 bucket-COM get-PURP
"I'll go to the water hole to get (some water) with the bucket."
P.487 Wayinyjarri-ngumarnu winya-yi kartpa-rnu, kayulu-wu.
return-PROG
full-ACC take-REL water.(from.water.hole)-ACC
(He) came back then, carrying a bucket full of water.'
422
P.488 “Nhaa-mpa
this-TOP7
nyinku
2sg.ACC
nyila-yi.”
water-TOP4
“Here's water for you.”
P.489-P.490 “Nyinta
parni-ma nhangu! Mirta-warnu yanki-i wantharni-nyu!”
2sg.NOM stay-IMP here
not-EMPH5 go-POT anywhere-TRUE
“You stay here! Don't go anywhere now!”
P.491 “Nhaa nyinku
pirntu kampa-ayi,
this
2sg.ACC food
cook-PERF
wanyji kampa-ayi.”
damper cook-PERF
“This is for you , (some) cooked food, cooked damper.”
P.492 “Nhaa nyinku
murla kampa-ayi, nhaa-mpa nyinku
thii kampa-ayi,
this 2sg.ACC meat cook-PERF this-TOP7 2sg.ACC tea cook-PERF
parraa kampa-ayi ngayhalu
kampa-rnaarnu miinyma-rnu-lu
tea.leaf cook-PERF 1sg.INSTR cook-PPERF provide-REL-INSTR
nyinku.”
2sg.ACC
“This is some cooked meat for you. This is some cooked tea for you. The tea is
cooked, it has been cooked by me (who) is providing for you.”
P.493 “Nyinta
parni-i
nhungu, kamungu-nguli-ngu-yu
nyinta
2sg.NOM stay-POT here
hungry-PSYCH-REL-EMPH4 2sg.NOM
parni-i nhaa-mpa nyinku
yurntaa-wayhu-yu-warnu
pirntu,
be-POT this-TOP7 2sg.ACC flour-DIM-EMPH4-EMPH5 food
nyinta
kampa-rrkayi nhurnu.”
2sg.NOM cook-POT
thisACC
“You stay here. If you get hungry this is a little bit of flour for you, you can cook
this.”
P.494 Thampa-wurtu ngunngama-rnu ngunha-rri wayinyjarri ngunyji maya-arta
Just-EMPH3 put.off-REL
that-INCH return.PRES thereNV house-ALL
payanyji-wu
wangka-yi thaa-rrkayi ngunyji-wa
Pirtan-nguwarta-wa.
policeman-ACC news-ACC send-POT thereNV-TOP1 Onslow-ALL-TOP1
'So (he) just left it like that, and (he) returned there to the homestead to send
news to the police in Onslow.'
P.495 Ngunha wantha-rna, ngunhangat parna-angu,
wayinyjarri-nha-mu
that
leave-PAST thatDEF
live/stay-IMPF return-PAST-THEN
423
murtiwarla-arta-mu, juju-nha-yu
wanyjamantu.
car-ALL-THEN
old.man-SPEC-EMPH dingo.man
'He left her and she stayed. Then (he) went back to the car then, this old dingo
man (dingo trapper).'
P.496 “Ngayi
yanku-nha, wanyja-yi yanku-ngu
1sg:NOM go-PAST dog-ACC go-REL
purnpa-rnu.”
chase-REL
“I'm going now, going off to chase dingoes.”
P.497 Yanku-nha ngunhaatu, wurnta-rna ngunha Mangkala-arta-mu-yu,
go-PAST that.one
come -PAST that
Red Hill-ALL-THEN-EMPH4
wangka-lu
talk-PURP
ngunhangaata-yu
there-EMPH4
maatha-ngarli-wu-yu.
boss-PL-ACC-EMPH4
'Off that one went. He came into Red Hill then to talk to the bosses there.'
P.498 “Ngunhaatu-wa
that.one-TOP1
parni
stay.PRES
parntaya-rnaanu-wa
find-PPERF-TOP1
ngunyji-mpa,
ngayhalu
thereNV-TOP7 1sg.INSTR
warlunpa-wurtu parni-ngu-yu.”
crippled-EMPH stay/be-REL-EMPH4
“That poor old thing is staying up there. I found her, all crippled up.”
P.499 “Ngaliwu-warnu
1pl.inc.NOM-EMPH5
jankarnmarta-ngarli-yu
policeman -PL-EMPH4
mirnu-ma-rrkayi
walarnta
know-CAUS-POT there
yawut-ku.”
west-ACC
“We'll let the police know, (the police) down there in the west.”
