Asia Pacific Media Educator
Issue 1
9-1-1996
Old wine in a new bottle: Public versus
developmental journalism in the US
S. Gunaratne
Moorhead State University, US
Recommended Citation
Gunaratne, S., Old wine in a new bottle: Public versus developmental journalism in the US, Asia
Pacific Media Educator, 1, 1996, 64-75.
Available at:http://ro.uow.edu.au/apme/vol1/iss1/7
Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library:
[email protected]
Article 7
Old Wine In ANew Bottle:
Public Versus Developmental
Journalism In the US
This paper argues that the emergzng concept of public journalism m the
Untted States IS very similar to the concept of developmental journalism
that the West denounced during the debate on the New World
Information and Communication Order. Many of the ideas of the
MacBride CommIssion (1980) have sneaked into the writmgs of those
who advocate public journalIsm to reJuvenate American journalism that
hasjailed to excite the readers. Scholars are now questionmg the validity
of the conventional news values and their relevance to changing
consumer needs.
Shelton Gunaratne
Moorhead State University, Minnesota
© ASlaPacific
MedlaEducator
VoU :1t Sept , 1996
64
Since the late 1980s, a public JournalIsm movement m the
United States has attempted to explain the faltering confidence m
the mass media in terms of the media's failure to connect the public
with participatory democracy because of a dogged adherence to
detachment. The movement has, inter alia, sought a redefinition
of news values, questioned the value of objectivity and the ethics
relating to it, pushed for greater mvolvement of journalIsts as
active participants in the community, called on journalism to truly
reflect the multicultural composihon of the American society, and
suggested that Journalism should place itself within the dIscipline
of communication. While the movement has the appearance of
an intra-national development, the debate relating to it has clear
intematlOnal and global implications.
The background relating to the emergence of this movement
pertains partly to the dwindling per capita circulation of daily
newspapers. While the US population rose 82.1 percent from 1946
to 1993, the country/s daily newspaper circulation rose a mere
17.4 percent. Circulation has dropped from 38.2 copies per 100
people in 1946 to 23.3 in 1993 (Gunaratne 1996). The Yankelovich
Monitor survey reported that between 1988 and 1993 people's
SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew bottk ...
confidence in television news dropped from 55 percent to 25
percent; in newspaper news from 50 to 20; and ill magazine news
from 38 to 12 (Merritt 1995a: xv). Commenting on this
phenomenon, Merritt (1995a: 5) posits:
• Journalism ill all its forms ignores its obligations to
effective public life.
• That failure has been a maj or contributor to the
resultant malaise in public life.
• Journalism should be, and can be, a primary force ill
the revitalization of public life. However, fundamental
cultural and generational change in the profession is
necessary for that to occur.
The public journalism movement generally associates itself
with a wider movement in several walks of life to address the
central question of what makes democracy work or fail. That wider
movement mirrors the writings of Benjamin Barber (1984), the
Harwood Group (1993), David Mathews (1994), Robert Putnam
(1993) and others. However, the most influential among journalists
was apparently the work of Daniel Yankelovich (1991), who shows
"how insights into the way people make decisions can be turned
into concrete newsroom goals for making those decislOns easier"
(Charity 1995: 3-4). Yankelovich outlines three steps that the public
has to pass through to travel from mass opinion to public judgment
( Charity 1995: 4-9):
• Consciousness raising: the stage in which the public
learns about an issue and becomes aware of its existence
and meaning. Joumalists can help the public if they
choose more judiciously where to focus public attention
and presented them ill user-friendly forms.
• Workmg through: the stage when people must
abandon the passive-receptive mode (of the consciousraIsing stage) and get actively engaged and involved.
Journahsts can improve the chances of keeping the
process on track by reducing Issues to chOIces, plumbing
to core values, spelling out the costs and consequences
of each choice, bridgmg the expert-public gap,
facihtating delIberation and promotmg ciVIhty.
• Resolution: the stage that shows the successful end of
"working through." Journalists can shore up people's
motivation by prodding action on the public's choice.
The proponents of public journalism, however, have failed
to connect their evolVing concept to development journalism as
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SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in II new bottle ...
espoused during the NWICO debates. Anglo-American interests
have succeeded in associating developmental journalism with
"government-gay-so journalism" that violated the US constitution's
First Amendment virtues. Under such hostility, the proponents
of public journalism may have overlooked discussIng the
connections between public and developmental Journalism.
