CENTRE FOR PEACE STUDIES
Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: Youth
Participation in Sierra Leone
Temilade Ayo Aladeokin
Master’s Thesis in Peace and Conflict Transformation
Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Education
UIT The Arctic University of Norway
November 2016
ii
ABSTRACT
In the post-conflict population, youth constitute a reservoir brimming with potential energy,
ready to be channelled for good or ill. What causes some young people to return to the life of a
fighter while others choose to work for a better future? And what can domestic and international
actors do to help youth move toward an education, work to support their families, and become
active contributors to building peace and reconstructing their countries?
Although much has been written about cases of children as soldiers and slaves in recent
conflicts, these cases are but one example of the impact of conflict on a subset of the youth
population.
This paper underlines the roles of children and youth in post-conflict peacebuilding and the
reinvention of their roles from participants of peacebuilding to active facilitators of postconflict peacebuilding. The reinvention is based on the re-interpretation of the traditional roles
of children and youth in post-conflict peacebuilding and the analysis of children and youth
peacebuilding programs. This will suggest that children and youth take on a more active role,
if not, a leadership role in peacebuilding programs conducted for children and youth.
Understanding what went on in Sierra Leone for 11 years and how the young people have
participated will be discussed in this paper. This paper will discuss how youth themselves
advocates for youth’s participation argue for the importance of education and skills building.
This is particularly important in a post conflict setting, such as Sierra Leone, where many youths
have lost out on 11years worth of education.
Keywords: youth, peacebuilding, young people, post-conflict, Sierra Leone, roles,
children, education
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
To God, for mercy, love and forgiveness.
To my parents, for your love of education and quest to have your children educated.
To my wife, Engr. Oyinkansola Aladeokin, you are Pride of my Heart.
To my daughter, Akintokunbo Aurora Aladeokin, you are love of my life.
To my supervisor, Percy Oware, I never knew you won’t be here to see me submit this thesis.
Thank you for making my dream come true in the Center for Peace Studies. Rest on.
To Dr. Gro Grimnes, thank you for treating me back to health.
To the Government of Norway, thank you for the opportunity granted to study Peace and
Conflict Transformation in a country that gives the Nobel Peace Prize.
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Table of Contents
Abstract…………………………………………………………………………… iii
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................... v
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................ vi
Chapter One - Introduction ....................................................................................... 1
1.1 Research Methodology..…………………………………. .................................. 2
Chapter Two – A Framework of Peace, Peacebuilding and Youth ............................ 4
2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 4
2.2 Youth ..................................................................................................................... 4
2.2.1 Defining youth ........................................................................................ 5
2.3 Notions of peace and peacebuilding......................................................................7
2.3.1 Peace .............................................................................................7
2.3.2 Post Conflict Peacebuilding ....................................................................9
2.4 Tendencies of conflicts .........................................................................................13
2.5 Identity in conflict .................................................................................................14
2.6 Theories of ‘young participation’ / Theories of participation ............................... 16
2.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................ .20
Chapter Three – Introducing the case study: Sierra Leone ......................................... 21
3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 21
3.2 Historical Overview……………………………………………………………...22
3.2.1 Declining politics ................................................................................... 22
3.2.2 The civil war .......................................................................................... 25
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3.2.3 The End of the Civil War ......................................................................... 27
3.3 Definition of Youth in Sierra Leone....................................................................... 29
3.4 Participation Patterns in Sierra Leone prior to the Civil War ................................ 30
3.5 Participation during the Civil War ......................................................................... 31
3.6 Participation in the Post Conflict Setting .................................................................34
3.7 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 36
Chapter Four – Youth’s Participation in Sierra Leone’s Peacebuilding Process ........... 38
4.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 38
4.2 Difficulties facing Youth in the Post-Conflict Era ................................................... 40
4.3 Youth-Led Initiatives................................................................................................ 42
4.4 Youth Organisations ................................................................................................. 43
4.4.1 Peacelinks................................................................................................... 44
4.5 Youth as researchers..................................................................................................46
4.6 Truth and reconciliation ........................................................................................... 46
4.7 Education and Skills building………………………………………………………47
4.8 Media and communication ........................................................................................ 48
4.9 Reintegration as means of building peace .................................................................49
4.9.0 Conclusion ...............................................................................................................50
Chapter Five - Conclusion .............................................................................................. 51
Literature………………………………………………………………………………..53
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
“If youth can be such a powerful force that can destroy a whole nation, why do people overlook
our resources when working for peace?”1
This was stated by a youth movement leader. I think it is an appropriate quote to start this
dissertation as it addresses one of the biggest challenges to youth participation. Youths are
often seen as troublemakers and a problem in many contexts. In the post conflict situation in
Sierra Leone they are looked at as previous soldiers who need to be kept at an arm’s length.
This thesis aims to explore the roles youth play in post conflict situations, in particular in
relation to peacebuilding processes. It asks the question in what ways have youth been
participating in the peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. I’ve looked at Sierra Leone as a case
study of how young people have been able to take part in the peace process.
The overall aim of this thesis is to look at the ways youth have participated in the post-conflict
peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. It will also consider if youth’s involvement in the
process of building peace can limit some of the problems with youth as ‘troublemakers’, and if
it can be argued that youth’s involvement leads to a more sustainable peace.
This thesis will try to take a holistic approach by looking at multiple factors that affect youth
in a post conflict context and peacebuilding process. One of these issues relates to gender,
writing this thesis I will try to bear in mind the use of a gender lens to some extent.
1
Search for Common Ground, 2009, Children Youth Conflict: An Introduction Toolkit of Engaging Children and Youth in
Conflict Transformation, Search for Common Ground, Wahsington, p.3
1
This thesis will also be exploring the idea that an ‘age lens’. Arguing that this might be a good
addition to the gender lens, when looking at areas of conflicts and the issues that peacebuilding
processes face, as well as dealing with issues of youth as troublemakers. By mainstreaming
youth’s participation and involvement, there might be a better chance for a stable peace.
Areas which have recently emerged from conflict often have a problem with protracted conflict
and outbreaks of violence. This thesis will look at how and why youth in many cases may be
seen as the main contributors to this violence and how this affects the peacebuilding process. It
will acknowledge and to some extent deal with theories and presumptions of ‘angry young men’
and that societies with high numbers of young (men) are more conflict prone than others. It will
look at how these ideas and theories might be countered, both through empowerment, education
and actual involvement of youth.
1.1
Research Methodology
This research was done using secondary sources only. My principal sources of materials were the
United Nations Libraries in Nairobi and Geneva and the Internet. My experiences in peace
building missions in Sierra Leone and Rwanda where I personally saw the role of outside
influence on the civil wars in these countries also helped me to make a critical analysis of the case
study on Sierra Leone.
There will need to be a thorough introduction and definition of several terms for this thesis, as
well as a brief description and analysis of the implications, critiques and problems with these
terms. These include post conflict situations and peacebuilding situations in addition to
peacebuilding in general. Youth is a very important concept in this dissertation, but also
considering age relations in different cultural settings. Gender cannot be ignored; it has been
2
argued that it is one of the biggest identity factors for individuals. That leads us into concepts
of identity and the importance of group identity, ethnic identity, national identity and the role
identity plays in conflict.
Peace is the goal of peacebuilding processes, so this needs to be defined, taking into account
questions of what image of peace is desirable, when is the goal reached, who builds the peace,
whose peace is it, methods used for reaching the peace? The list goes on, peace is a very
positive and highly rated term, but it is also highly contested and debated and there are many
different ideas of peace, both politically and ideologically based.
The basis of my interest in this has to do with youths (seemingly) endless energy for something
they care about (personal experience). But also the slightly positive, optimistic (maybe a bit
naive) world view youth seem to hold could be helpful to gain progress in certain conflicts
where there has been little progress. Also, a notion I hold that prejudice are not as deeply rooted
in ‘younger people’ and they might be more willing to accept these prejudice to be disproven.
‘Ability to forgive and forget’
This thesis consists of three chapters. They each deal with different aspects of the research
question. The first chapter looks at the definition of key terms, as well as dealing with some of
the theoretical aspects of participation and peacebuilding. The second chapter looks at a general
history of Sierra Leone, as well as noting some of youth‘s involvements at different stages
through history. The third and last chapter looks at different forms of participation by youth in
the peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone, it also looks at some of the issues youth face.
3
CHAPTER
TWO:
A
FRAMEWORK
PEACEBUILDING AND YOUTH
2.1
OF
PEACE,
Introduction
This chapter will deal with the theory of the different terms in the thesis question and look at
the ways in which things are defined influences the way they are practiced. First I will define
the key term in this thesis – youth. I will be dealing with some of the problems linked to this
term and how it can be part of determining youth’s situations. I will also look at how youth
is defined in terms of age group and how this relates to the study of youth’s participation.
Thereafter I will look at the term peace and terms such as ‘positive and negative’ peace. I
will look at post-conflict peacebuilding, as well as look at some of the terms that interact and
influence the post conflict peacebuilding process, such as peacebuilding and peacekeeping. I
thought it was important to get an understanding of the key concepts for this thesis before
starting to explore some of the theories of ‘youth participation’.
Many of the concepts in this dissertation are highly contested and debated. I cannot give a
full review of the different concepts, but I will attempt to give an overview of the terms in a
way that I find relevant to the dissertation and research question.
2.2
Youth
Youth as a theme is vigorously discussed and debated in multiple settings, both as a security
threat and as an untapped resource or potential, 2 – also the idea of creative and energetic youth
– as troublemakers and peacemakers.3 There are extensive writing on children as victims and
2
Sierra Leone’s post-war situation where the word youth is often spoken in the same sentence as security concern.
Hanson-Alp, Rosalind, 2008, ―Youth and Security, Peace, Security and Development Update, Issue 4, June,
Conciliation Resources, p. 2. The ―proportion of young men in a society also increase the risk of conflict. Berdal,
Mats and David M. Malone (edt), 2000, Greed and Grievance: economic agendas in civil wars, Lynne Rienner
Publishers, London, p. 97.
3
McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, 2006, Troublemakers or Peacemakers? : Youth and Post-Accord Peace
Building, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame.
on both youth and children as active participants in violent conflicts.4 The use of terms such
as children and youth carry a certain sort of meaning and stigma. For example, children are
often seen as vulnerable, innocent victims. Youth are seen as perpetrators of crime, aggressive
and greedy. 5 Some argue that these negative images can easily become ‘self-fulfilling
prophecies’ and do fit well with the resilience and flexibility youth.6
Some of the issues attached to youth, are marginalisation from politics, employment and other
aspects of societal life. These are particularly dominant in the context of violent conflict, where
youth are recruited as warriors, child soldiers and youth gang members. In conflict situations
social implications linked with childhood or adulthood change, and children might be forced to
grow up faster and might make young adults stay within the definition of youth because ‘rites
of passage’ have been disturbed. 7
2.2.1 Defining youth
Too make the research easier and clearer I have chosen to work with a preliminary age range
for inclusion of the term youth, but if necessary or where I see fit I am more than willing to
be flexible and go outside the age range I set up. I have chosen to define youth8 as any person
4
Boyden, Jo and Johanna de Berry (edt.), 2004, Children and Youth on the Front Line: Ethnography, Armed Conflict and
Displacement, Berghahn Books, New York / Oxford. And Brett, Rachel and Irma Specht, 2004, Young Soldiers : Why They
Choose to Fight, Lyenne Rienner Publishers, Colorado. The Impact of War on Children by Graca Machel.
