Jordan-­‐Zachery 1 Workforce Development as Anti-Poverty Strategy:
Targeting Women of Color in Urban Rhode Island
Prepared for
University of Rhode Island
State of Urban Rhode Island: Assets and Opportunities
Julia S. Jordan-Zachery
Professor of Political Science
Director of Black Studies
Providence College
Email: [email protected]
Introduction
Rhode Island currently finds itself confronting a changing workforce. Among
White ethnics, the workforce is decreasing as a result of aging among this population and
a decrease in population size. Simultaneously, the state is experiencing an increase
among its racial population— primarily as a result of increases among Latinos. These
changes are being played out across the state; however, the state’s urban areas are home
to the largest percentage of minority residents (non-white residents account for more than
60.0% of the population in Providence, 40.0% in Pawtucket, and 20.0% in Woonsocket
(based on the American Community Survey’s (ACS) 2005- 2007 three-year estimate for
cities over 20,000 in population). These demographic shifts can prove to be an asset for
the state of Rhode Island; however, it is imperative that policy-makers respond
proactively and with a sensitivity to the needs of minoritized communities. One area that
should be addressed by policy makers is workforce development programs targeting
these populations.
Historically, U.S. workforce development policies and programs target lowincome and undereducated individuals with the goal of enhancing their employability,
learning potential and overall well-being. Racial minorities, particularly low-skilled
workers residing in areas with few employment opportunities, are often the targets of
such programs; however, policy makers tend to view potential workforce development
participants as homogenous, often ignoring differences both within and between groups.
For example, programs targeting women tend to treat all women as the same. Such
programs pay little to no attention to the reality that working women of color have a
different experience with the labor market than “women” as a whole. Further, workforce
development tends to be treated as separate and distinct from race-gender equity policies
and programs. Given the ongoing demographic shifts in both the U.S. and in Rhode
Island, workforce development programs ought to pay attention to ways race-gender
affects the employment sector. In light of current economic and demographic shifts in
Rhode Island, workforce development efforts should be connected to equity policies in an
attempt to make long-term, sustainable and living wage jobs more accessible.
This report focuses on the economic well-being of women of color residing in
Rhode Island’s urban communities and the imperative that the state engage
simultaneously in workforce development and race-gender equity to ensure that this
population is successfully integrated into the Rhode Island economy. More specifically,
the report highlights how race-gender structures inform the economic vulnerability these
programs purport to address. By the year 2050, it is projected that women of color will
represent 53 percent of the female population in the US (Ahmad & Iverson, 2013, p. 1).
The implications of this demographic shift will be felt in a number of areas, both
economic and political. Consequently, the overall well-being of this demographic group
has implications for families, communities, and the nation as a whole. To meet the
economic changes faced by Rhode Island, the examination of the unique challenges faced
by women of color in the labor force is warranted.
Jordan-­‐Zachery 2 This study identifies consistent patterns in Rhode Island’s urban areas: Central
Falls, Pawtucket, Providence, West Warwick and Woonsocket, where there are higher
concentrations of ethnic and racial minority residents, joblessness and poverty among
female-headed households. According to the U.S. Census Bureau 2011-2013 three-year
American Community Survey, the percentage of people living below the poverty line for
these areas are: Central Falls 30.7 percent, Pawtucket 19.3 percent, Providence, 29
percent, West Warwick 15.2 percent, and Woonsocket 25.8 percent. In terms of femaleheaded households, living below the poverty line (2011-2013), the rates were as follows:
Pawtucket 32.8 percent, Providence 45.3 percent, and Woonsocket 47.9 percent.
Statewide, the overall rate of poverty among racial and ethnic minority families is 16.2
percent, but in these areas it is dramatically greater: 38.6 percent among Blacks/African
Americans, 49.7 percent among American Indian/Alaska Natives, and 49 percent among
Hispanics/Latinos. Furthermore, over time, poverty rates have increased among these
groups. Given these trends, Rhode Island must confront how to integrate this people of
color in general and women of color specifically into the evolving technologically-based
economy.
This intersection of poverty, race and gender demonstrates that it is critical for
Rhode Island to pay particular attention to how race-gender influences employability and
access to employment if there is hope to improve the overall economic standing of the
state. The increasing poverty among these populations requires that the state strategically
support a range of social programs that address “problems” stemming from poverty and
joblessness, particularly workforce development. By focusing on economic security for
vulnerable families, the state would be better able to counteract many of poverty’s
negative effects. By improving the skill sets and employability of these vulnerable
women and their families, the state of Rhode Island will be better situated to address the
troubling pattern of joblessness in urban communities and thereby stabilize these
communities and the larger Rhode Island community and economy.