P.500 “Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta
kurnta-tkayi nhungu-mpa payanyji-ngarli
yes
1sg.NOM-EMPH-INTRRG wait-POT here-TOP7 policeman-PL
P.501 wurnta-langu-yu,
yanki-i
ngunhangkarta-wa-yu mirnuma-rrkayi-thu
come-RSLT-EMPH4 go-POT there-TOP1-EMPH4
show -POT -TOP3
wanthila-wu ngunhat.”
where-ACC thatDEF
“Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and
show them where she is."
P.502 “Ngawu-warnu.”
Yes-EMPH5
“Yes, very well.”
424
P.503 Maatha wangka-nha, “Nyinta
parni-ma
nhungu kumpa-ngu”.
boss
tell/say -PAST 2sg:NOM live/stay-IMP here
wait -REL
‘The boss said, "You stop and wait here".’
P.504 Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa
policeman-PL come-RSLT three
car-LOC
get-PURP-TOP1
P.505 nhurnu
juju-ngu
wanyjaman-ku-yu,
ngurnu
this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC-EMPH4 that.ACC
nhawa-ayi-wu-yu
see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4
yaayu-warri-ngu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC
‘So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man that had seen poor
old Aunty.’
P.506 Jiitpa-la
manku-nguli-nha-yu
Jiitpa -LOC get-PASS-PAST-EMPH4
yaayu-warri-nha.
aunty-PRIV-SPEC
‘Old Aunty was picked up (by them) at Jiitpa.’
P.507 Wangka-nha ngunhat
tell/say-PAST thatDEF
mirnu-yu
know-EMPH4
juju-nha-yu,
old.man-SPEC-EMPH4
“Nhungu-mpa murtiwarla-la ngaliwu
here-TOP7 car-LOC
1pl.inc.NOM
wantha-rrkayi”.
leave-POT
'The old man knowing where she was, said, "We'll leave the car here”.’
P.508 “Ngaliwu
jinawa yanki-i, nhaa purtajirri munti
ngurra
1pl.inc.NOM on.foot go-POT this
rough
true/truly country
murtiwarla-wu-yu yanka-angu.”
car-ACC-EMPH go-RSLT
“We'll go on foot (from here). This is truly/very rough country for the car to go
through.”
P.509 Payanyji-ngarli-wa wangka
ngunhu jurntat-pa…
policeman-PL-TOP1 tell/say.PRES that
like.that-TOP2
'The policeman said something like this...'
P.510 “Ngani-ngka-wa
what-LOC-TOP1
ngaliwu
kartpa-rtkayi-yu
ngurnu?”
1pl.inc.NOM take-POT-EMPH4 that.ACC
“What are we going to carry her in?”
425
P.511 “Oh, ngani-ngarli-wu kartpa-tkayi, blanket-ku-warnu.”
Oh, what-PL-ACC
take-POT
blanket-ACC-EMPH5
“Oh what are (we) going to take? A blanket of course!”
P.512 Blanket-ku-warnu
ngunhangka kartpa-rna-yu.
blanket-ACC-EMPH5 those
take-PAST-EMPH4
'So they took a blanket.'
P.513 Blanket-karlaa-yu
yanku-nha ngunyji jingkakurru tharnayi-mpa,
blanket-PROP-EMPH4 go-PAST thereNV upriver
long.way-TOP7
kanarri
parni-yangu kurta murti-warrimarta-wa kurta-rra-wa
come.upon.PRES stay-REL
very move-PRIV-TOP1
very-DUB-TOP1
ngarti-nyu.
again/then-TRUE
‘(They) went off with a blanket, up the river, it was a long way, and (they) came
upon (Aunty) still right there. (She) hadn’t moved at all again.’
P.514 Wantharni-yu
how-EMPH4
yanku-nha, muyirri-nha-nyu
go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE
wurnta-rtpunta-wu
come-MIGHT-ACC
kurtkaarri-ngu
think-REL
nganangu.
someone.ACC
‘How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought
someone might come?’
P.515 Yanku-nha ngunhangu payanyji-ngarli wangka-ngu karri-lu, “Oh
go-PAST there
policeman-PL tell/say-REL stand-PURP
nhaat-parnta-wurnta nyinta
nyirtiyunu”.
thisDEF-?-?
2sg:NOM poor.fellow
'(They) went up there and the policemen stopped to talk to her, "Oh, so it’s you
poor thing”.’