Yvonne Kemper, 2005, ―Youth in War-to-Peace Transitions. Approaches by International Organizations., Berghof Report
no. 10, p. 5. But also; Hendrixson, Anne, 2004, ―Angry young men, veiled young women: Constructing a new population
threat and ―Fearing Africa‘s Young Men‖ by Marc Sommers, 2006, and ideas that ―societies with high numbers of young men
are more prone to violence‘. Berdal, Mats and David M. Malone (edt), 2000, op cit.
5
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Johan, 2006, ―Recruitment and Reintegration of Former Youth Soldiers in Sierra Leone:
Challenges of Reconciliation and Post-Accord Peace Building‖, in McEvoy- Levy, Siobhan, Troublemakers or Peacemakers? :
Youth and Post-Accord Peace Building, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame.p. 37.
6
7
Stephanie Schwartz, 2010, YOUTH in Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Agents of Change, United
States Institute of Peace Press, Washington pp. 4-6
8
Where relevant I may use other terms such as children, adolescents, young people and young adults to be able to cover
ground on age ranges that interlinks with the term youth.
5
between 13 and 30 years old. I have considered using United Nation’s definition of youth
which ‘defines them as people between the ages of 15 and 24.’9 But I think this definition is
bit too limiting for what I wish to achieve in this thesis. In the case study country, Sierra
Leone youth can include people in their forties.10 The age range chosen includes teenagers or
adolescents which are often seen as youth in western cultures and I have expanded the age to
30 years old so that most of those who are considered youth in Sierra Leone are taken into
account thereby striking a balance between our Western concept of youth and the broadly
African concept of youth.
Giving a definition on the age group of interest in this context can be a bit complicated and is
often not very useful or valuable. It is important to acknowledge different cultural variations
of what youth means. Who youth are often varies according to context, different places and
different times. 11 Even within the same day a young person can be anything from a youth,
child or even an adult, all depending on the situation. For example a 16 year old can be tried
in court as an adult, according to the Convention on the Rights of the Child anyone under the
age of 18 is a child,12 and according to the definition I have given of youth above, the 16year- old would count as a youth.
Kemper argues that the term youth describes ‘a distinct phase between childhood and
adulthood’ and that it is more useful to ‘define the term according to the functional and
sociocultural context’ rather than ‘limiting this notion to a certain age range.’ 13 This
9
Kemper, 2005, op cit. p. 3
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit. p. 30
11
Youth can be defined to the period in a person‘s life when they are ―in transition between childhood and maturity‖, often
seen as the teenage years or used as a synonym for adolescents, this happen especially in modern Western societies, which
have a strong focus on individuals, but still wanting them to fit in to the box of expected development pattern. Wessels et al.,
op cit. 2006, p. 29
12
Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1990, available online: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm (last accessed 28
April 2011) and UNICEF, 2008, Convention on the Rights of the Child, available online: http://www.unicef.org/crc/
10
13
Kemper, Yvonne, 2005, op cit., p. 6,
6
argument is supported by Schwartz who argues that ‘age-defined boundaries do not capture
conceptions of ‘youth’ across cultures. Chronological definitions of youth common in the
West promote an individualistic understanding of development outside social context: youth
is determined simply by age, not in reference to one’s interaction with other people or
events.’14 One might say that by limiting youth to a certain age group you can ultimately
exclude people who might still have a role to play as youth.15
2.3
Notions of peace and peacebuilding
2.3.1 Peace
Definitions of peace may vary a lot; from meaning ‘the absence of war’ (and ‘direct
violence’16) or meaning ‘a life of cooperation and peaceful coexistence’. 17 Johan Galtung
writes about two definitions of peace where the first one is ‘violence - oriented ... To know
about peace, we have to know about violence’ and the second definition is ‘conflict-oriented;
peace is the context for conflicts to unfold non-violently and creatively.’ Furthermore, he
argues that to know about peace we need to have an understanding of ‘conflict and how
conflicts can be transformed, both non-violently and creatively.’18 This idea of nonviolent
conflict resolution or nonviolent conflict transformation is ideal to avoid escalation to violent
conflict. 19
Another definition of peace, which includes the absence of war or violence,
concentrates on the relationship between people or parties. Johnsons’ definition of peace
focus even more on the relationships between people, he writes that peace is ‘a mutually
14
P. 5 Schwartz, op cit. 2010
Kemper, 2005, op cit. p. 9. ‘There exist profound differences between developing and developed countries, which put
universal definitions into perspective.’
15
16
Galtung‘s triangle of direct, cultural and structural violence. Galtung, Johan, 1996, Peace by
Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization, Sage publications, London. P. 2
17
18
19
Fisher, R.J, 1997, Interactive Conflict Resolution, Syracuse University Press, New York, p. 10.
Galtung, Johan, 1996, op cit., P. 9
Fisher, R.J, 1997, op cit. p. 9.
7
beneficial, harmonious relationship among relevant parties.’20 And seeing as relationships
never can be static nor can peace ‘it is a dynamic process that increases or decreases with the
actions of each involved party. The long-term maintenance of peace requires that members
of the disputing groups interact with each other, get to know each other, work together to
achieve mutual goals.’21
We often distinguish between positive and negative peace. But what does this actually
mean? Galtung has offered an explanation where negative peace means ‘absence of
violence of all kinds’22 and positive peace, which is often considered more complicated to
explain, evolves cooperation, kindness, equality and fairness.23
Positive peace involves ‘species cooperation, not struggle’, 24 and a verbal and physical
kindness, good to the body, mind and spirit of Self and Others; addressed to all basic needs,
survival, well-being, freedom and identity. Galtung also describes a peace where putting
freedom over repression; equity over exploitation, and reinforcing this with ‘dialogue’,
‘integration’, ‘solidarity’ and ‘participation’ 25 is important.26 In other words cooperation and
nonviolence is important to Galtung’s positive peace, as well as freedom and equality. He
argues that by being kind to one another and to use a positive mindset in interaction with
other human beings, would probably lead to less conflict and more creative nonviolent
Johnson, David W. and Roger T. Johnson, 2006, ―Peace education for consensual peace: the essential role of conflict
resolution‖, Journal of Peace Education, Vol. 3, No. 2, University of Minnesota, USA, p. 147.
21
Johnson, D. W. et al, 2006, op cit. pp. 147-148.
22
Galtung, Johan, 1996, op cit., p. 31.
20
23
Galtung divides positive peace into four categories: ‘nature peace’, ‘direct positive peace’, ‘structural positive peace’,
and ‘cultural positive peace’, 1996, op cit., p. 29-33.
24
This could be interpreted as we need to be kind to nature and other species on the planet. Galtung, Johan, 1996, op cit., p.31
25
Galtung, Johan, 1996, op cit., p. 29 - 33
Within positive peace lies a philosophy of ‗sukha‘ (a ―state of bliss ... enhancement of life‖) he states that positive peace
goes even beyond ‗sukha‘. Galtung, Johan, 1996, op cit., p. 29-33
26
8
methods of solving the conflicts. This philosophy of peace fits quite well with Johnson’s (et
al) description of peace with the human relationship in focus.
The image one holds of the ideal peace may vary a lot according to political standpoints. This
will influence the path one chooses to achieve this peace. The agenda of the ‘liberal peace’27
has influenced many of the actions taken by the international society and has been the driving
force behind many peacekeeping missions. Currently there is a ‘major reflective and critical
evaluation‖ of conflict resolution and peacebuilding, which also ‘has touched upon the heart
of political, economic, social and cultural systems; institutions, ideologies, and norms that
have been held to the core of liberal political theory for hundreds of years; and, currently, of
generally held assumptions about IR [international relations], peace and conflict.’ 28 This
means that the liberal idea, or ‘word view’ if you like, has been dominating for the past
century, but is now facing a bit more critique and resistance as more ‘alternative’ methods of
building peace are being explored.
2.3.2 Post Conflict Peacebuilding
Post conflict peacebuilding is a very complicated task. It is important to realise that ‘peace
processes are not clean, linear and able to be characterized solely in terms of a series of
negotiation steps involving political parties and armies but rather involve many more actors in
civil society.’ 29 It is closely linked with peacekeeping efforts, and the general process of making
peace. Nevertheless, it has been argued that peacebuilding has a bigger scope for dealing with
both short-term and long-term issues of a peace process and a belief that peacebuilding can
27
Newman, Edward, Roland Paris and Oliver P. Richmond, 2009, New perspectives on liberal peacebuilding United
Nations University Press, New York.
28
Oliver Richmond (edt), 2010, Palgrave advances in peacebuilding: critical developments and approaches, Palgrave
Macmillian, Hampshire. P. 1
29
McEvoy-Levy, 2006, op cit. p. 7.
9
better accommodate for a sustainable peace, than peacekeeping operations.30 McEvoy-Levy
argues that ‘post-accord peace building refers to a crucial and distinct phase in a conflict when
both violence prevention and social reconstruction challenges co-exist and overlap, and conflict
management, conflict resolution and conflict transformation measures are required in an effort
to construct a ‘sustainable peace’.’31
In a post conflict peacebuilding process it is important to address and solve the underlying
problems and structural causes of the conflict.32 It has been argued by several professionals
that this is best done through an integrative framework.33 By this, it means an integration
of different approaches to peacebuilding and conflict resolution, as well as an integration
of different actors within the society in question. This would mean that all actors in any
given conflict need to be part of forming the peace agreement, not just the fighting
fractions, but also the civil society, included in that are the children, youth, adults and
elderly. Living through a civil war makes everyone a participant or an actor in the war,
whether as a victim or a perpetrator, or both. When it comes for the time of a ceasefire and
peace talks to get to a peace agreement everyone need to be involved and get a chance to
participate and get their voices heard.
Peace-making, peacekeeping and peacebuilding often overlap to some extent, or sometimes
they can be put forward by a combined effort. Even so it can be important to make a
distinction between the three, Galtung differentiates them thus:
30
Keating, Tom and W. Andy Knight (edt.), 2004, Building Sustainable Peace, United Nations
University Press, Alberta, p. 356.
31
McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, 2006, op cit. pp. 7-8
Keating (et al.), 2004, op cit. p. XXXIV.
33
Fisher, R.J., 1997 op cit. and Lederach, J. P., 1997, Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies,
United States Institute of Peace Press, Washington.
32
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
Peace-keeping: control the actors so that they at least stop destroying things, others and
themselves

Peace-making: embed the actors in a new formation; in addition, transform attitudes and
assumptions

Peace-building: overcome the contradiction at the root of the conflict formation34
As explained above, the ideas and understandings of peace and how to get to a state of ‘peace’
may vary a great deal. This is and has been reflected in different peacekeeping and
peacebuilding missions around the world. Many of these ideas of peacebuilding came from
the practices of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), but also from
‘individual’ ‘strong’ states (such as the U.S.A.) with some support from other states.35 These
forms of peacebuilding has been seen as driven by ‘Western states own agenda’ of neo-liberal
ideals as well as part of a neo-imperialist agenda.36
It is a very state and institutional focused way of building peace, often focused on (political or
economic) elites and (self-proclaimed) community leaders – who are often elderly men. This
has a huge impact on the kind of peacebuilding processes put in place and often ignores younger
people and women.37 As well as ignoring or ‘forgetting about’ huge chunks of the populations,
this will be categorised as a ‘to-down’ approach to peacebuilding which raises issues on several
other levels. Lederach criticises the international community for focusing on disaster
management’ as a way of dealing with violent conflicts. Within this he argues that there is a
34
Galtung, Johan, 1996 op cit. P. 103
Keating (et al.), 2004, op cit. p. XXXI
36
Paris, Roland, 2004, At War‟s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict, Cambridge University Press, pp. 18 – 37.