The challenge of mounting a successful workforce development program
targeting women of color is multifaceted and complex, as it is compounded by the
economic conditions of their communities and race-gender discrimination faced by many
women. One particular challenge faced by women of color, particularly poor women of
color, relates to spatial mismatch—where they are located relative to where jobs are
located. These women tend to reside in communities with significant job shortages. The
limited access to jobs in their communities often requires that women leave the
communities to access jobs primarily located in suburban areas. This can prove difficult
for a number of reasons, one of which is the challenge of securing reliable and costeffective transportation (Gordon, Kumar & Richardson, 1989) and childcare (Connelly &
Kimmel, 2003). Other employment related barriers include but are not limited to racegender discrimination and anti-immigrant sentiment.
In this paper I focus primarily on the issue of spatial mismatch and wage
discrimination to show the challenges faced by women of color, and specifically poor
women of color who reside in urban communities, drawing on data from national and
local studies, from state administrative sources, and from the Census that speaks to the
Jordan-­‐Zachery 3 employment challenges faced by women of color both in the U.S. and in Rhode Island.
Section I provide a portrait of women of color. Section II outlines demographic shifts
currently occurring in Rhode Island and pays particular attention to the growing
immigrant population. Section III addresses the changing nature of labor in Rhode Island
with a focus on spatial and skills issues relevant to minority communities. Section IV
discusses residential segregation and its impact on the economic security of urban
residents. Section V explores how women of color experience economic security and
how their social location influences their overall well-being and that of their families.
Section VI concludes the paper by offering a brief summary of the value of integrating
workforce development and race-gender equity policies.
Section I: Portrait of Women of Color
Minimal data exist speaking to the specific experiences of women of color in
Rhode Island. While there is extensive data, there is a tendency to focus on collecting
information separately for race/ethnic groups and gender identified groups.
Consequently, data tends not to focus on those populations that are simultaneously raced
and gendered—for example, black women. Thus, this portrait of women of color relies
more so on national data. The trends seen at the national level mirror many of the trends
among this population in Rhode Island. A 2012 report on the state of women of color in
the United States asserts, “To be sure, women of color have made incredible strides in
educational attainment and in the workplace—especially in entrepreneurship—yet their
earnings and net wealth still pale in comparison to white women” (Kerby, 2012, p.1).
This report further informs us that women of color tend to be concentrated in low-wage
service-sector jobs primarily. Women of color also experience pay differentials. Relative
to white males, Black women and Latinas earn 70 cents and 61 cents respectively.
Finally, women of color are more likely to experience lower median weekly earnings,
higher rates of unemployment and poverty (Kerby, 2012).
Recent data suggest Rhode Island’s women of color face similar challenges as
those faced by women of color at the national level. Consider that unemployment is
concentrated in the areas in which women of color disproportionately reside—
Providence, Pawtucket, Central Falls, and Woonsocket. For the period 2008-2012 the
unemployment rate for women 16 years and over in the labor force was as follows: 10.2
percent Central Falls; 9.9 percent Pawtucket; 14.75 percent Providence; 9.1 percent West
Warwick; 8.3 percent Woonsocket. In most of these municipalities, the unemployment
rate among this group exceeded the unemployment rate at the state level, which averaged
8.7 percent (Rhode Island Community Profiles). Unemployment disproportionately
affects people of color across educational levels. For example college graduates of color
(with a BA and higher) experience unemployment at “3.5 percentage points higher” in
comparison to White ethnics (PolicyLink, 2013, p. 40). Comparisons between and within
race and gender categories show that “at nearly every education level, Rhode Island’s
women of color face the highest unemployment and earn the least compared with white
women and men of all races/ethnicities” (PolicyLink, 2013, p. 41).
Jordan-­‐Zachery 4 Women of color in Rhode Island are also disproportionately represented among
solo-parenting households and, more specifically, among poor solo-parenting households.
In 2012, it was estimated that 51 percent of low-income working families are soloparented by women (Povich, Roberts & Mather, 2014-2015). In the five urban
communities, a substantial percentage of children under the age of 18 resided in soloparent households (See Table 1). Among children 18 years and younger who reside in
solo-parenting households, a substantial number of them are living in areas with higher
concentration of poverty; they are also more likely to be Latino or Black and are more
likely to be living in female-headed households.
