The Porous Public and the Transnational Dialectic: The Muhammed Cartoons Conflict
Author(s): Thomas Olesen
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Source: Acta Sociologica, Vol. 50, No. 3 (Sep., 2007), pp. 295-308
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ACTA SOCIOLOGICA 2007
The Porous Public and theTransnational Dialectic
TheMuhammedCartoonsConflict
ThomasOlesen
University ofAarhus, Denmark
abstract: This article uses the twin concepts of the porous public and the trans
national dialectic to analyse the recentMuhammed cartoons conflict.The porous
public concept points to theway national public spheres are increasingly penetrated
by inbound and outbound influences. The transnational dialectic concept suggests
that globalization is a learning process inwhich globalization is simultaneously
outcome and cause of social and political activities. During the cartoons conflict,
the porosity of theDanish public was evident in (1) the transnational activities of
national media, in (2) the role played by transnational news channels, in (3) the
transnational activities ofMuslims living inDenmark, and in (4) the role played by
9/11 as a transnationally shared event. Based on these findings, the concept of the
transnational dialectic is employed to show how theMuhammed cartoons conflict
constituted a learning process forDanish society, a process which has resulted in
an increased level of global consciousness and an altered self-conception of
Denmark's place and role in theworld. Following the analysis of theMuhammed
cartoons, the article discusses how the concept of the porous public relates to that
of the transnational public sphere.
keywords: global consciousness * media * Muhammed cartoons * porous public
* public sphere * transnational dialectic
Introduction
people in Denmark
speak about theMuhammed
adjective 'hit': Denmark was hit by a massive consumer
When
cartoons conflict, they often use the
boycott, by Muslim
anger, by inter
national criticism,
and so on. Thisway ofphrasing theevent reflectstheshocked surprisethat
most Danes felt in the hectic period in late January/early February 2006. In a display of anger
and frustration normally reserved formightier nations, Danish
flags were trampled on, the
PrimeMinisterwas burned ineffigy,
and officialrepresentations
were attackedand seton fire
- all because
of 12 satirical cartoons of the prophet Muhammed
published months
earlier, on
a largeDanish liberal-right
30 September,inJyllands-Posten,
newspaper.Danes feelinghit and
under siegewas therefore
probablyunderstandable.But the 'folk
wisdom' of themetaphor is
misleading. Itdepicts theconflict,touse anothermetaphor, as a swarm ofmeteors crashing
this account
through the greenhouse of the Danish public sphere from outer space. What
misses is the dialectic of the conflict. It paints a portrait of simple and unidirectional causality
inwhich the conflict is seen as a direct and instant reaction to the cartoons. Regrettably, this
folkwisdom
also surfaces inmany scholarly and journalistic accounts. It ismore accurate, in
level of
my view, to analyse the conflict as a dynamic interaction between the local/national
Acta Sociologica* September2007 * Vol 50(3):295-308 * DOI: 10.1177/0001699307080935
Copyright
C) 2007 NordicSociologicalAssociation* PublishedbySAGE (LosAngeles,London,New Delhiand Singapore)
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Acta Sociologica
50(3)
Denmark and theworld around it.To capture thissituation,I employ thetwinconceptsof the
porouspublicand the transnational
dialectic.
In simple form,the theoreticalargumentI offeris this:public spheresundergo important
in theprocess of globalization,but thisshould not lead us to conclude that
transformations
us, instead,are two things:how nationalpublic
theycease tobe national.What should interest
spheres are penetratedby issues and informationfromareas outside it,and how issues and
informationin national public spheres 'migrate'or are 'liftedout' in a way thatends up
affecting
politics in othernational contexts.This openness inboth directions is thedefining
characteristicof theporous public. Clearly, the two statementsare logicallyconnected.We
could not have one without the other. It is an observation thatactivelybreaks down the
outside-inside dichotomy thatpermeatesmuch of thecurrentdebate on globalization.The
problemhas two interrelated
dimensions.First,globalization tendstobe viewed as a condition
where events in one locale affectevents inother locales and vice versa. This definitionis on
the right track, but stops, so to speak, when
the fun begins. What
it fails to acknowledge
is
how local or national events do not simplywield influenceacross space in a unidirectional
manner,but how distantevents in factproduce each otherdialectically.1
Second,many studies
work with
extra-social
a problematic conception of causality in which globalization
is seen as an almost
force that causes things to happen at the local and national level. In contrast, I
propose thatwe see globalizationas both causeand outcomeof social and politicalphenomena.
These twopoints place the interaction
between the local,national and transnationallevel at
theheart of analysis.The twinconceptsof theporous public and the transnationaldialectic
consequentlyadvocate a definitionof globalizationwhich does not privilege thenational or
transnationallevel of analysis,but rathersees themasmutually constitutive.
The argument is relevantformost of today's societies.Yet it seems reasonable to suggest,
in thelightof the
Muhammed cartoonscrisis,thatitmay be especiallypertinentforresearchers,
journalists,politicians inDenmark and otherNordic countries.Letme explainwhy.Denmark
and theotherNordic countrieshave a somewhatambiguous relationship
with globalization.
On
the one hand,
they have a long history of internationalism, perhaps most
clearly evidenced
in theirstrong involvement,both politically (throughan emphasis on human rightsand
democracy)and economically(throughsubstantialdonor aid)with theso-calledThirdWorld.
of theNordic countriesis thusas carriersof a relativelyinter
The foreignpolicy self-identity
nationalistnorm set inwhich issues of political and economical justiceand equality play a
central part. On
the other hand,
they have maintained
a rather isolated
existence. At
first
glance this argument sits uneasily with the one about the internationalistself-identity.