37
Miall, Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, 1999, Contemporary Conflict Resolution, Polity Press, Cambridge. P. 60-61, Pankhurst,
Donna (edt), 2008, Gendered Peace: Women‟s Struggle for Post- War Justice and Reconciliation, Routledge, London. (pp. 1
– 26), McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, 2006, op cit. (pp. 14 – 15, 81 – 97)
35
11
focus on ‘finding political solutions ... peace accords’ without thinking long term for sustaining
the peace process.38
There are many different approaches to peacebuilding, varying from; military strategies,39
ideas of Liberal Peace Thesis40 and grassroots, civil society approach41. Ramsbotham (et
al.) argue that ‘peacebuilding tries to overcome the contradictions which lie at the root of
the conflict’42. Further to this, they argue that ‘thinking about the complex dynamics and
processes of post conflict peacebuilding, including the idea that effective and sustainable
peace-making processes must be based on not merely manipulation of peace agreements
made by elites, but more importantly on the empowerment of communities torn apart by
war to build peace from below.’ 43 This is arguing that it is more that matters for the
peacebuilding in post-conflict situations than a politicised peace-accord between leading
political, warring or conflicting fractions. This argument can be backed up by Johnson’s
(et al.) 44 argument of relational peace involving all people, arguing for an inclusive
peacebuilding process. Even so, it is important to acknowledge the importance of peace
agreements / accords to end the cycles of violence, but for them to work it seem vital to
have the backing of civil society as well as their perspectives taken into account. 45 A
different approach to peacebuilding might focus on what has been called ‘community based
38
Lederach, 1997, op cit. p 73-74
Either through monitoring a ceasefire, political transformation, or to avoid re-recruitment and elapse into violent groups.
Roland Paris, 2004, op cit. p. 13 onwards, especially pp. 38-39. But also military negotiations around the peacebuilding
process.
40
Ibid. p.40 onwards.
41
It is in this section that the strongest argument for youths participation in peacebuilding.
42
Oliver Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse and Hugh Miall, 2005, Contemporary Conflict Resolution. p.215. This section puts
up the argument to build peace from a civil society / communities needs and wants. p. 30
43
Oliver Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse and Hugh Miall, 2005, Contemporary Conflict Resolution. p.215. This section puts
up the argument to build peace from a civil society / communities needs and wants. p. 30
44
Johnson, D. W. et al, 2006, op cit. pp. 147-148.
39
45
John Paul Lederach has some of the same notion, saying that ‘building peace in today’s conflicts calls for long-term
commitment to establishing an infrastructure, across levels of a society, an infrastructure that empowers the
resources for reconciliation from within that society and maximizes the contribution from outside. In short,
constructing the house of peace relies on a foundation of multiple actors and activities aimed at achieving and
sustaining reconciliation.’ p. xvi, in Lederach,
1997 op cit.. Some more definitions and ideas of peacebuilding can be found in Johan Galtung, 1996, AND in Tom
Keating and W. Andy Knight (edt.), 2004, op cit..
12
solutions’, ‘grass roots’, ‘civil society’, ‘local’, and ‘indigenous’ solution.46 It is a way of
trying to help local projects and attempts to build their own peace, accommodating for
cultural differences. It is trying to step away from a blueprint of peacebuilding and saying
that there is no ‘one’ answer to what peace is and how peacebuilding is conducted. This
has also been highly criticised for being vague, dreamy, and unachievable. 47 But still the
general idea of peacebuilding is to get out of the cycle of violence and to build a society
that can sustain itself and its citizens in a peaceful manner.
2.4
Tendencies of conflicts
Richards is arguing that we need to question and re-examine the ‘Malthusian vision of
African dystopia’ 48 and to take into account cheap AK-47s and drugs. He sees some
problems with Huntington’s thesis of ‘Clash of Civilisations’ as being essentialist and not
taking into account the diversity and fluidity of cultures. 49 As well as looking at arguments
that the post-Cold War world has changed, where states no longer have monopoly of military
force or use of violence, where there no longer are a ‘balance of terror’ due to the threat of
nuclear war, and a world where religious, cultural and criminal organisations are ‘prepared
to pursue armed conflict’.50 A world where the tendencies of wars have shifted to ‘small,
localized and essentially uncontrollable armed conflicts’,
51
where cultures clash,
competition for resources, and environmental breakdown are some of the major reasons for
war to break lose. This way of looking at conflicts, particularly the wars happening outside
the western or northern hemisphere, is based in western philosophies and ways of thinking,
46
Van Tongeren, Malin Brenk, Marte Hellema and Juliette Verhoeven, (EDT), 2005, People Building Peace II: Successful
Stories of Civil Society, A project for the European Centre for Conflict Prevention, McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, 2006, op cit, and
Paris, Roland, 2004, op cit.
47
van Tongeren (et al), 2005, op cit.
48
Richards, 1996, Fighting for the Rain Forest: War, Youth and Resources in Sierra Leone, International African Institute in
association with James Currey [and] Heinemann, Oxford. P. XIII
49
Ibid Pp. XIII - XXV
50
Ibid . P. XIV
51
Ibid P. XIV
13
it looks down at these civil wars as ‘barbaric’ and looks at these ‘pre-modern’ people fighting
and using violence against each other to gain power or to control resources. Whereas putting
forward the idea that here in the ‘west’, in Europe and North America, there is democracy
and justice systems to solve our conflicts and disputes. This is a rather essentialist and
superior way of thinking has been dominating journalistic reportages and in a lot of academic
writings.52
Graca Machel points out something very obvious, but it is still important to mention she says
that the ‘best way to protect children from wars is to prevent conflict.’ There is something
curious in the quote; Machel writes that prevention of conflict is the best way to protect children
from wars, but conflict theory tells us that not all conflict is bad, but the way we handle conflicts
in our lives can be bad, or when conflicts get a chance to escalate without being dealt with can
lead to a bad result – war.
2.5
Identity in conflict
Looking at identity in general and its links to group belongingness,53 we can see the links to
relationships54 and the way we socialise and see ourselves in relation to others. Identity is an
important aspect of culture and it links with belongingness to different groups. Youth are
often considered to be an identity group open to impressions and influences. It is argued that
children and youth are more easily manipulated than adults, but at the same time think more
freely than adults.55 This may help us understand how and why youth would join military
groups ‘voluntarily’. Military groups can provide camaraderie and sense of belonging to a
52
Ibid P. XIV
Brewer, Marilynn B., 2003, Intergroup relations, Open University Press, Philadelphia.
54
As discussed before in relation to conflicts, Johnson (et al), 2006 op cit..
55
Galtung, Johan , 2006, ―Theoretical Challenges of Peace Building with and for Youth: A Short Story from Post-Accord
Europe‖ p. 261, In Troublemakers or Peacemakers? Youth and Post-Accord Peace Building, by Siobhan McEvoy-Levy.
53
14
group, in addition to physical security and a source of food and shelter. Understandably, this
could seem very appealing to youth in many conflict situations.
Baumann shows how ethnic identity and religion, and an idea that the ‘authority on bonds of
blood and decent ... are treated as if they were natural fact’. 56 That identity groups, such as
rebel armies, can use both ethnic and religious identity to strengthen the bonds within a group
and distance themselves further from the other groups.57
Further on arguing that ‘ethnicity is a carefully cultivated, and not seldom a manipulated,
strategy of social action lead by unelected elites’. 58 This shows how ‘culture’ or ‘cultural
identities’59 can be manipulated and twisted to support an elite’s or charismatic leader’s goals
of creating change and unity within a group. This seems to have been a common tactic amongst
military leaders in Sierra Leone. Bauman changes the terms, so that the word ‘identifications’
replaces the word ‘identities’, and thereby changing the dynamics in which we see different
group identities to be less static or beyond change and questioning.60
56
Baumann, Gerd, 1999, The Multicultural Riddle: Rethinking National, Ethnic and Religious Identities, Routledge,
New York, p. 136. Sometimes a group develop their own version of truths and logic, and ideas of your group being
‗the good‘ and the other group(s) ‘the evil’ and making the world look black and white is a tactic used to recruit people
for certain causes.
57
These bonds of belongingness are often exaggerated by distancing and contrasting your group from ‘the other’. This
process of otherisation can often lead to conflict between different groups.
58
Baumann, Gerd, 1999, op cit. pp. 136-137
Cultural identities seem to be considerably important for people, especially if they feel at risk or threatened. Language and
different ways of expressing oneself (through anything from writing to arts and music) also seems to be strongly interlinked.
60
It does not work to treat ―identity as a reified cultural label‖ but rather ‘a dialogical process’. Baumann, Gerd, 1999, op cit.
pp. 137-138. This is further reinforced by Benhabib who argues that ‘Culture has become a ubiquitous synonym for identity,
an identity marker and differentiator.’ Benhabib, Sayla, 2002, The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global
Era, Princeton University Press, Princeton. P. 1
59
15
Gender61 has been argued by some to be one of the strongest identity factors for human being;
‘Gender identity is one of the most fundamental aspects of life.’62 Gender differ throughout
cultures and time and the roles that different genders hold gets influenced by the politics and
society around them. Then it is only natural to think about how gender influence conflicts.
Gender roles and gender expectations also influence the situation of youth, as much in the
conflict setting as well as in post- conflict settings where gender roles might look completely
different than the situation before a conflict.
2.6
Theories of ‘young participation’ / Theories of participation
“When children are recognised as civil society actors, when they feel that their views are
being listened to and taken into account, when they feel their concerns and aspirations are
being addressed, only then will their rights be realised, and their full potential as active agents
within society be recognised.63
There are several arguments for youth’s participation ranging from arguments around their
unique stage of development; to keep them from becoming troublemakers; based on the
demographic size they make up; because they are the leaders / adults of tomorrow; both
according to human and children’s rights, and the fact that they are members of society. This
section will concentrate on youth’s participation, the different forms and levels of
participation, mainly focusing on the relation to peacebuilding processes, but also
considering youth participation in political and decision-making processes. Taking into
consideration that youth are often seen as an in-between group, not quite a child nor a grown-
61
Gender is about how we learn to be men and women. It is a social aspect of our roles as human beings which is often, but
not always, based on our physical biological sex.
62
Hammarberg, Thomas, 2009, ―Human Rights and Gender Identity‖ Issue Paper, Council of Europe Commissioner for
Human Rights, Strasbourg, available online: https://wcd.coe.int/wcd/ViewDoc.jsp?id=1476365 (last accessed 27 April 2011).
Fiona Macaulay, from Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford also utter the same idea that gender is one of the
most profound identity factors for human identity. Fiona Macaulay, (no date), ―Gender What is the Big Deal, Gender Matters,
available online: http://wn.com/Gender_Matters (last accessed, 27 April 2016)
63
O‘Kane, 2009, op cit. p. 281
16
up / adult, there is a need to look at children’s rights as well as human rights in general, and
still not forgetting about cultural relativism. Looking at theory of youth self-identification
and the groups they identify themselves with can also help in the theorising of youth
participation. I will also look at how important the encouragement of youth to use their voices
are, as well as considering the consequences of youth who are being heard compared with
youth who are silenced. I will also explore the idea that ‘youth are essential to a sustainable
peace’.