This article will sort out the main features of the two
concepts, both of which have no fixed definitions, to show that
they have much in common though their practice may reflect
cultural variations. Public journalism, as some proponents agree,
is not a radical new idea. It is old wine in a new bottle.
Public
Journalism
66
Scholars have used the terms public journalism, civic
journalism and community journalism interchangeably. Lauterer
(1995:184) says: "Call it whatever you will, community journalism,
public journalism, relentlessly local coverage, it's not anew Idea".
He says that communIty journalism satisfies a basic human
craving: "the affirmation of the sense of community, a positive
and intimate reflection of the sense of place, a stroke for our usness, our extended family-ness and our profound and interlocking
connectedness" (p. 9).
Weichelt (1995) says that public journalism has two goals:
to make news organizations listen more closely to their audiences;
and to make them play more active roles in their communities.
Parisi (1995) says that public journalism advances understanding
of news as a coherent narrative of the world that serves certain
interests, rather than as a mirror image of truth; and he suggests
that public journalism can best develop by acknowledgmg more
public news narratives as its center, drawing on the insights of
media criticism and addressing creatively the limitations of
objectivity as a narrative framework for serving the public interest.
Rosen, an early promoter of the concept, says that "public
journalism worries about becoming properly attached" and
"getting the connections right" unlike traditional journalism that
values detachment. While traditional journalism seeks to inform
and act as a watchdog over government, public journalism "trles
to strengthen the community's capacity to recognize itself, to
converse well, and make choices. The guiding image behind public
journalism is " a vision of the well-connected community, where
everything that should connect does connect ... where everyone
who should be talking is, in fact, talking" (quoted in Charity 1995:
159).
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SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew /Jottle ...
Rosen (1992:9) asserts that the terms "objectivity," "fairness/,
"balance" and "accuracy" have left journalists bereft of any
philosophy of action; and that journalists should present
themselves as advocates for the kind of serious talk a mature pohty
requires (p. 24). The identifying features of public journalism
include: a willingness to break with old routines; a desire to
"reconnect" with citizens and their true concerns; an emphasis on
serious discussion as the primary activity in democratic politics;
and a focus on citizens as actors within, rather than spectators to,
the public drama (p.376).
Despite the ongoing debate on public journalism since the
begirming of this decade, no standard definition of the concept
has emerged. Merritt (1995a:p.114)) says that "for anyone editor
or institution to define public journalism concretely would also
mean limiting the possibilities."
Merritt (1995b:127) clarIfies: "Public journalism seeks to
define and learn a different set of reflexes, one that has a purpose
beyond telling the news. It seeks to break away from the concept
of One Journalism, with its idea that the rules and conventions of
the profession are pervasive and inflexible". He says that public
journalism "seeks to define another set of five Ws and H ... public
life, according to the values of public journalism, requires shared
information and shared deliberation; people participate in
answering democracy's fundamental question of "What shall we
do?" (p.131).
Charity (1995:151) says that public journalism arose out of
the conviction that something essential was lacking in American
life right now: rational talk, community-based approaches,
participatory discussions, communal glue, a proper emphasis on
activity; and, unlike "most forms of self-styled newer, better
joumahsm," public journalism provided what economists would
call added value: the ability to help the audience conduct an
ongoing conversation in depth (pp.157-158).
Public Journalism, he says, "is nothing more than the
conviction that journalism's busme~s is about making citizenshIp
work" (p. 9). Three mterlockmg metaphors descnbe who pubhc
journalists are: they are "experts in public life," civic capitalIsts"
and "full-time citizens"; they are not "radicals departing from the
canons of then profession, but traditionalists attempting a return
to first principles" (pp 11-12).
Developmental Journalism has Its roots in development
communication, which goes back to the work of agricultural
AswPaClfic MedwEduc(jfm: Volume 1.1, September 1996
Development
Journalism
67
SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew bottle ...
extension carried out by large land-grant state universities in the
United States (Stevenson 1994: 232).
Eventually, it developed into a coherent doctrine, and a 1964
seminar convened by the East West Center in Honolulu formalized
the concept (Jayaweera and Amunugama, 1987). Journalists
became a part of the picture simply because of their crucial role in
communication. The term "developmental journalism" goes back
to the Philippines in the 19605 (Stevenson 1994: 239). The Thomson
Foundation sponsored a course called The Economic Writers'
Training Course, Aug. 14 to Sept. 5, 1968, when the seminar
chairman Alan Chalkley coined the term "development journalist."