However, the two are paradoxically connected.Preciselybecause of the internationalist
role,
theNordic countrieshave rarelybeen thetargetof seriouscriticismfromactivistsdealingwith
issues of global justiceor fromgroups and politicians in theThirdWorld. Stated banally,
people in theNordic countrieshave become used tobeing thegood guys. The contentious
and often violent reactions routinely generated by the actions ofmore powerful states such as
the USA, Great Britain and France are simply not part of how we conceive of our role and
place in theworld.
with theMuhammed cartoonsconflict.
There isnow
Thismay have changed,at leastpartly,
a heightened
awareness
thatwhat we do and say can potentially
become
the target of trans
national criticismand political contention.To use the theoreticalconcepts introducedabove,
it evident thatwe live in porous publics intimately connected
the cartoons conflict has made
with theworld around us. For some, this is a welcome
reminder of how we are part of a shared
is not really
and global fate community, for others it is proof that cross-cultural dialogue
cartoons conflict will shape
possible or desirable. The jury is still out as to how theMuhammed
thedevelopment ofDanish societyand politics. It is beyond doubt, however, thattheevent
has served as a significantlearningprocess on globalization forDanish society.It is alsomore
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Olesen:
The Porous Public and theTransnational Dialectic
than likelythatthecartoons conflict
was not just a freakaccident.Next time theexact form
and trajectory
may be different
and the intensitylesspronounced,but it is a patternthatwe
will undoubtedlysee again.Through itsdiscussion of thechangingnatureof thepublic sphere,
thearticleoffersa firststep towardsa sociological theorizingof theconditionsthatenable this
typeof event.It is thehope thatsuch an exercisecan contributein twoways: first,
by shedding
new theoreticallighton what actually happened and how, and, second, by providing a
frameworkforthecoming discussions ofhow we, inDenmark, and in theNordic countries
more generally,should conceive of our own role in an increasinglyinterconnectedand
sometimesconflictive
world.
The articlehas three
main parts: in thefirstpart, I theoretically
develop theconceptsof the
porous public and the transnationaldialectic; in the second, I tryto illustratetheutilityof
theseconcepts throughan analysisof theMuhammed cartoonsconflict;and, in thethirdpart,
I discuss the relationshipbetween theporous public concept and thatof the transnational
public sphere.
Porosityand dialectic
To elaborateon theargumentsbrieflypresented in the introduction,
I proceed throughthree
theoreticalsteps.First,I elucidate inwhat way itstillmakes sense to thinkof thepublic sphere
as national. I thendiscuss how this 'nationality'is increasinglyshot through
with inbound
and outbound influences.I concludewith theargumentthattheseopposite influencesdialec
ticallyconstituteeach other toproduce globalization.
I
Although public spheres reston the same set of values (at themost basic level, freedomof
speech and critiqueof authority),thesevalues are interpreted
and practiseddifferently
from
one national contextto thenext.The differences
are theresultofdistincthistoricalexperiences
closely linked to theformationofnation-states.In fact,thedevelopmentof thepublic sphere
cannotbe separated fromthenation-state.
This isbecause thepublic spherepresupposes, first,
a shared language, and, second, a constitutionalstatus inwhich a state guarantees the
autonomyof thepublic sphere.Both of thesepreconditionsstillapply.Even inour supposedly
globalized age, public spherescontinue to reflecta sharedculturaland language community
and
to be constitutionally
guaranteed
by a state. This
is perhaps most
evident
ifwe
look at
themedia. The essence of thepublic sphere is debate and communication(Habermas,1962/
1989). In the imaginedcommunityof themodern public sphere, it is themedia thatcreate
what we might call itscommunicativeinfrastructure
(Anderson,1983;Taylor,1992).Even a
cursory glance at the world's media
landscape reveals that the large majority of media are
still tied to a specific national and language context. In a similar vein, Koopmans
and Erbe's
(2004) analysis of theEuropeanization of theGerman public sphere andmedia point to the
at theEuropean leveland the
discrepancybetween theadvanced stateofpolitical interaction
absence of genuinelyEuropeanmedia of some importance.
II
But thisnational public sphere is increasingly
porous. I prefertheadjective 'porous'because
I find it theoretically
sterileto debatewhether thepublic sphere today ismainly national or
transnationalized.
The dichotomyisartificial.
Historically,thenationalpublic spherehas always
We need only thinkabout theway theEuropean revolutions
been subjecttoexternalinfluences.
of the mid-nineteenth
century became
the subject of debate
in every public
sphere around
Europe. The porositymetaphor avoids thisdichotomy.Rather than saying that thepublic
sphere is eithermainly national or transnational,itsuggests thatit isboth. It ismore precise,
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Acta Sociologica
50(3)
then,to speak about degreesofporosity.
Thisway of thinkingabout thepublic sphereenables
us tomake importantdistinctions
without fallingintothedichotomous trap.First,itmakes it
possible toexaminehistorically
how public sphereshave generallybecome increasingly
porous
over time,and, second, toconceiveofcontemporary
public spheresas porous invaryingdegrees
(forexample, theDanish public sphere ismore porous than the Iranianditto).The degree of
porositycan bemeasured along two interconnected
parameters:media and people.