P.516 “Ngawu, ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayi.”
yes
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM
“Yes, this is me.”
P.517 “Mmm, ngaliwu-warnu
karta-tkayi nyinku
yalaa-yu.”
Mmm 1pl.inc.NOM-EMPH5 take-POT 2sg.ACC now-EMPH4
"Mmm, well we are going to take you away now."
426
P.518 Manku-ngumarnu blanket-a-wa
get-PROG
blanket-Ø-TOP1
P.519
wantha-rna,
put-PAST
mathu-ngka-wa-thu
parna-angu.
middle-LOC-TOP1-TOP3 sit-RSLT
'(They) got the blanket and put it down and (Aunty) sat in the middle of it.'
P.520 Ngunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta
those
policeman-PL three
policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG
ngunhu-mpa-yu
that.NOM-TOP7-EMPH4
yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu,
dog-ACC
kill-HABIT-EMPH4
jarrwurti ngunhangkat jurlu-wa, kartpa-rna
three
those
all-TOP1 carry-PAST
yaayu-warri-ngu.
aunty-PRIV-ACC
‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose, he used
to kill dingoes, and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’.
P.521 Jurntaat
like.that
ngunhangkat
those
kartpa-rna murtiwarla-arta yini,
carry-PAST car-ALL
only
payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta murtiwarla-arta.
policeman -PL-GEN-ALL
car-ALL
'And like that they carried (her) until (they) got to the policemen's car."
P.522 Martungka-a-rnumarnu ngurnu
murtiwarla-la ngunhangaatu
behind-VBZ-PROG
that.ACC car-LOC
there
P.523 wurnta-tkayi Mangkala-arta-mpa
come-POT Red Hill-ALL-TOP7
kartpa-rnu.
take-REL
'Then (they) put her in the back of the car to come to Red Hill to bring (her) in.'
P.524 Ngaliyawu
1pl.exc.NOM
ngunhangat-pa-mpa mangkala-la.
thatDEF-Ø-TOP7
Red Hill-LOC
'We were all there at Red Hill.'
P.525 Ngunhangu-wa wurnta-tkaayi ngarrku-wuntharri-la
there-TOP1
come-PERF eat-INSTR.NOM-LOC
murnangka-la-wa,
nearly-LOC-TOP1
karri-nha
stop/stand-PAST
maya-ngka.
house-LOC
'These fellows came in at about dinner time and stopped at the house.'
427
P.526 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
karri
nganila-la-mpa
nhawu.
Nhawu
stand.PRES thing-LOC-TOP7 watch.PRES see.PRES
payanyji-ngarli
policeman-PL
yaayu-warri-ngu
aunty-PRIV-ACC
nhaa
this
manka-ayi-wa-yu.
get-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4
'I am standing at thingy watching. (I) see these policemen who had got Aunty.'
P.527 Yanku-ngumarnu ngayi.
go-PROG
1sg.NOM
'And then I went over (to them).'
P.528 Payanyji nhiyu ngarrwawirnu wangka-ngu, “Nyinta-warnu
mirnu
policeman this ask.first
say -REL
2sg.NOM-EMPH5 know
ngunhaa-ku?”
that.ACC
'One of the policemen (spoke to me) first,"Do you know this fella?"'
P.529 “Mirnu-mpa-yu.”
know-TOP7-EMPH4
"(I) know (her) alright.”
P.530 “Ngunha ngaliyamparraarntu jarta.”
that
1pl.exc.GEN
old.woman
“She is one of our old people.”
P.531 Ngayi
wangka-nha
payanyji-wu.
1sg:NOM tell/say-PAST policeman-ACC
'I told the policeman.'
P.532 “Ngaliyampurraarntu
1pl.exc.GEN
ngunha
that
jarta.”
old.woman
“That old lady (is) one of our people/belongs to us.”
P.533
“Ngayu
ngantha tharnangka-rrkaayi
1sg.ACC also
piggyback-PERF
kupija-wu-mu.”
little-ACC-THEN
“(She) used to carry me piggyback when (I) was little.”
P.534 “Nyinta
pangkarri-i-mu
2sg.NOM go-POT-THEN
"You go and carry (her) then."
kartpa-tkayi.”
carry-POT
428
P.535 “Nyinta
wantaa ngunha-ku.”
2sg:NOM alright that-ACC
“You'll be alright with her.”