Chalkley (1968) explained that a journalist's mam task was
to inform and give his or readers the facts. His or her secondary
task was to mterpret to put the facts in their framework and, where
possible, to draw conclusions. Chalkley said that these were the
tasks of political journalists, as well as of crune reporters, societypage writers, human story writers and every other journalist. The
development journalist,
Chalkley said, had a third task, a positive one that one mIght
call "promotion": not only to give the facts of economic life and to
interpret those facts, but also to promote them and bring them
home to the readers. "You must get your readers to realize how
senous the development problem is, to think about the problem,
to open their eyes to the possible solutions -- to punch that hole in
the vicious circle." Chalkley saId giving hIS inibal definition of
developmental journalism. No concrete definition of the concept
has emerged since then although scholars and practitIoners have
presented their different visions.
Chalkley (1968) also pomted out at the outset that
developmental journalism was not for the elite but for the ordinary
people. Therefore, the task of a development journalist was to
use simple terms and to avoid jargon.
Gunaratne (1978) described developmental journalism as
an integral part of a new journalism that involved "analytical
interpretation, subtle investigation, constructive cnticism and
sincere association with the grass-roots (rather than with the elite)."
He argued that developmental journalism was not compatIble
with either the libertarian concept, which defined the functIon of
the mass media as providing information and entertainment, or
the authoritarian concept, which stifled "criticism of political
machinery and the officials in power" and imposed a "top-down
approach to problem solving."
Aggarwala (1978) also noted that Western critics had
erroneously equated development-oriented news with
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ASIaPacific MediaEducator, Volume 1-1, September 1996
SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew bottle ...
government-controlled news. He argued that the development
newsbeat involved reporting on the relevance of a development
project of national and local needs; the difference between a
planned scheme and its actual implementation; and the difference
between its impact on people as claimed by government officials
and its actual impact.
Ogan (1982: 10) identified developmental journalism as the
critical examination, evaluation and reporting of the relevance,
enactment and impact of development programs by a mass media
independent of the government. Fair (1988) conceptualized
developmental journalism as news that related to the primary,
secondary or tertiary needs of a country's population; news that
satisfied the needs of a country's population and contributed to
self-reliance; and news that related to development or to social,
economic or political problems.
Despite such analyses of the concept early on, contemporary
conservative scholars (e.g., Stevenson 1994) have gone out of their
way to debunk developmental journalism as an adjunct to
authoritarian and communist concepts of the press in their
eagerness to prove the victory of the so-called Western concept in
the 90s. They have Ignored the thrust of developmental journalism
embodied in scholarly analyses or as practised by alternative news
services such as Inter Press Service, Depthnews, Gemini and SouthNorth News. As Ali (1996: 30) points out: "The concept of
development journalism IS good, and always was, so it is a pity it
became embroiled in the acrimonious debate surrounding the New
World Information Order."
Because of the negative connotations associated with the
term developmental journalism, Shah (1996. 144-146) has
suggested its replacement with the tenn emancipatory joumahsm
to facilitate recognizing "a role for journalists as participants in a
process of progressive social change." He makes this point m the
context that "communication can contribute to participatory
democracy, security, peace, and other humanistic principles that
are at the core of the discourse on modernity." Emancipatory
journalism "requires not only prOVIsion of socially relevant
mformatIOn but also Journalistic activism in challenging and
changing oppressive structures"; gives indiVIduals in communities
marginalized by modernization "a means of voicing critique and
articulating alternatlve visions of society"; and encourages
''Joumahsts to abandon the role of neutral observer while reporting
in a manner that is thorough, deeply researched, and historically
and culturally grounded, and that promotes SOCIal change in favor
of the dispossessed."
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SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew bottle •..
If one were to conceptualize a contemporary framework
for developmental journalism, taking into consideration the
discussion that has gone on for well over a quarter century, one
might consider Galtung's and Vincent's (1992) point that the task
of the journalist is to unravel the threads of the development
drama that takes place both in the Center and the Pertphery, pIck
them out of the intricate web of relationships, "hold them up in
the sunlight, and demonstrate the connections to readers, listeners
and viewers" as IPS attempts to do at present (p. 146). They point
out the inherent drama in development, democracy and
participation, all of which are interconnected (See Galtung and
Vincent, 1992:151-166) . "The problem, however, is that when this
drama is written out, the underlying text tends to be about the
same in all cases: imperialism, exploitation and other leftist
themes" (p. 150). Is it any wonder, then, that Anglo-American
conservative scholars tend to debunk developmental journalism?