Media. The media, as noted earlier,constitutethecommunicativeinfrastructure
of thepublic
sphere. In theiranalysis of theEuropeanization of theGerman public sphere,Koopmans and
Erbe (2004) focus on thepresence of European elements in selectedGerman newspapers.
Varyingacross issues, theyfinda considerable influenceofEuropean issues. Importantly,
this
indicates that national newspapers and news channels today have more transnational
orientationsand routinesthanpreviously.They are increasinglyinterconnected
transnationally
monitoring(facilitated
and
throughinter-media
by onlineversions),cooperativearrangements,
theuse of the same sources (press agencies and major transnationalnews channels) (Holm,
2006).This developmentevidentlyreflectstheprocess ofglobalization inwhich eventsoutside
the local and national context come to have an ever greater effect on these contexts and therefore
attain increasingnews value.
While
it is true, as I said above,
ofmedia
that themajority
are still directed
towards a specific
national audience, therehas also been a noteworthygrowth in recentdecades ofwhat we
media.Well-known empirical examples are news channels such as
might term transnational
CNN and BBCWorld. Even thoughtheirheadquarters are nationally located, theirintended
is reflectedin the issues theytakeup (and in
This transnationality
audience is transnational.
thecommercialstheyshow!).CNN and BBCWorld strivetopresenta global outlook,but their
use
of English
language
and
their anchoring
in a Westem
context
restricts the potential
audience significantly.
However, since themid-1990s,Western dominance in thearea of trans
national broadcastinghas been challengedby theemergenceofArab-language transnational
media
such as Al-Jazeera, which
caters for a broad
transnational Arab
and Muslim
audience
(Lynch,2003; Seib, 2005).
The national and transnationalnewspaper and news-channelmedia described above are
normallyplaced under the rubricofmass media. Here, I referto themjointlyas macromedia.
is aimed at a broad and rela
are macro in the sense that their news production
Macromedia
in recent years is the
tively abstract public audience. One of the major media developments
increasingimportanceand accessibilityofwhat I call micromedia.
Micromedia, as the term
suggests, are different frommacromedia
in that they are more
private and direct. They may
include a variety of media, such as telephone, telefax,letters,email, listservs,weblogs,
websites, and so on.Micromedia, obviously, are not of a kind. Inspiredby Diani's (2001)
distinctionbetween public and private communication,I single out threetypes: telephone,
telefaxand lettersaremainly used inwhat we might termprivateone-to-onecommunication;
email and SMS can be used in this way, but may also be involved in semi-private communi
cation between a sender and an audience connected to that sender through an already estab
lished inter-personal
network (in some cases theaudience is so large thatthecommunication
blurs theboundary between public and private; hence the term 'semi-private');listservs,
weblogs andwebsites, incontrast,aremore genuinelypublic formsof communicationin that
they are accessible
to all. However,
since they are often used by individuals
or groups who
work with different
news criteria(and budgets!) thanmacromedia, theyare categorized as
micromedia oftenblur thedistinctionbetween national and trans
micromedia. Importantly,
national, which
ismore
easily made
in relation to the macromedia.
We might
even say that
theyoftendissolve thevery distinction:a weblog written inEnglish by an Egyptianmay be
categorized as 'Egyptian',but itsaudiencewill typicallybe transnational;and a Thai human
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->>"ix
Olesen: ThePorousPublicand theTransnational
Dialectic
National
Transnational
Macromedia
Box A
National newspapers and news channels
with transnational content
Box B
News channels catering to a
transnational audience
Micromedia
Box C
Personal or activist group-based media working on a private, semi-private or public
basis (telephone, telefax, letters,email, listservs,weblogs, websites); typicallyblur
thenational-transnational distinction
Figure 1 Media and porosity
rightsgroupmay maintain a website inbothThai and English and thuscommunicatesimul
taneouslywith national and transnationalaudiences (Figure1).
All these 'types'ofmedia increasetheporosityof national public spheres.The distinction
allows us todiscuss how porositycan differover timeand space. For example,public spheres
in themid-nineteenthcenturymay have had elementsof box A, but not B and C. Similarly,
some contemporarystatesregulatenews flowsby restricting
theaccessibilityof themedia in
boxes B and C. To repeat what was
said above, porosity, then, is not a fixed state of affairs. It
makes more sense to speak about degrees of porosityand consequentlyof variationsacross
historicaltimeand between countries.
People.The porous public isnot justaboutmedia, macro ormicro. Themulticulturalsocieties
that have emerged
inEurope
in the past 50 years or so also provide
a more physical dimension.
As a resultof increasedimmigration,
mostWesternEuropean countries(includingtheNordic
countries,butmost notablySweden and Denmark) have become 'tied' toothercountriesvia
personalnetworks.As demonstratedin thesociologicaland anthropologicalliterature(see, for
example,Sheffer,2003) on diaspora networks,immigrantsand refugeesusuallymaintain a
degree of contact with friends and family in their country of origin and consequently come to
serve as brokers between this country and their 'new' country. They will have a sense ofwhat
goes on in the public sphere of each country and will distribute this information in both
directions.This exchange takesplace when theytravel 'home' orwhen theyreceivevisitors
fromthe 'old' country.Primarily,
however, ithappens via themicromedia thatI have already
described (thedistinctionI ammaking betweenmedia and people is thuspartlyartificial).