Graca Machel is an eager advocate for children and youth rights, she says that when we put
‘children at the centre of reconstruction also means involving them as a resource. Young
people must not be seen as problems or victims, but rather as key contributors in planning and
implementing long-term solutions.’64 She argues that civil society organisations are crucial for
this to come true and to help facilitate the conditions for youth participants. She goes on to
argue that international Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) often play a major role in
the emergency support, but that it is the government and national NGOs who makes sure that
youth and children get a chance to contribute to the post conflict peacebuilding process. So it
is important to give them support and resources so they can ‘strengthen their capacity and
broaden their scope.’65
There is more extensive writing on children’s participation than youth’s participation, and
therefore a considerable amount of the theorising around youth participation is based on a
combination of child rights and human rights. ‘Each of the rights set out in the Convention
[on the Rights of the Child] interrelate to each other. Participation goes hand-in-hand with
protection, development and survival.’ 66 So a holistic approach to understanding and
fulfilling the right of children is necessary, and to not forget about youth. Save the Children
64
see p. 177 in Machel, Graca, 2001 op cit.
Ibid p. 178
66
O‘Kane, 2009, p. 261 op cit.
65
17
Norway argue for the rights of children to take part in peace processes and peace
agreements.67 They see it as important that all members of society get a say and a chance to
influence the future, no matter the age. Graca Machel says that ‘putting children at the centre
of reconstruction also means involving them as a resource. Young people must not be seen
as ... victims, but rather as key contributors in planning and implementing long-term
solutions.’68
“Supporting the rights of adolescents and youth, especially their participation, is not only
an obligation, it is essential good practice.”69
As debated above, the terms; youth and children, are highly politicised and so it influences the
roles they play in peace processes. Youth are often the image of negative roles of children and
youth, whereas child is related to innocence and in need of protection.70 But several advocates
for children and youth participation say it is important to put these aside for children and youth
to reach their full potential for participation. 71 Within this lies the notion that it is very
important to realise that ‘youth’ and ‘children are not a homogeneous group’ they ‘will have
different perspectives and experiences’ according to context; age, nationality, location, time,
– the socio- cultural context and ‘it is crucial to recognise the diversity of children’s [and
Save The Children Norway, 2005 ―Listen to us! Children s rights in peace processes and peace agreements‖ (Online)
Available at: http://www.reddbarna.no/soek?q=listen+to+us (Accessed on 24 April 2016)
68
Graca Machel, 2001, op cit. pp. 177-178. Clare O‘Kane (et al) 2009, op cit. p. 260 argues that the importance of children
parrticipation is about ‘creating the space for girls and boys of different ages and abilities to express their views and
experiences, so that these can be heard, listened to and acted upon by a range of adults to further the realisation of children’s
rights’ in particular in relation to ‘the contributions of children to peacebuilding efforts such as reconciliation, reconstruction
and rehabilitation, which bring with them the hope of a more secure world.’
69
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, Youth Speak Out: New Voices on the Protection and
Participation of Young People Affected by Armed Conflict, New York.
67
70
Sommers, Mark, 2006, ― op cit. Hendrixson, Anne, 2004, ― op cit., Urdal, Henrik, 2006, ‘A Clash of Generations?
Youth Bulges and Political Violence’, International Studies Quarterly, 50, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford.
‘Western concepts of childhood as a time of innocence, dependency and powerlessness need to be challenged if we are to
find ways to divert children and young people from violent action to nonviolent action for positive social change.’ O‘Kane (et
al), 2009, op cit. p. 263
71
18
youth’s] experiences and to create opportunities for the views and opinions of children of all
age groups to be heard.’72
When considering youth in a post conflict peacebuilding setting, it might be relevant to look
at peacebuilding process as ways to renegotiate roles of children and youth in the political
and societal sphere. As well as advocating for youth, children and women’s presence in
peace-accords so it can facilitate for their future participation of implementing the peace.73
There need to be a social and political inclusion of youth in the process of transforming
conflict and in peacebuilding and ‘to recognise children and young people as social and
political beings’. 74 This is based on the argument that youth may have experiences and
capacities that can work well for the new social and political structure coming out of war.
Otherwise, it is argued, they may very well stand in opposition to this new structure and feel
alienated by the process and not want to participate later on.75
‘Supporting the rights of adolescents and youth, especially their participation, is not only an
obligation, it is essential good practice.’76 Wessells argues for youth’s positive participation
in post conflict peacebuilding in order to integrate them so they can play a positive role in
their societies in the post conflict era. ‘To build peace in a post-accord environment, it is vital
to engage youth in positive ways, enable them to assume a positive role in civilian society,
72
Ibid p. 261
McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, 2006, op cit..
74
O‘Kane (et al), 2009, op cit. p. 263
73
75
‘For peace to be sustainable, the adults of tomorrow need to feel a sense of ownership and responsibility for the
creation and maintenance of a climate of peace.’ O‘Kane (et al), 2009, p. 274 and Lori Drummond-Mundal and Guy
Cave ‘Children as the seeds of peace: Exploring children’s potential contribution to conflict transformation and
peacebuilding’, Draft submitted to the Journal of Peacebuilding and Development (unpublished manuscript, 2006)
76
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, op cit. p.1.
19
and integrate them into communities’. 77 To achieve this it is ‘crucial for adults to support
youth’s initiatives and contributions to peacebuilding.’78
2.7
Conclusion
This chapter show some different strategies and thinking around peace and peacebuilding. It
shows to some of the issues around definition of youth and how these can make youth’s
participation more problematic. We have also looked at how meaningful participation for
youth (and children) is important, especially in situation of conflict and insecurity. Giving
youth a chance for meaningful participation and a space to come together with their peers to
utter their views, opinions and experiences and understanding of what has happened during
the conflict. This ‘can give children [and youth] strength and increase their life skills and selfconfidence’ Save the Children argue therefore that supporting meaningful children and youth
participation is very important. ‘There are many examples that illustrate how living through
violent times has strengthened girls’ and boys’ aspirations for peace.'79
77
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Johan, op cit. P. 28.
O‘Kane, 2009, op cit. P. 276 -277, ‘Chilren’s role as agents of peace can be best fostered when the younger generation is
engaged with a focus on their potential and their priorities.’ O‘Kane (et al), 2009, p. 260
79
O‘Kane, 2009, op cit. p. 274
78
20
CHAPTER THREE: INTRODUCING THE CASE STUDY: SIERRA
LEONE
3.1
Introduction
“Sierra Leone’s [civil war] one of the world’s most horrifying wars”80
Six years ago, in the spring of 2010, Sierra Leone was awarded the African Peace Award by
ACCORD (African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes). 81 It has come a long
way since the end of the civil war in 2002 and has now been recognised for its effort of conflict
resolution and peacebuilding. This chapter seeks to give an understanding of the processes
Sierra Leone has had to go through to get to where it is today. It will be focusing, as this
whole dissertating on youth and especially their roles through the whole process as well as
how the war has impacted on them. To understand the post-conflict situation, there need to
be an understanding of the civil war and how Sierra Leone got to where it is today and how
this has affected the people along the way.
“Sierra Leone’s troubled history reflects a familiar pattern in post-independence Africa: a brief
experiment in democracy in the early 1960s quickly replaced by thirty years of one-party
civilian government or military rule.”82
Sierra Leone is still recovering from the civil war, which lasted 11 years; from 1991 to 2002.83
The civil war has affected all layers of society and has affected people in different ways. It is
relevant to think about the history of Sierra Leone as this sets some of the context of the conflict
80
Wessells, 2006, op cit. p. 28
81
ACCORD, 2010, ‘The Nation of Sierra Leone shines at ACCORD 2010 Africa Peace Award’, accessed online:
http://www.accord.org.za/apa/2010-africa-peace-award.html (Last accessed on 29 May 2016)
82
Hirsch, John L., 2001, Sierra Leone: Diamonds and the Struggle for Democracy, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London. P.28
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2008, Country at a Crossroads: Challenges Facing Young
People in Sierra Leone Six Years after the War, New York. Available online at:
http://womensrefugeecommission.org/docs/sl_youth.pdf (Last accessed 27 May 2016)
83
21
in the country. Sierra Leone has an extensive colonial history and its road after the
independence was not easy as we will see below.
3.2
Historical overview
Portuguese explorers gave Sierra Leone its name, they thought ‘the high coastal ranges
resembled lions ... the area was called Sierra Lyoa, meaning Lion Mountains’,84 and thereof
came the name Sierra Leone. From this point trade started between Europe and Sierra Leone,
and not long after slave trade was included.85 This lasted until the British in 1787 helped 400
freed slaves return to Sierra Leone to settle in the "Province of Freedom" or Freetown. This
also marks the beginning of the colonial era.86 Other groups of free slaves soon joined the
settlement.87 In 1808 this Freetown settlement became a crown colony this helped ‘facilitate
the enforcement of the Slave Trade Abolition Act.’88 Still most of the country where in the
hands of traditional leaders but ‘in1896, the rest of the country was declared a protectorate’
to protect resources such as timber, palm oil and peanuts.89
3.2.1 Declining politics
Sierra Leone gained its independence in 1961, based on ‘the 1951 constitution provided a
framework for decolonization’, with Sir Milton Margai as Prime Minister after the
completion successful ‘constitutional talks in London in 1960.’90 Sierra Leone decided on a
parliamentary system within the British Commonwealth. Sierra Leone People’s Party
84
Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey, 2009, Statistics Sierra Leone, Ministry of Health and Sanitation,
Freetown, Sierra Leone. P. 1 Available online at: http://webapps01.un.org/vawdatabase/uploads/DHS%20%202008.pdf (last accessed 27 April 2011)
85
Ibid.
86
Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit p. 23
87
US Department of State, 2010, Bureau of African Affairs, Country Profile of Sierra Leone, Available online at:
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5475.htm (Last accessed 27 May 2016)
88
US Department of State, 2010 op cit.
89
Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey, 2009, op cit p. 2 and Melvin E. Page, 2003, Colonialism: an international
social, cultural, and political encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, California, pp.530-531. As well as BBC, 2010, Timeline: Sierra
Leone, available online at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/1065898.stm (last accessed 27 June 2016)
90
US Department of State, 2010 op cit, and Melvin E. Page, 2003, op cit pp. 530-531
22
(SLPP) with Sir Milton in front held ‘the first general election under universal adult
franchise in May 1962.’91
Upon his death in 1964 ‘the pattern of corrupt politics began and accelerated’ when the state
no longer was seen as stewardship in the public interest ‘but as the power base for personal
gain and aggrandizement.’ 92 Democracy did not last long in Sierra Leone. In the 1967
elections where Stevens won a contested democratic election, he seemed to have won an
inconclusive general election’ and therefore defeated the Sierra Leone People’s Party
(SLPP).93 An opposition party defeated the SLPP, for the first time since the independence.
Siaka Stevens used a combination of tactics to gain control over Sierra Leones politics, such
as ‘guile, flattery, bribery, and intimidation.’94
This was followed by a series of coups, one was a military intervention encouraged by the
previous president Albert Margai, led by Force Commander Brigardier Lansana who put both
Stevens and the Governor General under house arrest, 95 before he himself ‘was promptly
removed from office by a group of young officers under the leadership of Major JuxonSmith.’96 Another coup was staged by a group of officers and Stevens was at last, in April
1968, sworn in as the democratically elected president.97Albert Margai continued to contest
the presidency of Stevens and his military attempt of hindering Stevens from getting into
power has been said to have ‘paved the way for what became a military nightmare of the
91
US Department of State, 2010 op cit.
Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit p. 28.
93
A.B. Zack-Williams, 1999, ―Sierra Leone: the political economy of civil war, 1991 – 98‖, Third World Quarterly, vol. 20
no.1, p. 144, AND: A.B. Zack-Williams, 2008, The Search for Sustainable Democracy, Development and Peace: The Sierra
Leone 2007 Elections, Nordiska Afrikains titutet, Uppsala, p. 9, available online at:
http://www.nai.uu.se/publications/electronic_publ/978-91-7106-619-0-1.pdf. Also see; US Department of State, 2010 op cit.
for descriptions of what happened around the 1967 elections.
94
Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit p. 28.
95
Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit p. 28.
96 A.B. Zack-Williams, 1999, op cit p. 144, AND: A.B. Zack-Williams, 2008, op cit p. 9. Also see; US Department of
State, 2010 op cit.
92
97
Ibid . And Hirsch, John L., 2001, p. 28-29.
23
nineties.’98 Stevens‘s presidency marked the start of an unstable period both politically and
economically for Sierra Leone, with several coups and coup attempts. In 1978 Sierra Leone
became a one-party state; All People’s Congress was the only legal party. 99 Stevens ruled the
country with an ‘iron fist’. 100 The suppressing regime of Stevens – not allowing other
political parties or ‘popular political action’ – he had a strong grip on society and destroyed
the civil society, which lead to increasing resentment against the APC rule.101
The events leading up to the start of the civil war, the decline in political support and
legitimacy, as well as decline in the economic situation for Sierra Leone was driven by an
increasingly more forceful president, who used executions and military force against his
opposition when cooption did not work. 102 Through his constant use of the military forces to
stay in power, and attempting to build up an infrastructure as an attempt to gain popular
support within the national boarders as well as to gain Pan- African recognition, he ended up
bankrupting the state treasury and losing the confidence from the people of Sierra Leone.
This was all part of the start of the declining economy and the cycles of violence in Sierra
Leone. As well as fueling an increasing discontent and distrust in the government by the
people of Sierra Leone, in addition to increasing the conflict and hatred between different
groupings in Sierra Leone, which lead to a militarisation of the people of the country. At the
end of Stevens ‘Seventeen –year plague of locusts’ he had managed to thoroughly corrupt
‘every institution of the state.’103
98
Hirsch, John L., 2001, p. 29
Zack-Williams, op cit 2008, pp. 9 – 10, And Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit p. 28
100
Ibid.
99
101
P. 145 in A.B. Zack-Williams, 1999 op cit.
102
Stevens used executions as an example for what could happen to you if you did not follow him.Hirsch,
John L., 2001, op cit. P.29
103
Ibid p. 29
24
Stevens stepped down in 1985 and Major General Joseph Saidu Momoh replaced him.104 He
continued the repressive, corrupt and ineffective government, leading to further economic
collapse and unsuccessful involvement in the neighbouring county Liberia’s civil war.105
Throughout most of the 1980s the government expenditure seemed to ‘out stripped revenues,’
this lead to a ‘long route to the International Financial Institutions and a series of Structural
Adjustment Programmes ... worsening the economic and political situation, as devaluation
and deregulation triggered widespread inflation, unemployment’ and the ‘effect of
adjustment was the intensification of popular political action as workers resorted to
strikes’.106
This led to a situation where the bankrupt government did not manage to pay its civil servants
who in desperation resorted to ransacking ‘their offices, stealing furniture, typewriters, and
light fixtures’ and it was ‘noted that the government hit bottom when it stopped paying
schoolteachers and the education system collapsed.’ 107 The consequences of this was that
teachers started to charge the parents of their students, which lead to only professional families
being able to afford paying for the education of their children.108
3.2.2 The civil war
The war in Sierra Leone, begun March 23 1991,109 ‘when a small rebellion took shape on
the eastern border with Liberia’.110 The war included ‘two main players, the Republic of
104
Ibid p. 30 and US Department of State, 2010.
105
106
ibid P.30
P. 145 in A.B. Zack-Williams, 1999, op cit
107
Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit p. 30
108
Ibid p.30
109
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Johan, op cit P. 29
110
Richards, 1996, op cit p. XV
25
Sierra Leone Military Force (RSLMF) and opposition forces of the Revolutionary United
Front (RUF) and its ally, Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC)’. 111 With a
situation where the state was losing the major trust and support from its people, the
alternative that the rebel movements gave seemed quite favourable. Youth were
unemployed, uneducated and frustrated with the current political situation. The RUF
(Revolutionary United Front) advertised themselves as a ‘people’s movement for the
national recovery’.112
There were several disputes around the motivation for the rebel fighters in Sierra Leone. In the
previous section we saw a description of both economic and political decline. Richards argues
that war in Sierra Leone was politically rooted rather than a huge amount of criminal acts
committed by bandits which have been the argument of others.113 Some have also argued for
diamonds and other valuable resources have been one of the major fuels for the civil war. 114
The lack of a functioning education system led to the number of children on the streets soared
and without education or any economic opportunity they became alienated from the
government and the road to the rebel group RUF (Revolutionary United Front) became
shorter.115 But also many educated youths found themselves unemployed, and attracted by the
RUF. The politics of youth in the pre-war context in Sierra Leone was based on a lumpen
culture, which reflected ‘a mixture of reggae and genja, elements of Qaddafia’s Gerrn Book,
111
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Johan, 2006, op cit p. 29
Richards, 1996, op cit p. 1
113
Kaplan, R. D., 1993 Balkan Ghosts: a journey through history, Macmillian, London. And Kaplan, R.D., 1994, ‘The
coming anarchy: how scarcity, crime, overpopulation and disease are rapidly destroying the social fabric of our planet’,
Atlantic Monthly, February. Richards, 1996, op cit. pp. XV – XX
112
114
Collier, 2002, ‘Doing well out of war: An economic perspective’, in Berdal, Mats and David M. Malone (edt), 2000,
Greed and Grievance: economic agendas in civil wars, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London.
115
Hirsch, John L., 2001, op cit. p. 30
26
and rather abstract Pan-Africanist notions, led these youth ultimately in the direction of
rebellion through the Revolutionary United front.’ 116 The RUF they took advantage of
people’s discontent and grievances, gained support and strength from them. They were also
able to take advantage of the relatively easily extractable diamonds.117
The youth’s involvement in the civil war in Sierra Leone is highly significant. They made
up high numbers of the soldiers, both for the rebels, but also for the government forces. In
the conflict in Sierra Leone the rebels captured youth from different villages as ways of
recruiting new members. But many also joined to fight for their county and their rights, the
rebel RUF advertised themselves as a people’s movement which made it more attractive
to join them.118 The war in Sierra Leone was highly influenced by a globalized world. We
can see this through the adaption of ‘western’ cultures both through the clothing,119 music
and films, and the use of media. The rebel forces used western films such as Rambo to
socialise their newly recruited youth soldiers into violence. One might even start talking of
cultures of violence, because violence became so normalised in Sierra Leone. 120
3.2.3 The end of the civil war
The end of the civil war in Sierra Leone was relatively chaotic. The process of ending the
conflict started with the Lome Peace Agreement in 1999, this was a third attempt to resolve
116
Adebajo, Adekeye, 2004, West Africa’s security challenges: building peace in a troubled region, International
Peace Acadamy Occasional Paper Series, p. 204.
117
118
Keen, David, 2005, Conflict and Collusion in Sierra Leone, Palgrave, New York, p. 8
Richards, 1996, op cit. p. 1
119
The youth who were ‘good’ soldiers; who committed the worst atrocities, got ‘nice western’ clothes as rewards for
their acts.
120
UNESCO, 1996, From a culture of violence to a culture of peace, UNESCO, Paris. Curle, Adam. 1999, To tame the
Hydra: undermining the culture of violence, Jon Carpenter Publishing, Charlbury.
27
the conflict and end the civil war. ‘Initially, the ceasefire was successful, but the attacks and
killings resumed, and demobilized child soldiers accompanied by ECOMOG were abducted
once again.’121 With support from the UN and British government forces Sierra Leone went
through a DDR (Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration) process which helped
stabilize the country and in May 2002 elections were held. This is said to be the end of the
violent conflict in Sierra Leone, even though it had many more challenges to face. 122
Previous peace accords failed because the RUF continued fighting, to gain more power and
control as well as to keep control over the ‘conflict diamonds’, which had funded the
conflict. 123 But also lack of trust and respect kept the conflict going. The Lome Peace
Agreement seemed to fail because many RUF soldiers had been soldiers and fighters since
childhood and had grown up as warriors and maintained their urge to fight and RUF
maintained control over large areas in the north and east. 124 The RUF conducted reabduction of demobilised youth soldiers and could continue their fight. When the PUF
captured 500 UN mandated peacekeepers the fighting started again. ‘UK intervention at such
a critical juncture in Sierra Leone ultimately saved both the [UN] mission and the peace
process.’125
121
World Youth Report 2003. (2003). The Global Situation of Young People. New York, U.N. Department of Economic and
Social Affairs, p. 381, http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unyin/documents/worldyouthreport.pdf
122
World Youth Report 2003, op cit. pp. 381 – 386 and McIntyre, 2003. The ‘British involvement
following the near collapse of the UN Mission in Sierra Leone presented an early example of UK PSO
doctrine in practice.’ Ramsbotham et al. 2005, op cit. pp. 142-151. UK Ministry of Defence, 2004, The
Military Contribution to Peace Support Operations (JWP 3.50), 2nd edn, Shivenham, UK, Joint Doctrine and
Concepts centre.
123
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit p. 28.
Ibid, p. 28.
125
Ramsbotham et al. 2005, op cit p. 153
124
28
3.3
Definition of youth in Sierra Leone
“It is a misnomer in many parts of Africa to call a fourteen-year-old carrying an AK-47 a child
soldier since local people may regard that young person as an adult”126
The Sierra Leone National Youth Policy from 2003, after the end of the conflict saw youth
as any person between the ages of 15 and 35, 127 ‘this does not exclude any young Sierra
Leonean liable to Youth related needs, concerns and influences.’128 Even so, there are many
that argue that defining the age group ‘youth’can be quite difficult for many different
reasons, see previous chapter. So finding the exact number of child or youth soldiers can be
challenging. Michael Wessells and David Jonah write that ‘the definition of ‘child’ and
‘youth’ soldiers is culture bound and needs to be problematized’. 129 In rural parts of Sierra
Leone, as well as many other rural areas in Sub-Saharan Africa, ‘people regard childhood as
having ended when a young person has completed the culturally scripted rite of passage’.130
In Sierra Leone, as many other African countries, has a wider definition of youth that ‘can
include people in their forties.’131
So setting exact age ranges for the terms children and youth proves difficult. Limiting these
terms to a specific age range is also very typical approach for western societies. 132 So
determining the percentage of youth in the population can be problematic. There are several
different suggestions of the percentage of youth in Sierra Leone varying from 20% to over
50%. 133
The politics of terms and its meanings means that youth often meet many prejudices in form
of the labels given to a person; youth, from several angles makes reintegration of youth even
126
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit p. 29
Lahai, 2008, p. 5. Sierra Leone National Youth Policy, 2003, available online: http://www.youthpolicy.com/Policies/SLENational_Youth_Policy.pdf (Last accessed: 19.06.2016) p. 1
128
Sierra Leone National Youth Policy, 2003, p. 1.