Table 1: Children’s Living Arrangements, 2010, % of children under age 18
City
Living in
Children Living in Single Parent
Households
families
N
N
%
Rhode Island
223,144
68,138
31%
Central Falls
5,634
2,744
49%
Pawtucket
16,550
7,118
43%
Providence
41,497
19,136
46%
West Warwick
5,746
1,990
35%
Woonsocket
9,82
4,533
46%
Source: http://www.rikidscount.org/Portals/0/Uploads/Documents/Ind2.pdf
These data should impact the design of workforce development programs
targeting this group. Research has identified a number of factors that contribute to the
lived experiences of these women and their children. Many of these factors, including for
example higher rates of incarceration of the men of the communities, are beyond the
scope of this report. One factor, which is intimately linked to workforce development, is
formal educational attainment. Among solo-parenting households, many of which are
headed by women of color, 50 percent had no post-secondary education.
As a result of a number of factors, including the concentration of poverty, limited
formal education, limited access to jobs, and institutionalized race-gender oppressive
structures, many of these women are in a position where they cannot financially support
their families. It is estimated that “it costs a single-parent family with two young children
$51,492 a year to pay basic living expenses, including housing, food, health care, child
care, transportation, and other miscellaneous items. This family would need an annual
income of $59,083 to meet this budget without government subsidies” (The Economic
Progress Institute, 2014). With the exception of West Warwick, the median family
income in the five cities lies below the minimum income amount needed to support the
household structure common among Rhode Island’s women of color; and furthermore,
these levels have declined in the past decade, in some cases sharply (see Table 2).
Jordan-­‐Zachery 5 Table 2: Median Family Income, RI, 2009-2013
City
1999 Median Family
Income for families with
children under age 18
(Adjusted for 2013
Dollars)
Rhode Island
$70,681
Central Falls
$30,768
Pawtucket
$46,921
Providence
$34,316
West Warwick
$58,480
Woonsocket
$48,183
Source: Kids Count (2015) Economic Well-Being.
*Estimates with lower, acceptable margins of error
2009-2013 Median Family
Income for Families with
children under age 18*
$67,904
$28,953
$41,421
$33,154
$53,558
$31,307
Section II: Demographic Snapshot
A brief overview of some of the demographic shifts occurring in Rhode Island
will help place the lived experiences of women of color not simply within the areas they
tend to be concentrated but also in the context of the larger state. The demographic trends
suggest the following:
● Rhode Island is experiencing an overall population decline or slow population
growth. Between 2000 and 2010 the rate of population growth was 0.04 percent—
the lowest of all New England states. In comparison, New Hampshire had a rate
of growth of 6.5 percent and the U.S overall had a rate of growth of 9.7 percent
(U.S. Census).
● Population decline is mitigated by increases among immigrant populations (U.S
Census). As of 2010, immigrants account for 12.9 percent of Rhode Island’s
population (U.S. Census). Approximately 33 percent of low-income children have
one or more foreign-born parents (U.S. Census).
● It is estimated that more than 20 percent of the population speaks a language other
than English within the home (Rhode Island State Data Center, 2013). A
substantial number of Rhode Island’s immigrant population, and those that speak
a foreign language, reside in urban communities. Specifically, they reside in
Central Falls (over 33 percent), Pawtucket (23 percent), and Providence (25
percent) (U.S. Census, 2010).
● Rhode Island’s foreign-born population comes primarily from Latin and South
America. In 1990, 22 percent of foreign-born residents migrated from Latin and
South America. In 2012, 43 percent of foreign-born residents came from Latin
and South America (Migration Policy Institute).
●
The Center for American Progress lists Rhode Island as among 10 states where
the population is projected to be over 40 percent minority by 2060 (Teixeira, Frey &
Griffin, 2015). It is also expected that Rhode Island will continue to experience declines
Jordan-­‐Zachery 6 among working-class White ethnics, whose proportion of the population decreased 17
percent between 1980 and 2010. Rhode Island has seen relatively small population
growth between 1980-2010 (from 947,000 to 1,053,000). Much of the population growth
is attributed to the growth of the Latino population (44 percent) along with increases
among African Americans and Asians (23 and 28 percent respectively). Between 19802010, the percentage of the non-White population increased from 7 to 24 percent (U.S.
Census). In the near future, people of color are expected to be in the majority in
Providence County, home to the five urban communities comprising this study.