SMS,
mobile telephony,
cheap long-distancetelephonecards and emailmake itpossible tomaintain
a stable flow of communication
across space.
There is anotherand more cognitiveaspect of thepeople factorthatcannotbe reduced to
multiculturalism.
What
I am getting at here is the rather abstract notion of a global conscious
ness identifiedby various, usually sociologically inclined,authors as a centralelement in
globalizationprocesses (e.g.Robertson,1992;Rosenau, 1997;Shaw, 2000).Rosenau (1997)has
in terms of a skill revolution taking place in the decades since World
he suggests is that people today are increasingly capable of analysing apparently
singular, local and national issues and events in an abstract and transnational context.2 This
couched
War
this discussion
II.What
developmentisgreatlydependentonmedia technologies.
As demonstratedbyDayan andKatz
(1992), themedia, especially satellitetelevision,facilitatethecreationof shared transnational
This situationradicallyincreases
experiencesthatbecome partofpeople's cognitivereservoirs.
the degree of a public
sphere's porosity, because
people
in other settings will be inclined
interpret
eventswithin itas relevantin relationto theirown social and political realities.
to
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Acta Sociologica
50(3)
III
The discussions earlierhave concentratedon identifying
conditions that facilitateporosity
and have not touched directlyon the types of social and political phenomena that these
conditionscan actually set inmotion. In the Introduction,I argued thatporositycan only be
understood in relation to the concept of the transnationaldialectic. The core idea of the
porosityconcept is precisely to emphasize the simultaneouspresence of inbound and out
bound influencesin thepublic sphere.These influencesconstituteeach other in a dialectical
spiralprocesswhose end result is typically'more'globalization.Rather thanoutbound and
inbound arrows, theseare consequentlybetterunderstood as part of the same 'movement'.
A theoreticalexample: somethinghappens in countryA involvinga citizen fromcountryB.
The issue thenbecomes a theme in thepublic sphere in countryB. This debate, in turn,is
closely followed incountryA, affectingthepublic understandingand decisions regardingthe
problem in thiscountry,and so on. Obviously, thecountryA and B example is thesimplest
possible. In most cases, numerous public spheres are simultaneously involved and the
complexitycorrespondingly
higher (I demonstratethisdynamic in relationto theMuhammed
cartoonsconflictinFigure 2).
TheMuhammed Cartoons Conflict3
The debate about theMuhammed cartoonswas a nationalDanish issue longbefore itbecame
a contestedissue transnationally.
The infamouscartoonswere published on 30 September2005,
but itwas
not until January and February
2006 that it erupted
on a transnational
scale.
It is
notmy ambitionhere to reconstruct
how and why thisescalation occurred,although some
causal claims will be made
in the analysis. The aim is rather to describe elements
from the case
thatempiricallyillustratethe theoretical
argumentsin thepreceding section.In otherwords, I
am not claiming thattheelementsdiscussed in the followingarewhat caused theconflictto
escalate.
Porosity, in other words,
does not mean
that every issue more
or less automatically
transcendsnationalborders. In fact,due to thecontinuingnational characterofpublic spheres
pointed out in the theoreticalsection,most issues never cross national boundaries. The
conditionsdescribedbelow therefore
what Tarrow (2005)calls theexternalization
onlyfacilitate
of domestic issues.
In the following,I argue thattheporosityof theDanish public sphereduring thecartoons
conflict was
visible
in the role played
by (1) transnational
news
channels,
(2) Danish
media
acting transnationally,
(3) non-Danishmedia acting transnationally,
(4)Danes or people living
inDenmark withMuslim background,and (5) transnationally
shared events. I conclude the
sectionby discussing theseelements in relationto theconceptof the transnationaldialectic.
Methodology
The data for the analysis below
are drawn
from a data set developed
inOlesen
(2006). The set
isbased on a coding ofnews itemsin theDanish centre-left
To collect the
newspaper,Politiken.
I cast a wide net by extracting
news items,I used theelectronicnewspaper archive,Infomedia.
all itemscontaining the searchwords 'Muhammed' and 'tegninger'(cartoons).The search
period ran from30 September 2005,when the cartoonswere published, to 31March 2006,
the conflict was on thewane. The search turned up a total of 923 news items. A number
them reduced the data set to 716. The remaining news
of these were not relevant. Removing
when
on thesequestions (inspiredby Koopmans,
itemswere read and coded toyield information
2002): 1)Who ismaking a claim? 2) To whom is the claim addressed? 3)What is the purpose
and content of the claim? 4) How and through what channels is the claim expressed? These
questions enable identification of the central actors and their claims in the conflict and let us
draw a precise 'map' of thedebate surroundingthecartoons.With such amap inhand it is
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Olesen:
The Porous Public and theTransnational Dialectic
possible toextracta number of empiricalobservationsthatallow us to reflectanalyticallyon
porosityand dialectic in theMuhammed cartoonsconflict.4
The choice of sourceneeds some explaining.First,itmight be objected thatusing only one
newspaper,Politiken,
createsa biased view of the issue.The point isvalid, but because of its
salience,drama and novelty thecartoons conflictreceivedextensivecoverage in allDanish
newspapers. It is a reasonableassumption, therefore,
thatanyDanish newspaper provides a
view of public debate on the issue.However, Politiken
was chosen
broad and representative
and theDanish government in its
because ithad a criticalstance towards Jyllands-Posten
coverage.This, combinedwith the factthatit is considereda seriousnewspaperwith a large
and diverse readership,has resulted in a broad coverage thathas given voice tonumerous
different actors. This broadness
is important when we want
to use a newspaper
a
to draw
publicmap ofdebate on an issue.Second, itmay seem odd tobase theanalysison one national
newspaper and itobviously createsa somewhatnationalbias in thedata selection.Two things
justifythischoice.First, theanalysis is primarilyconcernedwith an analysis of theporosity
of theDanish public sphere.Second, sinceDenmark was at theeye of the stormduring the
Danish newspapers arewhere themost extensivecoverage is found.