129
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Jonah, 2006, ―op cit. P.29
130
This usually occurs at the age of fourteen or fifteen. Wessels et al. 2006, op cit, p. 29
131
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit p. 30
132
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit, p. 29
133
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit, p. 29
127
29
harder. There are several negative analyses that both doubt that former youth soldiers will be
able to return in light of what has happened, others characterize the youth soldiers as hardened
killers ‘who have become traumatized, numbed to violence and have become ‘damaged
goods’ who have little or no prospect of returning home or recovering’134 Some argue that
these negative images can easily become ‘self-fulfilling prophecies’ and do not fit well with
the resilience and flexibility of the Sierra Leonean youth and community.135 This is a very
negative prospect for youth in post-conflict areas. This does not fit in with an inclusive
peacebuilding process.
3.4
Participation patterns in Sierra Leone prior to the civil war
As the historical overview suggest, the participation in Sierra Leones politics prior to the
civil war was rather limited. Even so called democratic elections were contested. The
political sphere seemed to be influenced more by the politics of force and power, than by the
power of the people.
Youth participation was not at all recognised before the civil war. 136 The government system
in Sierra Leone before the outbreak of war has been categorized as a dictatorship, and some
of the contributing factors for the war have said to be ‘centralization of power; massive state
corruption, including maladministration by traditional chiefs; massive unemployment,
particularly among young people.’137
‘Prior to the outbreak of hostilities between Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and the
government in 1991, Sierra Leone’s youth were already facing prospects of an uncertain future
134
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit p. 37.
Ibid p. 37.
136
Lahai, 2008, p.5.
137
Dyfan, Isha, 2003, ―Peace agreements as a means for promoting gender equality and ensuring participation of women – A
framework of model provisions‖ Expert Group Meeting, United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW),
Ottawa, Canada.
135
30
due to a combination of factors.’138 This uncertainty made youth an easy target for recruiting
soldiers willing to fight for a better future. Youth themselves see poverty and lack of education
as some of the root causes of civil war in Sierra Leone, as well as ‘believing that the conflict
stemmed from social inequality, the mismanagement of Sierra Leone’s natural resources and
the political marginalization of young people’.139
3.5
Participation during the civil war
Youth have been said to have been a significant part of the fighting forces during the civil war
in Sierra Leone. A concrete example is that RUF the end of the war consisted of 50%
children,140 so under 18 year olds. There are no clear records of the number of youth as a
group in the rebel forces but we can only imagine the numbers they made up. On the gender
perspective 25% of the children in RUF were girls. Children, youth and adults, boys and girls,
women and men all play different roles and participate in different ways during conflicts and
war time. A report from Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children says that
during the civil war in Sierra Leone many youth ‘were forced to fight, to flee or to work as
commercial sex workers or in the diamond mines.’141 And during the conflict almost half of
the population in Sierra Leone ended up displaced.
There are several factors that made numbers of youth participation in the civil war in Sierra
Lone so high, some of them are explored here. Youth’s participation ‘in the politics of violence
in Sierra Leone has its roots in the country’s political past. The mobilisation of youth in politics
was a strategic move that targeted the group that was arguably most affected by decades of
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, ―op cit
Women‘s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, op cit pp. 6-7.
140
Wessells, 2005, p. 363.
141
Women‘s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2008, Country at a Crossroads: Challenges Facing Young
People in Sierra Leone Six Years after the War, New York. Available online at:
http://womensrefugeecommission.org/docs/sl_youth.pdf (Last accessed 27 June 2016)
138
139
31
economic decline and social degradation.’142 It has also been argued that youth’s ‘participation
in armed hostilities is facilitated through the trade of small arms and light weapons.’143 The
combination of political motivation and the availability of small arms made it practically
possible for youth and children to participate; and are some of the reasons for youth’s
involvement in the war.
The biggest reason for the high number of young participants in the war seems to be due to
forced recruitment and abductions. There are academic arguments for both voluntary and
forced recruitment of children and youth for armed groups in Sierra Leone.144 The living
conditions both prior and during the war ‘often blur the boundaries between voluntary and
forced recruitment ... entry of child soldiers by militarized group, invites reflection on multiple
causations and linkages of macrosocial and microsocial processes that influence the process
of entry into soldiering.’ 145 Child and youth soldiers own testimonies often offer a more
complex image of the recruitment process, as well as showing variations between and within
the RUF and CDF.146
Wessells warns against thinking of all young soldiers or ‘youth soldiers’ as similar, and
having had similar roles and experiences during their time spent with the armed groupings.147
This kind of thinking can make the DDR process problematic, it is important to understand
that youth were taking on different roles and participating in different ways. Still it can be
useful to look at some of the typical ways youth participated during the conflict. These
include according to Wessells; ‘combatants, cooks, spies, and bodyguards,’ it was not
uncommon for the youth to have several duties or roles at the same time. However there were
142
McIntyre, Angela, 2003,
World Youth Report, 2003, p. 371
144
Wessells,2005, op cit pp. 364-366
145
Wessels et al. 2006, op cit p. 30.
146
Ibid pp. 30-33.
147
Ibid p. 33.
143
32
some individuals who had ‘Specialized roles such as torturers or sex slaves.’148 Drug use was
not uncommon among youth and they were often forced to use different drugs, it was used
to prepare them for combat. For girls and women the most common role was as sex slaves.149
In RUF there were certain levels of forced participation in violence; Wessells writes that this
has had a psychological effect ‘of normalizing violence and reducing one’s inhibitions against
harming others.’150 With this said, we should still not jump to the conclusion that ‘all atrocities
committed by youth were in response to direct orders.’151 The armed forces often took drastic
measures to keep the newly recruited members in RUF from running away to go home again
the rebel forces used a number of tactics. One of the tactics was to stop the harvest for the
village so that food would not be a reason for the youth to try to escape to go home. They did
this by cutting of the hands off the women in the village so they could no longer take care of
the harvest and therefore the village would not have much food. Even the frightening stories
of women getting their hands cut off was enough to scare women from other villages from
going out into their fields, which further ceased the harvest.
A second tactic used by the rebels to stop the youth from running home was to make them
commit atrocities or commit murder towards their own family, neighbour or fellow villager.
This would make the youth too ashamed to ever return home. This also served another
purpose; to start the ‘socialisation into violence’152 for the young people.
148
Ibid pp. 33-37.
Ibid, p. 36.
150
Ibid, p. 34
151
Ibid, p. 34
149
152
Zack-Williams, Tunde B., 2006, ‘Child Soldiers in Sierra Leone and the Problems of Demobilisation,
Rehabilitation and Reintegration into Society: Some Lessons for Social Workers in War-torn Societies’, Social
Work Education, Vol. 25, No. 2, p. 125.
33
3.6
Participation in the post conflict setting
“Sierra Leone, young former soldiers have contributed directly to ongoing cycles of political
violence by remaining with military forces and fighting even following the signing of a
ceasefire.”153
The ceasefire in the quote above refers especially to the Lome Peace Agreement, which
seemed to work for a while, but soon the fighting resumed. Wessells argue that it is crucial
in a post-conflict or post-accord154 setting to engage youth in positive ways to enable them
to participate positively in civil society and their communities. 155
The civil war was declared to be over in 2002. I will now look at participation after this event.
At that point in time Sierra Leone was still facing major challenges to keep the peace, and had
a huge task of building a sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. One of the biggest challenges it
was facing was dealing with the legacy of youth soldiers and their reintegration into the society.
Even with the high numbers of youth participation during the conflict, the civil war has
resulted in marginalisation of youth,156 both in employment and the political life, as well as
lack of education and a general lack of opportunities. Social marginalisation due to scepticism
and fear of previous youth soldiers is a big problem. Having to face scepticism and prejudices
makes youth’s participation in the civilian life difficult.157
In 2008, six years after the war, the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children
launched a report that argued that:
153
Wessells, 2006, p. 27.
McEvoy-Levy, 2006, pp. 1-2. She makes a distinction between post-accord and post-conflict, arguing that an accord is not
enough to end a war, but argues it is a political agreement that often involve a form of ceasefire and a framework that can help
to end the war/conflict. She see peace- accords as a turning point and an opportunity to start building a lasting peace and a
new era.
155
Wessells, 2006, p. 28
156
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, ―Children and youth
157
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, ―Children and youth + troublemakers or peacemakers.
154
34
“Greater investment in and attention to young people are urgently needed, in
particular:
 quality education, which requires that teachers get paid a living wage;
 opportunities to get back into the formal school system through catch-up classes to make
up for years lost because of the war;
 investments in keeping young people in school, including income generation for
families to make up for lost income when their children go to school; and
 skills training that is directly linked to market demand for young people for whom
formal school is not an option.
Young people will continue to play an important role in the country’s stability and
reconstruction and, as such, demand much more attention and support.”158
Their emphasis lies on education and skills training to give youth the opportunities, skills
and knowledge they need to be productive and positive participants in Sierra Leone. The
report argues that young people require much more attention than what they are currently
getting for them to be part of a stable peace in Sierra Leone.
Peace Building Initiative159 also argues that for peace education and education in general as
being a key tool to increase and improve the positive participation of youth.
In Peace Building Initiative’s section on ‘Children, Youth and Peacebuilding Processes’160
they write about how ‘youth are asserting themselves as true actors in the [peace] process’ rather
than focusing on peacebuilding as ways of dealing with victimization and marginalization. It
158
159
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2008,
Peace Building Initiative, official web page, www.peacebuildinginitiative.org/
160
Peace Building Initiative, 2009, ‘Chidren, Youth and Peacebuilding Processes’, available online:
http://www.peacebuildinginitiative.org/index.cfm?pageId=2026 (Last accessed 28 Jine 2011)
35
focuses on the positive aspects of youth participation in the peacebuilding process and the kind
of roles they take on.
“Young people interviewed their peers about a range of issues to answer questions central
to this research: What are the main problems of adolescents in your society? What are some
solutions to these problems? What is adolescence, and how does someone become an adult
in your society?”161
In Sierra Leone youth have been active participants in research conducted by the Women’s
Commission for Refugee Women and Children. This series of research designed and led by
adolescent research teams are field-based and action-oriented studies. Many of these youth
have ended up ‘in intensive follow-up advocacy and related youth-led programs.’ During
the research the young researchers ‘worked closely with adults ...[who] later used the young
people’s results to shape policies and programs.’ 162 So in relation to the Women’s
Commission, the youth in Sierra Leone have been active participants in shaping their future
and possibly the future for participation for other young people in different parts of the
world, by helping to shape policies for big agencies.
3.7
Conclusion
This chapter have been exploring the history of Sierra Leone and its links with the current
context. It has looked at youth’s participation at different stages in history and especially
relating to the civil war. It shows active youth who have been keys to shaping the political life.
This chapter has shown the links between a corrupt government, economic decline and a failing
161
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, Youth Speak Out: New Voices on the Protection and
Participation of Young People Affected by Armed Conflict, New York, p.1.
162
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, Youth Speak Out: New Voices on the Protection and
Participation of Young People Affected by Armed Conflict, New York, p.1.
36
educational system have contributed to high numbers of youth participation. The next chapter
will look closer at youth’s participation in the post-conflict peacebuilding.