Section III: Rhode Island’s Changing Economy and Resulting Challenges
Not only is Rhode Island experiencing a demographic shift, but is faced with the
challenge of an economy shifting away from manufacturing into more service-oriented
jobs. According to Mazze and Edinaldo (2013), the state population is not sufficiently
trained to take these emerging jobs.
Most of the new jobs created in Rhode Island from 2014 to 2017 will be in
construction, financial activities, professional and business services, leisure and
hospitality, education and health services and high-tech (in Rhode Island many of
these industries continue to be male-dominated). The forecast indicates that there
will be little or no growth in manufacturing, trade, transportation and utilities,
information services and government employment (n.p.).
Unemployment and resulting poverty are deep and persistent problems in the
urban areas of Rhode Island. As of April 2015, Rhode Island’s unemployment rate was
6.1%--the lowest it has been in a number of years, yet rates in four of the five urban areas
were higher: in Central Falls 7.0 percent, Woonsocket 7.6 percent, Pawtucket and
Providence both 6.6 percent (RI Department of Labor and Training, 2015).
Patterns of job growth have been higher in non-urban areas, more than triple that
of urban communities. Between 1992 and 2002, non-urban areas experienced a 30%
increase in job growth in comparison; urban communities experienced a 7.7% rate of
growth (Rhode Island Housing, n.d.). Since 2005, Rhode Island’s median household
income grew by 8.2%. However, as noted, household income in the urban core
communities is among the lowest in the state (U.S. Census).
Section IV: Residential Segregation
As indicated in Figure 1, there continue to be patterns of residential segregation,
at the state level, along race and/or ethnicity. Between 1990 and 2010 there has been a
lessening of segregation between White ethnics and people of color, particularly Latinos
(who may be of any race). Blacks/African Americans continue to experience the highest
rates of segregation in 2010 (see figure 1). The current demographic residential patterns
show the proportion of Rhode Island’s racial and ethnic groups, particularly AfricanAmericans and Latinos, who are concentrated in urban communities in Rhode Island—
particularly in Central Falls, Pawtucket Providence and Woonsocket.
Jordan-­‐Zachery 7 Figure 1: Segregation from Whites, 1990-2010
Source: Census Bureau
Residential segregation is both influenced by and influences economic inequality
along racial and gender lines. Racial residential segregation, as seen in Rhode Island,
tends to result in “spatial mismatch” between urban “inner-city” neighborhoods, which
tend to be disproportionately populated by minorities, and the outlying suburbs where the
likelihood of accessing a job is increased (see Holzer & Ihlanfeldt, 1996; Stoll, Holzer &
Ihlanfeldt, 2000).
Spatial mismatch, in conjunction with geographic isolation, increases workers’
costs in a number of ways. Starting with the initial job search, workers who are isolated
from jobs tend to have increased costs—in terms of time spent outside the community
and the actual costs of travel. Extant research shows that Blacks and Latinos are less
likely than Whites to have access to automobiles. This racialized differences in terms of
access to cars is further exaggerated for those with less formal education. (Holzer,
Ihlanfeldt & Sjoquist, 1994; Raphael & Stoll, 2001). Consequently, racialized
populations with relatively less formal education face more challenges and increased
costs in terms of accessing jobs, particularly jobs outside of their communities. As a
result of spatial mismatch and skill mismatch women of color are not in a position to
access many low-wage jobs (see Stoll, Holzer, & Ihlanfeldt, 2000), much less the higher
paying jobs that might move them out of poverty.
Section V: Women of Color: Economic Security and Well-being
As of 2010, 13.1 percent of women in the workforce were Black, 4.7 percent were
Asian, and 12.8 percent were Latina. Increasingly, these women of color are the primary
Jordan-­‐Zachery 8 financial supporters of their families—53.3 percent of Black households and 40.1 percent
of Latino household (Kerby, 2012). While some progress has been made over the past
two decades, race-gender employment gaps have worsened as a result of the economic
downturn. African Americans/Blacks and Latinos, relative to White ethnics and people of
Asian descent, face higher rates of unemployment. For example, as reported by Policy
Link (2013, p. 31) Latino unemployment is twice the rate of White unemployment (12
percent compared with 5.7 percent). At the national level, Kerby (2012) details the
difference in unemployment rates among women of color. As of March 2013, the
unemployment rates, of Black and Latina women were 12.2 percent and 9.3 percent
respectively. For White women, the unemployment rate was 6.1 percent. People of color,
and women of color specifically, tend to be concentrated in low-opportunity jobs in
comparison to White ethnics. It is estimated, that at the national level, single women
account for 43 percent of the low-wage workforce (nearly double their share in the
overall workforce 23%). Among African American women, they account for 12 percent
of the low-wage workforce—double that of their overall workforce (National Women’s
Law Center, 2014, p. 2).