conflict,
The porous public
1.As mentioned in the theoreticalsection,thepast decade has seen a surge in transnational
Muhammed cartoons
satellitetelevisionchannelscatering
mainly for
Muslim audiences. In the
conflict,the satellite televisionchannelsAl-Jazeeraand Al-Arabiyaplayed a pivotal role in
diffusionof theconflict.
Their abilityto reacha largeaudience and createawareness about the
Muhammed cartoons intensifiedtheporosityof theDanish public sphere.What was essen
tially a national
event was
exposed
on a transnational
level. On
1 February, as the conflict was
Naser Khader, a Lebanon bornDanish MP and co-founderof theassoci
gatheringfullforce,
ation Demokratiske
Muslimer (DemocraticMuslims), thus remarked that the conflicthad
escalatedwhen Al-Jazeeraand Al-Arabiyastartedgiving the issue attentionon 26 January
and Flensburg,
(Nielsen
2006). The day after, he said, the cartoons were
a major
theme in
Fridayprayers inEgypt,Saudi Arabia and Iraq.Khader's observation(thoughnot necessarily
his causal inference!)is supportedby a search inAl-Jazeera's(2006)archive,which reveals that
theissuewas reportedonly twiceprior to26 Januaryon thechannel'swebsite. In thefollowing
twoweeks itwas reported36 times.
Outside the
Muslim world, news channelsalso contributed
toporosity.A searchon CNN's website reveals thatthe issue only startedattractingattention
on 2 February,
that is, a little later than what was
found with Al-Jazeera. Of the 51 times the
issue ismentioned,45 date fromtheperiod between 2 and 19February(CNN, 2006).A similar
picturematerializeswhen searchingtheBBC website, themain difference
being thattheBBC
seemed tobe earlier indirectingattentionto theconflict(most likelybecause of theconflict's
European angle). Here, the issue was mentioned four timesprior to 26 January.In the
followingtwoweeks thenumber rose to 67 (BBC, 2006).
2. The cartoonsconflictbegan with thepublication of 12 satiricalcartoonsof theprophet
a liberal daily with a large circulation.When the conflict
Muhammed in Jyllands-Posten,
escalated in January/February
2006, the newspaper found itselfunder heavy cross-fire.
Muslims
expressed
anger at what
they saw as blasphemous
publications
and non-Muslim
Muslim religioussenti
politicians,media and organizationscriticizeditforwilfully insulting
ments.
In terms of porosity
itwas
rather a case, then, of actors outside Denmark
(including
the
transnationalnews channels discussed under point 1) creatingporosityby referringto the
went frombeing
actionsof a Danish newspaper.However, during theconflict,Jyllands-Posten
a passive
object of criticism to an active player
in the debate. On
30 January, the newspaper
issued a statementthroughtheJordaniannews agency inwhich itapologized forhavinghurt
Muslim sentiments(Ritzau, 2006). This statementwas also published on thenewspaper's
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Acta Sociologica
50(3)
website inEnglish and Arabic. The use ofwebsites by national newspapers to communicate
with audiences outside theirnational contextis a novel developmentwhich leads to increas
ingporosity.The possibilities,of course,are still limited,because, as I noted in the theoretical
section,national newspapers stillcater fornational language audiences. Porosityvia online
versions thus requires that textsare translatedor that thenewspaper's main language has
significantglobal distribution.The upshot of thisobservation is thatsome publics are less
porous
than others as a result of language
barriers. For example,
online versions
of US news
papers will be more widely 'visible' to non-national audiences than, say,Russian online
newspapers.
3.National newspapers and news channelsoutsideDenmark also contributedtoporosity.
These can be grouped roughlyin two categories: (1) thosewith a negative position towards
and the cartoons and (2) thosewith a supportiveposition. Critical articles,
Jyllands-Posten
op-eds
and commentary were present
in national newspapers
and news channels
all over the
world (but concentratedinEurope and theMuslim world). There is as yetno hard evidence
toprovide a clearpictureof thepatternof thiscriticalcoverage (itsgeographicaldistribution
and concentration,itsmain claims, its distributionaccording to newspapers' and news
channels'politicalpositions,and so on). In relationtosupportivecoverage, thereare,however,
some preliminary data that also give us an idea of the general extension of coverage outside
in Europe, and to a lesser extent the USA and theMuslim
Denmark. Numerous
newspapers
to publish the
world, provided varying degrees of support for the rightof Jyllands-Posten
cartoons. According
to a survey conducted
by theDanish
School
of Journalism, all or some of
cartoonswere published in at least 143 newspapers in 56 different
Jyllands-Posten's
countries
(eJour2006; the surveywas concluded on 27 February).The majority of these reprints
were
aimed at supportingthepublication,placing thedefenceof freedomof expressionat theheart
of theargument.Perhaps themost visible involvementon thepart ofEuropean newspapers
came througha continent-wideand apparently coordinated display of solidarity in late
January and early February, which
included
the publication
of the cartoons
in a number
of
European newspapers (Munck, 2006). In a telling illustrationof the transnationaldialectic
discussed in the theoreticalsection,thissolidaritydisplay itselfbecame a topic fordebate and
conflict
published
in the involved public spheres and, later, in Denmark.