37
Chapter FOUR: Youth’s participation in Sierra Leones peacebuilding
process
4.1
Introduction
“Until recently, children have not been recognised formally by peace agreements. In July
1999, the Lome Peace Agreement in Sierra Leone included several provisions relating to
children ... it remains a precedent in recognising children’s importance within the peace and
reconstruction agenda.”163
Youth have participated in various different ways in Sierra Leones post-conflict peacebuilding
process. But in much of the literature there is much written about youth marginalisation,
exclusion and non-participation in the post-conflict context in Sierra Leone. Many of the
challenges youth face in the peacebuilding process is linked to youth’s participation in the
conflict. There is still some evidence of youth’s contribution to the peacebuilding. This is
perhaps more true in the unofficial peacebuilding, at a local level and through youth led
organisations. Youth’s participation has most often been with and for their peers, and not as
much for national peacebuilding. Nevertheless, the local level peacebuilding has a huge
influence on the wider peacebuilding.
In the post-agreement period, after the Lome Peace Agreement,164 people from the younger
generation, under 25 years old, (including children) have been active participants of various
peace strategies. Among others in truth commissions, contributing to justice restoration, and
163
Machel, 2001, p. 176.
164
The Sierra Leone Web on the Loma Peace Accords, http://www.sierra-leone.org/lomeaccord.html (Accessed on 4
July 2016) and Sierra Leone UNOMSIL, (Online)
http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unomsil/UnomsilB.htm#LOME Accessed on 4 July 2016.
38
demobilisation, rehabilitation and reintegration.
165
Youth participating and conducting
research on challenges facing adolescents in their own setting. 166
It has been argued that ‘the linkage between youth and post-accord peace building are nowhere
more apparent than in Sierra Leone’.167 Youth and children have been used in the conflict in
Sierra Leone as political actors of violence. It has been argued that the involvement of youth
and children have directly led to their marginalisation and limiting them to an apolitical role in
society. 168 During the conflict youth often held or took on very important political roles, and
being vital to the political situation in the country. 169 The marginalisation of young Sierra
Leoneans has not properly addressed through the DDR process.170 Though there has been some
initiatives and projects focusing on the wider term youth and not just the child soldiers.
This chapter will be looking at some of the concrete examples of youth’s participation in the
post conflict peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. First I will look at some of the difficulties that
youth face. Thereafter I will examine the ways youth have been participating in spite of the
challenges they face.
165
Claire O‘Kane, Clare Feinstein and Annette Giertsen, 2009, Children and Young People in Post- conflict Peacebuilding,
pp. 274-275.
166
In cooperation with Women‘s Commission on Refugee Women and Children. L. Randolph Carter and Michael
Shipler, 2005, ―Youth: Protagonists for Peace‖ in People Building Peace II: Successful Stories of Civil Society, Edited
by Paul van Tongeren, Malin Brenk, Marte Hellema and Juliette Verhoeven. P. 151
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Johan, ―Recruitment and Reintegration of Former Youth Soldiers in Sierra Leone:
Challenges of Reconciliation and Post-Accord Peace Building‖, in McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, 2006, Troublemakers or
Peacemakers? : Youth and Post-Accord Peace Building, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame. P. 29
168
McIntyre, Angela and Thokozani Thusi, 2003, ―Children and Youth in Sierra Leone‘s Peace-Building Process‖, African
Security Review, Vol12, no. 2. Numbers from 1996.
169
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, “Children and youth”
170
Hanson-Alp, Rosalind, 2008, ―Youth and Security‖, Peace, Security and Development Update, Issue 4, June, Conciliation
Resources, p. 3
167
39
4.2
Difficulties facing youth in the post conflict era
Youth in Sierra Leone have been facing many challenges and difficulties in the post conflict
peacebuilding process. They are stigmatised as violent monsters, they lack education and life
skills, seen as victims, they have low self-esteem, and trauma of the war. ‘The children and
youth of Sierra Leone had eleven years of their lives taken from them. Some youth perceive
themselves as war criminals that are shunned by society. Further stigmatisation and social and
economic marginalisation could increase their resentment of society.’171 Angela McIntyre also
argue that there might not be much use for rebuilding schools that youth have no sense of
ownership over, that this may lead to more frustration and end up in destructive actions. She
argues for more youth participation in the peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. Youth are a
greatly stigmatised group in the post conflict setting in Sierra Leone (and West-Africa), this is
partly linked to the politics of the terms ‘youth’ and ‘children’.172 Youth or young people are
often associated as combatants even when this is not the case – there seem to almost be a general
fright of what youth can potentially do. 173 Because of this association as ex-combatants ‘they
are excluded by society from the category of childhood and denied all the benefits normally
associated with that category.’174 This is part of the marginalisation of youth; they are seen as
a symbol of the bad things that happened.
There are many adults who find it difficult to acknowledge children and youth’s involvement
in the war. Not just because of the horrific acts of violence, but also because this, disregarded
the ‘accepted norms about appropriate behaviour in childhood. Many adults have only been
able to come to terms with children’s part in the atrocities by holding that they were drugged
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, “Children and youth”
See chapter 1 for more information.
173
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, “Children and youth”
174
Children and Poverty, Christian Children’s Fund, pp. 22-23
171
172
40
during this time and hence not fully conscious of what they were doing.’175 This adds a further
difficulty for the youth to face in the post conflict setting. The differentiation of youth and
children has also had a major consequence in the DDR programs, where many focused on
demobilising child soldiers, and the youth over 18 years old were left in the DDR program
designed for adults. ‘This means that some of their specific needs for things such as therapy for
trauma suffered during early years of recruitment are neglected.’176 The fact that they were
recruited as children does not seem to have been relevant in the DDR policies in Sierra Leone.
Youth often end up in a grey area of the law where their specific needs, separate from those of
adults, cannot be met and they become more vulnerable.
Youth who are quite dependent on adults’ assistance and support have been disappointed on
many occasions. Women’s Commissions report show that ‘young people also highlighted many
situations where decision-makers failed to act, and emergency, post-conflict and development
teams failed to systematically support their rights and roles with devastating consequences.’177
This show one of the many errors that are pointed out in written works on youth participation,
where the support network for youth is not in place. The disappointment in lack of support and
follow-up of promises led ‘demoralized adolescent soldiers threatened to return to war if
international promises made to provide education and skills training were not kept. The absence
of educational opportunities and jobs also drove some girls into commercial sex work, early
marriages and continued poverty.’178
175
Children and Poverty, Christian Children’s Fund, pp. 22
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, “Children and youth”
177
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005. P. 3.
178
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005. P. 9.
176
41
4.3
Youth-led initiatives
‘Despite limited support, many young people undertook livelihood initiatives on their own and
with help from Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Former adolescent soldiers began a
bicycle cooperative in Makeni, Sierra Leone, supporting one another and providing needed
transportation within the community.’179
Even though it is argued above that youth are quite reliant on adult’s support, they ‘will find
variety of ways to cope with their circumstances. In some situations, as in Sierra Leone, young
people are highly aware of their power and potential to force the changes they require through
violent means.’ Still youth will ‘need guidance and support to identify healthy paths to a better
life.’180 This illustrates youth’s resilience and vulnerability in an excellent way. It demonstrates
how important it is for adults and agencies to support youth for them to use their energy in a
positive and nonviolent way, and thereby be positive contributors for the society they live in
and be part of building a sustainable peace.
Youth-led initiatives have the advantage of working with children and youth at a peer level.
Patricia Ray argues for a peer and role-model approaches to behavioural transformation of
children and youth in difficult situations, such as Sierra Leones post conflict situation. She
writes that as ‘children grow, the importance of their peers and older children in guiding their
behaviour and forming their values increases.’181 She shows that sharing experiences of having
179
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005. P. 13.
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005. P. 15.
181
P. 69 in; Ray, Patricia, 2010, ―The participation of children living in the poorest and most difficult situations‖ in PercySmith, Barry and Nigel Thomas (edt.), A Handbook of Children and Young People’s Participation: Perspectives from theory
to practice, Routledge, Oxon.
180
42
survived difficult situations with other young people is important for motivating other young
people to take positive action and prevent risks.182
In People Building Peace II there is a story of two youth in Liberia that could also relate to the
conflict in Sierra Leone. One was a child soldier and the other was a ‘young leader’ who
participated in the study of the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children as well as being ‘a peer
mediator for a local program funded by the U.S Agency for International Development.’ What
they have in common is that they were both participants in the conflict and they wanted to have
an impact on the world around them. But they found profoundly different ways of doing so.183
This shows that with adult support and adult facilitated initiatives youth can be engaged to find
positive ways of contributing their societies and find alternatives to violent responses. Over
time these two young people developed a friendship and through conversations and informal
interactions the young soldier started to step away from the violent identity of a soldier; ‘He
switched from his alias to his real name, refused to take the daily ration of drugs that he had
been given in order to control him, and left his AK-47 permanently under his bed.’184 This is
an example of how peers can influence each other in positive ways.
4.4
Youth organisations
Youth-led initiatives or programs often hand in hand with youth organisations.
Youth
organisations often exist in a network of civil society organisations and they achieve best results
when they cooperate with other organisations. ‘Civil society groups play a key role in conflict
P. 69 in; Ray, Patricia, 2010, ―The participation of children living in the poorest and most difficult situations‖ in PercySmith, Barry and Nigel Thomas (edt.), A Handbook of Children and Young People’s Participation: Perspectives from theory
to practice, Routledge, Oxon.
182
183
L. Randolph Carter and Michael Shipler, 2005, ―Youth: Protagonists for Peace‖ in People Building Peace II:
Successful Stories of Civil Society, Edited by Paul van Tongeren, Malin Brenk, Marte Hellema and Juliette Verhoeven,
pp. 147 – 148.
184
L. Randolph Carter and Michael Shipler, 2005, p. 150,
43
resolution ... helping to build relationships between warring parties and training participants in
diplomacy and conflict resolution.’185 Machel argues here for youth in cooperation with civil
society groups as key to building a stable and peaceful society. These youth-led organisations
are often well situated to facilitate interactions (between peers) ‘that help create viable
alternatives to violence.’186 These positive role-models can have a more profound impact on
youth than many adult-led initiatives. In 2002, Sierra Leone ‘had a large number of civil society
youth organizations ... these groups gave voice and body to young people’s concerns and
capacities as principal actors in their individual and community recovery. They also formed
solid focal points for constructive interaction with adults and adult-run programs, as well as
with their peers.’187
“The large number of youth-run organizations in Sierra Leone is testament, however, to the
commitment and desire of young people to participate in shaping the recovery of their
society.”188
4.4.1 Peacelinks
“Youths are not only the target beneficiaries, but they are valued as vital and integral members
of the organization who guide the direction of the programming. We bring hope where there is
despair, we bring laughter where there is sadness. We empower the disempowered through the
teaching of life skills to the most disadvantaged of young people.”189
The quote above is from the principles Peacelinks holds. Peacelinks is one of these youth-led
organisations. They have ‘utilized the arts to help other young people overcome their war
185
See p. 184 in Machel, Graca, 2001
L. Randolph Carter and Michael Shipler, 2005, p. 150
187
Women’s Commission, 2005, p. 17.
188
Women’s Commission, 2002, p. 6.