In addition to the race-gender employment gap, women of color also experience a
wage gap. This wage gap is experienced not only between genders but also between and
within races.
In Rhode Island, a woman who holds a full-time job is paid, on average, $41,074
per year while a man who holds a full-time job is paid $50,975 per year. This
means that women in Rhode Island are paid 81 cents for every dollar paid to men,
amounting to a yearly wage gap of $9,901 between men and women who work
full time in the state (National Partnership for Women & Families, 2014, p. 1)
National data tells us that “On average, African American women are paid 64
cents and Latinas are paid just 54 cents for every dollar paid to white, non-Hispanic men”
(National Partnership for Women & Families, 2014, p. 1). It is expected that women of
color in Rhode Island experience similar pay inequality. The wage gap, for the most part,
is explained as a result of the differences in occupations between men and women and
between racial groups (see Center for Research & Policy, 2013). Women in Rhode Island
tend to be concentrated in economic sectors such as social services and care. These are
sectors that tend to pay less and provide fewer benefits in comparison to jobs such as
plumbers and mechanics where men tend to be concentrated (Rhode Island Department
of Labor & Training, 2009). Women of color also experience job segmentation. A recent
study suggests that Black women and Latinas are underrepresented in management
positions. Instead, these women commonly work in the service industry (Kerby, 2012).
Given Rhode Island’s experiences with workforce segmentation of women in general, we
can presume that women of color in Rhode Island experience similar job segmentation
(see Rhode Island Department of Labor & Training, 2009).
Another factor contributing to the pay differentials between men and women
relates to caretaker responsibilities. Workers, primarily women, who are faced with
family care responsibilities, tend to withdraw from the labor force (Kerby, 2012).
Women of color are disproportionately affected since they tend to be the primary
Jordan-­‐Zachery 9 caretakers of their families. Over their lifetime, women of color who withdraw from the
labor force experience lower wages (if only in the short term) which then heightens their
economic vulnerability (Kerby, 2012).
The wage gap and the labor force segmentation have both short and long term
implications. Many of these implications are more pronounced for women of color as
individuals and for their families and communities. Pay differentials strain community
resources and result in less money for housing, education, health care, and food. It is
estimated than an African American woman working full time, on average “loses the
equivalent of 118 weeks of food each year due to the wage gap.” Among Latinas, it is
estimated that the loss is 154 weeks worth of food (Kerby 2012, n.p).
Conclusion
A number of factors contribute to the economic vulnerability faced by women of
color in Rhode Island. As Cherry and Gatta (2014, p. 102) argue, traditional workforce
development programs contribute to the problem because “training programs have
reinforced occupational segregation, funneling more women into lower-paying
occupations.” To address this economic vulnerability, employment is a critical link
between economic growth and poverty reduction. Thus, Rhode Island should engage in
workforce development programs that enhance the income earning opportunities for poor
women of color, either through wage employment or self-employment, particularly in the
technology-based occupations emerging in the new economy. Additionally, the state
should also pay attention to not simply training women to take available jobs, but also to
race-gender equity policies, as discrimination influences how women are treated in the
formal labor force. Programs linking workforce development and race-gender equity are
important for raising incomes and overcoming poverty among this group. Connecting
these issues would allow the state to ensure that citizens have access to long-term,
sustainable and living wage jobs, regardless of race and gender.
Women of color in urban communities locally, nationally, and globally
experience economic strain (Kalper & van der Ree, 2006). Often the experiences of
women of color with the labor market are a function of the intersection of their gender,
class and race. Thus, women of color tend to experience larger wage gaps in comparison
to their white female counterparts (PolicyLink, n.d.). Additionally, the problem of
joblessness has been and remains a persistent problem for people of color in general and
specifically women of color residing in urban communities. Given wage disparities and
persistent unemployment, women of color in urban areas in Rhode Island tend to be overrepresented among the poor (PolicyLink, n.d.). If urban areas are to remain economically
competitive, they must more fully integrate these women into the labor force. Given
women of color’s experiences with the labor force and poverty, it is important that
workforce development programs target this population. Such targeting should center the
intersection of gender, race, class, and even citizenship status as a means of identifying
the assets and opportunities among this population. Doing such will help to lessen the
wage gap and ultimately poverty experienced by women of color in the region and as a
result enhance the regional economic competitiveness of the state.
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