The cartoons were also
in a number of Arab and Muslim countries (see eJour, 2006). Inmany of these cases
theresponsibleeditorsand journalists
were firedand sued fordefamation (see, forexample,
Al-Khalidi, 2006).
4. Porosity,as argued in the theoreticalsection,not only has amediated dimension, italso
has a more physical aspect resultingfromthemulticulturalismofmany of today's societies.
Denmark has aMuslim population of about 200,000 (approximately3.8 per cent of the total
population).This sectorofDanish societyobviously tooka special interestin thecartoonsand
in many
cases
came
to serve as brokers between
Denmark
and
their countries
of origin,
relayinginformation
about debates in theDanish public sphere to recipientsin otherpublic
micromedia. Preciselyforthisreason
spheres.This tookplace on a personal leveland through
we do not have any hard data on the extent of such communication
and its importance. The
roleofMuslims livinginDenmark increatingporosityisclearerinsome of themore organized
and publicly visible attemptsto generateawareness. InDenmark, earlyprotestsagainst the
cartoonswere mainly voiced by Det Islamiske
Trossamfund
(the IslamicFaithCommunity),an
Muslims inDenmark. InDecember 2005, theorganization toured
umbrella organization for
to document what
a
parts of the Arab world, bringing with itmaterial
they considered
in Denmark
generally hostile climate forMuslims
(see Politiken, 2006, for this material). On
their tour, the delegation met with Egyptian government and Arab League
representatives
(Exner,2005).During January,
and especially as theconflictescalated, thedelegationbecame
the targetof harsh criticisminDenmark, accused of contributingto the transnationalization
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Olesen: ThePorousPublicand theTransnational
Dialectic
of theconflict(S0rensen,2006). The spokesmen ofDet IslamiskeTrossamfund
became visible
public figuresin aswell as outsideDenmark, andwere oftenused ina brokerage function
by
non-Danishmedia, especially those fromArabic countries,tocommenton thesituation.
5. The transnationalizationofmedia and people described under points 1-4 reflectsa
growingglobal consciousness.There is a dialecticalcausalityatplay here.Media becomemore
transnationalbecause of increasingglobal consciousness (people need and demand more
transnational
news), but in thatvery process theyalso producemore of it,so to speak. This
dialectic is importantin understandingwhat I referredto in the theoreticalsection as the
cognitiveaspects ofporosity.In thislight,I identify
9/11 as a transnationally
sharedevent that
has increasedtheporosityofnationalpublic spheres.In anotherarticleon thecartoonsconflict
(Olesen, 2007), I argue
that the transnational
resonance
of the cartoons was
partly due
to the
newworld political climatecreatedafter9/11. In termsofporosity,thismeans thatlocal and
national eventswith a conflictive
Muslim aspect aremore likely to be 'liftedout' of that
context.9/11 has thuspoliticized religion,and especially Islam,and provides claimsmakers,
Muslim as well as non-Muslim,with new opportunitiesforframingand legitimizingclaims.
Inmy 2006 article,I consequentlysuggestthatmedia, politicians,institutions
and corporations
were more inclined to politicize the cartoons than theywould have been under different
conditions; some because theyemphasized theneed forcross-culturalunderstanding in a
post-9/11world, and othersbecause theywere eager to draw a clear linebetweenWestern
andMuslim conceptionsof societyand democracy.
The transnational dialectic
The conceptof porosity is importantbecause itenables a more precise formulation
ofwhat I
have referredto throughoutthearticleas thetransnational
dialectic.Many, ifnotmost, events
and issues emerge at the local and national
level and stay there. But once an event, perhaps
facilitated
by some of thefactorsdiscussed above,migrates out of its local or national context
to create a shift in scale it sets inmotion
a dialectical
dynamic
that is difficult to control and
predict.Stated in a ratherunscientific
manner, itacquires a lifeof itsown, and when ithas
run itscourse leavesbehind social,culturaland politicalexperiencesthatcome to shape future
events. Viewed
in thisway
the transnational dialectic
is very much
an active learning process.