189
Peacelinks official web page. “About us”: http://peace-links.org/new/about_us.html
186
44
trauma, learn new skills, and lead productive lives.’190 They use visual and performing arts
both to help young people overcome trauma, but also to address some of the issues in their
society; ‘such as violence, poverty, discrimination, hunger, illiteracy, joblessness, and military
recruitment. The group uses creative arts to deglamourize warfare and to bridge the gap
between the 'victim' and the 'perpetrator'.191
Kanyako writes about how Peacelinks uses art as a multipurpose peacebuilding tool. They use
arts in numerous ways to achieve various aims. One of their main aims is to empower youth
and to unite them with their communities. They have employed a program of youth mentorship
based on the idea that ‘children tend to talk more easily about their traumatic experiences with
other young people than with elders.’192
McIntyre writes of some other youth-led organisations in Sierra Leone. MOCKY – Movement
for Concerned Kono Youth ‘was formed to articulate the grievances for youth and challenging
their energies in a constructive way.’ They have been said to be ‘playing a very positive role in
consolidating the peace in the area through mediation of disputes.’193 Another one is YOSUPA
– Youth for Sustainable Development. They have been ‘involved with peace projects
immediately after the end of the war to reflect the dynamism and potential energy of young
people to take responsibility of the future of Sierra Leone. It is this energy that needs to be
nurtured and resources provided for the development of young people of Sierra Leone in order
for peace to be sustainable.’194
190
Kanayako, Vandy, 2005, ―Using Creative Arts to Deglamorize War: Peacelinks in Sierra Leone‖ in People Building
Peace II: Successful Stories of Civil Society, Edited by Paul van Tongeren, Malin Brenk, Marte Hellema and Juliette
Verhoeven, pp. 293-300
Peacelinks official web page. “About us”: http://peace-links.org/new/about_us.html
Kanayako, Vandy, 2005, pp. 293-300.
193
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, “Children and youth”
194
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, “Children and youth”
191
192
45
4.5
Youth as researchers
As mentioned in previous chapter, youth in Sierra Leone has been very active participants in
research on youth and adolescent’s situation in their societies. This has led many of them into
advocacy work and related youth-led programs. The significance of youth as researchers has
been that they have affected changes in policies and they have increased the ‘awareness of the
rights and capacities of young people among governmental, non-governmental and United
Nations decision- makers’. A concrete example of what the young researchers in Sierra Leone
achieved is within The United Nations Security Council. They incorporated the
recommendations made by adolescents in Sierra Leone on HIV/AIDS and sexual exploitation
of children by aid workers into Resolution 1460 (on Children and Armed Conflict.195 ‘The
research conducted by the adolescents confirms the abilities of young people to work
successfully in partnership with adults. The participation of young people in activities that
affect them must go beyond consultation to support their leadership and ideas.’196
4.6
Truth and reconciliation
UNICEF produced in 2004 a special report on the truth and reconciliation process for children.
This report focused on themes like ‘remembering the war’, what truth and reconciliation
commission is, what happened to children and youth during the conflict and what they do
now.197 In the report it is written:
“One of the wise men said, “If the children do not understand, it would not be proper to
continue. They have suffered most during the war and they are the future of our country.””198
195
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, p. 31.
Women’s Commission, 2002, p. 6.
197
UNICEF, 2004, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report: For the Children of Sierra Leone, online:
http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/files/TRCCF9SeptFINAL.pdf
198
UNICEF, 2004, p. 1
196
46
So a ‘wise woman’ said she would explain. This report seems to be aimed at quite young
children, and still leaves youth on the side. A report by Women’s Commission for Refugee
Women and Children show that: ‘overall, young people are willing to forgive what happened
in the war if the lives of all children, adolescents and youth are improved through
comprehensive education, livelihood and health support.’ 199 The Truth and Reconciliation
Commission was open for all citizens to participate.
4.7
Education and skills building
As mentioned above, during the war many youth and children lost the opportunity to attend
regular education and have therefore lost some of the possibilities of obtaining employment.
McIntyre and Thusi wrote that ‘youth in Sierra Leone need to learn life skills in addition to
livelihood skills ... giving the youth multi-purpose capabilities that will ensure that they become
complete citizens with psychological, intellectual and social skills that allows them to survive
in society.’200 These skills will help them take part in the political life in a non-violent manner.
Wessells argue that ‘peace education is an essential element in a holistic approach to the
reintegration of former child soldiers and to the prevention of youth’s engagement in violence
and terrorism.’ He uses Sierra Leone as a case study to illustrate his points. He also argues that
‘in the post conflict context, effective peace education has a stronger practical than didactic
focus, and it stimulates empathy, cooperation, reconciliation, and community processes for
handling conflict in a nonviolent manner.’201 A combination of peace education and practical
skills training seems to be what youth in Sierra Leone needs. Women’s Commission writes that
199
Women‘s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2002, ―PRECIOUS RESOURCES:Adolescents in the
Reconstruction of Sierra Leone‖, New York, p. 6.
‘More importantly, such an approach will require working with the donor community to change some of the focus in their
funding and realise that Sierra Leone has a challenge of re-orientating its youthful population to new ways of living and
behaviour.’ McIntyre, Angela, 2003, op cit.
201
Wessells, 2005, op cit. p. 363
200
47
many young people in Sierra Leone expressed concerns ‘about access to education (formal and
non-formal, as well as vocational training), livelihood and health care to ensure their recovery
and avoid further war... [youth] called education the top solution to the problems they face
across all conflicts.’202 This shows how important education is to youth and how they see it as
the best solution to the problems they face.
Addressing problems of poverty and marginalisation, through employment and education is
vital for youth’s survival and dignity. Youth in Sierra Leone has expressed that said that ‘access
to education opportunities would help them feel less excluded from society.’203 Reconstruction
of youth’s identity, away from a combat identity is important for them to find their place in
societal life. This links in with the lack of positive civilian roles for youth to take on in the post
conflict setting. And spiritual life of the youths is important for them as much as for their local
communities and to help link the other aspects together.
4.8
Media and communication
In Sierra Leone there have been several programs involving both youth and children in radio
programs. ‘Search for Common Ground (SCG) supported Talking Drum Studio in Sierra
Leone, engaging young people as producers, reporters and actors who identify issues for and
about young people and advocate on their behalf using radio.’204 Save the Children have also
written a report on young voices on the radio, this were mostly ‘based on children reporting
events around them and talking freely about what they feel should be done about building and
cementing peace in Sierra Leone’. 205 This again states a way of young participation in the
202
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005. op cit. P. 2.
Ibid , p. 9.
204
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2005, op cit. p. 27.
203
205
Save the children Norway, 2005, op cit. P. 16
48
peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. Also the government of Sierra Leone has recognised
the important role radio programs can play for youth’s participation:
“The Ministry of Youth and Sport has identified the establishment a ‘Youth Radio’ as a platform
where youth will be involved in the development of programmes and be able to articulate their
needs without interference, as well as convey their views on the future of Sierra Leone. The
ideas are that the programmes should not focus on the past and lament history but on the
rediscovery of ‘youthness’ and give the youth back their worth. This can take form of promoting
youth talent and exporting it by tapping into such art forms as the unique ’Bubu music’.”206
4.9
Reintegration as means of building peace
There are several difficult areas for the reintegration of youth soldiers, they include;
reconciliation, poverty, identity, lack of a positive civilian role and spiritual contamination.207
The reintegration of youth needs to take these challenges into account. Reconciliation with local
communities is crucial for successful reintegration and a thriving peace. Wessells and Jonah
writes about the task of reintegrating youth soldiers as means of building peace at the grass
roots level.208 They focus on the wider term youth rather than child soldiers ‘since a wider
emphasis on youth is necessary for post-conflict peace-building.’ 209 This is based on the
problems Sierra
Leone face in regards to youth marginalisation and alienation from the peace-accord process.
Involving youth in their society in positive ways mean that these youths would be less inclined
to fall back into the cycles of violence.
206
McIntyre, Angela, 2003, op cit.
207
Wessells, Michael and Davidson Johan, 2006, op cit. 37 – 40
208
Ibid. p. 29.
Ibid. p. 29.
209
49
4.9.0 Conclusion
“Young people participated in destroying Sierra Leone in the war; this is an urgent call to the
adult world to engage young people in the constructive redevelopment of their communities in
peacetime. Young people say this is best done through efforts that support and develop their
capacities and that allow them to play a direct part in decision-making, project implementation
and evaluation. Young people from all sides of the conflict — rebel and pro-government forces,
civilians and youth activists — must work together to take action for a unified Sierra Leone.”210
Youth in Sierra Leone have been mostly participating in localised projects or projects aimed at
their peers. They have been active in starting youth-led organisations to help each other
economically, socially and mentally. Peacelinks were mentioned as an example of youth’s
active use of arts both for dealing with trauma, as well as commenting on addressing different
issues in society. Through youth-led research in cooperation with the Women’s Commission
youth have been able to find out a bit more about some of the problems they face and to come
with recommendations for policy-makers of solutions to their problems.
Education seem to be overwhelmingly important to youth, they see this as a solution to their
problems. With an education they will have opportunities for jobs and thereby find a way out
of poverty.
210
Women’s Commission, 2002, op cit. p. 6.
50
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION
This thesis started with a quote by a youth leader who stated that youth are often overlooked
when the peace comes and the war is over. This thesis has been looking at different terms
connected to youth’s participation in post conflict peacebuilding, and has discovered and noted
that these terms are quite complex. There are many different aspects that influence the terms
and how they are used. There is not just one way of building peace, but multiple tactics at
different levels of society. It is often argued that a holistic approach is very necessary for a
successful peace.
The findings for the research question suggest that there are many ways in which youth
participate in the post conflict peacebuilding. But youth also faces many challenges to their
participation. There are many obstacles that they have to climb to get to the highest level of
participation. Among these are perceptions of youth’s role in society. These perceptions often
change during armed conflicts. Even in societies that have not gone through a war, youth are
often looked at negatively. In the case of Sierra Leone youth are often associated with the armed
forces and as (ex) combatants. Many believe that the violent identities that youth (were forced
to) took on during the civil war will always be part of their identity, and that they will never be
able to participate as full, peaceful civilians in the society.
Youth themselves and advocates for youth’s participation argue for the importance of education
and skills building. This is particularly important in a post conflict setting, such as Sierra Leone,
where many youths have lost out on 11years worth of education. Many of them have also lost
out on family life and learning general life skills due to the war. So a broad scale education and
skills building is a very important way of building a sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. This
strategy along with a political willingness to provide jobs for all these youth is essential for
them to become full members of society and to be able to participate in a positive way.
51
Youth’s involvement in media channels, such as radio can help them learn from their peers.
Radio can be used as a platform for youth to get together and share their experiences, and help
each other find solutions to the problems they face. One example from Makeni, Sierra Leone,
were some former youth soldiers began a bicycle cooperative, they supported one another and
provided needed transportation within the community. This is just one of many positive
initiatives taken on by youth.
It has also been argued in this thesis that it is important for adults in the youth’s local community
to support the young people in positive ways and gently guide them in a peaceful and nonviolent
direction.
Within this holistic approach is where I suggest that we can start adding an ‘age lens’. By this
I mean to keep one’s eyes open for the different age groups participation on different levels in
society. Asking questions of who the active participants are can help us realise who is getting
marginalised or left out. By noticing who has been left out, and who have participated where
can be very important for policymaking and implementation of programs.
As a final remark for this thesis I want to say that youth is, and should not be, the only
participants in a peacebuilding process. I think that all members of society need to have a say
and a chance to participate in a meaningful way in their societies, no matter, age, gender,
ethnicity, dis-ability etc.
52
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