P.536“Mirta-warnu ngungkumarnta munti-yu,
wangkarn munti-warnu,
not-EMPH5 heavy
true-EMPH4 light
true/truly-EMPH5
P.537 wangkarn-ku kurta-rra-wa.”
light-ACC
very-DUB-TOP1
"(She's) not heavy at all, (she's) truly light, very light."
P.538 “Nyinta-warnu
kartpa-rtkayi ngurnu-wa
malu-ngka wantha-rrkayi.”
2sg:NOM-EMPH5 carry-POT that.ACC-TOP1 shade-LOC put-POT
"You carry her over and put her in the shade."
P.539 “Ngaliyawuu yungki-i ngunha-ku ngarrku-ngu pirntu-u.”
1pl.exc
give-POT that-ACC eat-REL
food-ACC
"We'll give her some food to eat."
P.540 Yanku-nha ngayi
nhawu-lu
go-PAST 1sg.NOM see-PURP
nhungu-mpa-wurtu
here-TOP7-EMPH3
yaayu-warri-ngu,
aunty-PRIV-ACC
parni
jarta
be.PRES old.woman
ngaliyampurraarntu
1pl.exc.GEN
'I went to see old Aunty. Here she was our poor old lady.'
P.541 Ngayi
1sg.NOM
wangka-nha-yu,
mirta kurta ngayu
ngalaarri-nha,
talk/say-PAST-EMPH4 not
very 1sg.ACC forget-PAST
wangka-nha
thurtapurta.
talk/say-PAST straight.away
'I spoke to (her), (she) had not forgotten me at all, (she) spoke straight away.’
P.542 “Nhaat-ju-warnu
nyinta
ngaliyampurraarntu mangkurla!”
thisDEF-EMPH1-EMPH5 2sg.NOM 1pl.exc.GEN
child
“It's you our child!”
P.543 “Ngawu, nhaat-pa-mpa
ngayi.”
yes
thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM
"Yes, its me."
429
P.544
Mirnu ngartarra ngayu.
know still
1sg.ACC
'(She) still knew me.’
P.545 Ngayi
kurlkanyja-rna wantawanta-ku.
1sg:NOM thought-PAST mad/crazy/silly-ACC
‘I thought (she) might be silly.'
P.546 Manku-nha
get-PAST
ngayi
kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-waa
1sg.NOM carry-HABIT child-ACC-SEMBL
ngaliyampurraarntu-wu
1pl.exc.GEN-ACC
jarta-yu.
old.woman-ACC
‘I picked (her) up, just like we used to carry children, this poor old lady of ours.'
P.547 Wantha-rrkayi malu-ngka punaangu -la
put-POT
shade-LOC bloodwood-LOC
parna-angu
kumpa-ngu pirntu-u
live/stay-RSLT wait-REL food-ACC
manyjan-ta-wathu
groundsheet-LOC-DIM
yungku-nguli.
give-PASS.PRES
'(I) put (her) down in the shade of a bloodwood tree, on a bit of ground sheet,
and (she) stayed there waiting to be given some food.’
P.548 Thankgat-pa
that's.that-TOP2
ngunhaatu.
that.one
‘And that's that.'
P.549 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu kartpa-nnguli-nha Pirtan-karta ngunyji
that-ABL-EMPH4
take-PASS-PAST Onslow-ALL thereNV
yawutpa
down.hill
parri-ngarli-lu,
whitefella-PL-INSTR
payanyji-lu.
policeman-INSTR.
'Then from there, (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white
people, by the policemen.'
P.550 Kanyja-nnguli-yu
ngunyjaatu parni-nha
keep/have-PASS-EMPH4 there
be/stay-PAST
kuyharra-mpa wilarra.
two-TOP2
month.(moon)
'(They) kept (her) there for about two months.'
430
P.551 Parni-mu
ngunhu ngawirta-ma-nnguli-ngumarnu-wa.
be-THEN that
to.lose.kin-CAUS-PASS-PROG-TOP1
'And then she lost her family (euphemism for passed away).’
P.552 Ngunhangart kurta ngunyji-wa-yu
yawut kurta-wa.
there
very thereNV-TOP1-EMPH4 west very-TOP1
‘That was down there in the west. Right to the west.'
P.553 Thangkat-pa
that's.that-TOP2
ngunhaatu.
that.one
'And that’s that.'
P.554 Yurlaarri-nha
ngunyjat kurta.
pass.away-PAST thatNV very
'She passed away right there.'
P.555
Finish!