It isprobably safe to say thatno one predicted themobilization of thecartoonsconflictthat
occurred during January and February. For a long time, through October, November, December
and most of January, thismeant that the Danish government and media were expecting the
smolderingconflictto quietly die out. Apparently unaware of the potentially explosive
character of the cartoons, both the Danish
government
and Jyllands-Posten adopted
a fairly
unconditionalstance towardsthefirstroundsof criticismfromactors inand outsideDenmark
(theseearly criticismscame primarilyfromDet Islamiske
and fromtheambassa
Trossamfund
dors toDenmark
of a number ofMuslim
countries;
see Letter fromAmbassadors,
2005). For
and inter-cultural
manyMuslims, and fornon-Muslimsconcernedwith inter-religious
respect
andWestern governments),thisrepre
of internationalinstitutions
(includingrepresentatives
sented a display
of arrogance
that fuelled further contention. As anger and frustration began
tobuild up, theDanish governmentand Jyllands-Posten
feltforcedto change tacticstowards
at leastpartial concessions. In late Januaryand earlyFebruary,statements
were issued that
expressed regret(butnot outrightapology) over theeffectof thecartoons (conciliatorystate
ments
directed
at theMuslim
world were
also
issued by Danish
corporations
such as Arla,
who were beginning to feel the effectsof consumerboycotts).While thisdampened some
groups,otherswere infuriated
by the lackof an unconditionalapology.The change of tactics
also motivated
a heated debate
inDenmark
on democracy,
freedom of speech and the appro
priate responseby thegovernmentand Jyllands-Posten
to theconflict.Domestic politicians,
media, corporationsand thepublic were deeply divided on the issue, some calling foran
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Acta Sociologica
50(3)
National
Transnational
Publication of cartoons (initial
criticism from national actors)
Initial criticism from transnational
actors (mainly Muslim states,
institutions and organizations)
Unconditional response by
Danish government and
Jyllands-Posten
Growing criticism from transnational
actors (including non-Muslim state
and institutional actors)
Concessions
by Danish
government and
Jyllands-Posten
Varied response from
transnational actors
Effects on domestic Danish
politics and increased global
consciousness
Muhammed cartooncrisis
Figure 2 The transnationaldialectic in the
unconditional defence of the freedomof expression and others forgreater cross-cultural
understanding. The conflict, in other words, was coming home to roost and has left a lasting
mark on Danish politics and society. It seems reasonable to say that the result of the conflict
has been an increased global consciousness across the spectrum in Danish society,an
to put it banally, that we are not alone in the world. This experience, as briefly
awareness,
in the Introduction, may have come rather late to Denmark. Even ifDenmark
discussed
in
many respects is a highly globalized society, we have rarely experienced national events taking
on such a highly politicized and transnational dimension as in the cartoons conflict. Figure 2
illustratesthe transnationaldialecticof theconflict.5
A Transnational
Public Sphere?
The porous
is still a national public,
public
although,
as I have
sought
to demonstrate,
one
increasinglypenetrated by inbound and outbound influences.Even if one accepts this
argument,
it begs
the following question: Does
the plurality of national porous
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publics mean
Olesen: ThePorousPublicand theTransnational
Dialectic
thatwe cannot also speak of a transnational
public sphere in thesingular?I cannotgive this
question sufficient
attentionhere,but I finditimportant
at least tosketchthetheoretical
differ
ences between the two concepts.
The twoconceptsare notmutually exclusive,but ratherclosely interconnected
in thesense
that the transnationalpublic sphere, inmy view, is a functionof porous national public
spheres.Because porosityenables a situationinwhich different
publics debate thesame issues
at the same time.
When thishappens we canmeaningfullyspeak of a transnationalpublic
sphere.Certainly,it is somethingthathappens relativelyrarelyon a genuinely transnational
scale. TheMuhammed cartoonsconflictis perhaps themost recentexample of a full-blown
transnational
public sphere (anotherexamplemight be thedebate and protestssurrounding
the impendingwar in Iraq in early 2003). In thesesituations,the transnationalflowof infor
mation is significantly
concentrated.Itdoes notnecessarily
mean thatthereismore information
incirculation,but thata largenumberofpeople are aware of and interestedin thesame issue.
In linewithwhat has been said earlier,thisflowof information
is stilltoa considerabledegree
'carried'by nationalmedia. Importantly,
thisalso indicatesthata transnational
public sphere
cannotusefullybe conceptualized simplyas a nationalpublic spherewrit large.The concept
of the transnationalpublic spheredoes not, in otherwords, necessarilysuggest a situation
where theworld's people speak directlytoeach otheracrossgeographicaland culturaldiffer
ences or use the samemedia as sources of information.
Of course, thereisgenuinelycross
national debate, and, as discussed earlier,theworld iswitnessing a growth in transnational
news channels,but theseformsof information
flowand exchangecontinue tobe dwarfedby
those that occur in national media
and public
spheres. To repeat, if itmakes
sense to speak of
a transnational
public sphere, it is as a social space createdwhen individuals,organizations,
media, politicians,and officialsat localand national levelsaround theworld, aware of 'voices'
inotherplaces, debate thesame questions at thesame timewith referenceto thesame events,
statements and actions. The term 'social space'
is a key point in the definition of a transnational
public sphere. It suggests thatit is a spacewith no permanence or concreteform,or, touse
Scholte's (2000) term,a supraterritorial
phenomenon.The transnationalpublic sphere is not
something constantly
'out there', it comes and goes because
it always
emerges on the back of
specificissues thatforone reasonor theotheracquires transnationalresonance.
There aremany reasons forbelieving thatwe will seemore examples of an activated trans
nationalpublic spherein thefuture.
The conditionsthatincreasetheporosityofnationalpublic
spheres are likely to progress,
and since the transnational
sphere, as I said above,
public
is
largelya resultofnationalporosity,thisphenomenonwill tendtobecomemore common.The
point is strengthenedifwe view such developmentsas active learningprocesses.Every time
the transnational
public
sphere
is activated
it leaves behind
a set of experiences
that can be
drawn on in subsequentepisodes. In otherwords, thereis a continualbuild-up of cognitive,
thatcan facilitatefuture
technologicaland organizational infrastructures
mobilizations.6
Conclusions
In thisarticle,Ihave used thetwinconceptsof theporous public and thetransnational
dialectic
to analyse
theMuhammed
cartoons conflict - the porous
public
concept
to point to the way
nationalpublic spheresare increasingly
penetratedby inboundand outbound influences,the
transnational
globalization
levels. Using
dialectic concept to suggest that globalization
is a learning process in which
is simultaneously
cause and outcome of social activities at local and national
these twin concepts is an attempt to avoid a privileging of local, national or trans
national levelsof analysis,while seekingtodemonstratehow theselevelsconstituteeach other.
TheMuhammed cartoonsconflictexemplifiedtwomain components in theporous public
concept.First,itwas evidenthow theconflict
was facilitated
by the transnational
characterof
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Acta Sociologica
50(3)
themedia: thismedia transnationality
was evident in the roleplayed by transnationalnews
channels and in the transnationalactivitiesof nationalmedia. Second, theconflict
was facili
tatedby themulticulturalcharacterofDanish society,
which includesa relativelylarge
Muslim
brokersbetweenDenmark and their
population.Muslim individuals served as information
originalcountriesandMuslim organizations inDenmark travelledtoArab countriesto relay
information
and generateawareness.Based on thesefindings,theconceptof thetransnational
dialecticwas employed to show how theMuhammed cartoonsconflictconstituteda learning
process forDanish societywhich has resulted in an increased level of global consciousness
thatwill affectpolitical and culturaldebate foryears to come. Following theanalysis of the
Muhammed
cartoons,
itwas
discussed
how
the concept of the porous public
relates to that of
thetransnational
public sphere.Itwas argued thatthetwoconceptsarenotmutually exclusive
in
The porosity of national public spheres facilitatesthe
and
factclosely interconnected.
emergenceof a transnational
public sphere,which was defined as a temporaryphenomenon
characterizedbyworldwide debate of the same issue at the same time.This debate refersto
thesame statements,
actionsand symbols,but itstilltakesplacemainlywithin nationalpublic
spheres.
If it is accepted, as I have argued throughoutthe article, that theMuhammed cartoons
conflict has been
a learning process
for Danish
'convince' people
that the distance between
society, it remains
to be seen what
conse
quences itwill have forthefuturedevelopmentof political, social and cultural identities.
At
least two opposing scenarios come tomind. On the one hand, the cartoons conflictcan
'them' and
'us' is simply too wide,
that it is naive
tobelieve thatgenuine dialogue and co-existenceispossible. The logical reactionto thistype
of conclusion is formsofwithdrawal and shieldingof ournational historicalvalues. On the
other hand,
the cartoons
conflict may
also be seen as a chance
and reminder of the need
to
'listen' tovoices fromother social,political and culturalbackgrounds. In a positive reading
of theconflict,itcould thusbe argued that theconflicthas helped introduceboth lightand
shade intodebates across social, political and cultural differences.
Because so many voices
were suddenly heard in the debate, it became clear to both Muslims
and Westerners
that the
unit. There may be extremists on both sides, but the reality
other side is not a homogenous
is thatthe largemajority are interestedin co-existencebased onmutual respectratherthan
confrontation.
It is of course
too early still to say where
thewind
blows. On
a personal
note I hope
that it
thatwill carrytheday.Whetherwe like itor not,we are becoming
is the latterinterpretation
part of an ever more complex network of social and political relations that stretchway beyond
our local and national realities. Ifwe stop listening and talking to each other those networks
will only become circuitsofmore conflictand violence.
Notes
This is a revised version of an article prepared foran international colloquium entitled Crossing Borders:
On theRoad towardTransnational SocialMovement Analysis, at theWissenschaftszentrum Berlin f?r Sozial
forschung, 5-7 October 2006. I thank Ruud Koopmans forhis useful comments on the article on that
occasion.
1. But see Robertson (1995) and Rosenau
2.
That
people
have
a
global
consciousness
(2003) formore dialectical conceptions of globalization.
does
not
necessarily
mean
that they are also
political
cosmo
politans. As discussed by Tarrow (2005: ch. 4), most people still overwhelmingly self-identifywith
3.
their country.
section
This
adopts
some
phrases
and
arguments
from Olesen
(2007).
4. I stress that, although thismethod is clearly inspired by the so-called political claims analysis
(Koopmans and Statham, 1999;Koopmans, 2002), itdoes not, as political claims analyses typicallydo,
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Olesen: ThePorousPublicand theTransnational
Dialectic
BBii?iia
provide quantitative measures of the coding results. The coding of the questions has mainly been
used to draw a map of the development and chronology of the cartoons conflict.
5. Readers familiarwith thework of Thomas Risse and Kathryn Sikkink (see especially Risse and
Sikkink, 1999) will recognize that themodel draws inspiration from the spiral model developed by
these
to
authors
human
rights
conceptualize
states.
the
interaction
between
human
transnational
rights
activists
and
violating
6. This argument inmany ways echoes thatmade by social movement scholars studying the importance
ofmobilizing structures (e.g.McAdam, 1982;McCarthy, 1996). Authors in this tradition contend that
pre-existing
organizing
experiences
are
important
to the success
of
subsequent
rounds
of mobilization.
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Biographical Note: Thomas Olesen is Lecturer in the Department of Political Science, University of
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Address: Thomas Olesen, Department of Political Science, University of Aarhus, Bartholins Alle, 8000
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308
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