ABasic
Comparison
Black (1996) notest that pubhc journalism is designed to:
• "Invite ordinary citizens back into public life by
making their concerns the starting point of the debate."
Developmental journalism tries to achieve a similar
objective by making known the concerns of the large
majonty of underprivileged people in the backwoods
of develapmg nations to their national leaders and the
world.
• "Overcome journalistic cynicism and acknowledge
the possibility that citizens workiI).g together might be
able to solve some of society's problems." Tlus happens
to be the crux of developmental journalism as welL The
ma&s media can and should play an active role in
encouraging citizens to work together to solve their roral
or urban problems.
• "Modify the rules of detachment by accepting that
journalists have an interest in and responsibility for
raising the level of public discourse and helping society
find solutions to its problems." Again, this looks like the
model development journalist. Detachment cannot
achieve the objectives of developmental journalism. The
journalists have to playa catalytic role to stir up people
into being active participants in nation building.
Merritt (1995a: pp. 113-114» says that public journalism
involves at least five mental shifts on the part of the
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SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew bottle ,..
conventional journalist:
• Moving ''beyond the limited mission of telling the news
to a broader mission of helping public life to go well,
and acts out that imperative." This is exactly true of the
development journalist.
• Moving "from detachment to being a farr-minded
participant in pubhc life." As already mentioned, the
development journalist cannot be detached.
• Moving "from worrying about proper separations to
concerns with proper connections." The development
journalist cannot afford the luxury of worrying about
the separation of the "Fourth Estate" from the three arms
of the government or from the community in his or her
attempt to connect with the public and project their
concerns into national, or even international, attention.
• Moving "beyond only describing what is 'going wrong'
to also imagining what 'going right' would be like."
Simllarly, the development journalist has the
commitment to report civic successes.
• Moving "from people as consumers ... to seeing them
as a public, as potential actors in arriving at democratic
solutions to public problems." The development
journalist also goes well beyond looking at news as a
commodity that enables the generation of maximum
profit. Rather, he or she is more concerned with engaging
the public in finding solutions to a variety of social
problems.
Lambeth (1994: 51) summarizes that the new forms of
civic journalism constitute some combination of the
following:
• Careful, timely and sensitive listening to public needs.
• Systematic consultation of the public by means of polls
and focus groups.
• Journalist-organized dialogue with panels of resource
specialists chosen for their differing expertise and
perspectives.
• Media-sponsored pubhc fora designed to deliberate
on key issues.
• Continuity of in-depth reporting on issues chosen
independently by journalists for their fidelity to cihzen
concerns.
• Occasional cooperative projects by newspapers, radio
and/or television newsrooms.
While some of these teclmiques pertain to the practices m
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SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in a new bottle ...
an advanced society, the development journalist may as well use
them depending on the degree of sophistication a particular
society has reached.
Just as much as public journalism is concerned with
community building within the framework of democratic ideals,
developmental journalism is concerned with public parhcipation
in nation building within the same framework. Developmental
journalism also envisIoned a rational self-interest of doing well
in political environments that ranged from authoritarianism to
varying degrees of democracy.
Public journalism has encountered much skepticIsm with
reactions such as: it endangers the credibility of newspapers
because it repudiates the principles of objectivity and fairness that
have been a lodestar ofAmerican journalIsm for half a century; it
compromises enterprising, sustained, independent reporting; it
gets reader committees to decide what goes into the paper thereby
replacing objectivity with advocacy (Zang 1995). One may recall
similar accusations against developmentaljournalism, particularly
associating it with the manipulations of authoritarian or
communist governments.
Conclusion
72
The foregoing review confirms that public journalism is
clearly a younger cousin of developmental journalism. The two
seems to have separate identities because the term developmental
journalism doesn't fit the cultural terminology applicable to
advanced countries. However, both concepts aim to accomplish
SImilar goals in dissimilar socia-cultural environments. Despite
pretenses, both have much to do with the ideas that were part of
the erstwhile NWICO debate.
Stevenson (1994) has taken the view that "like the
communist theory, the development concept lost legItimacy in
the 19805" (p. 231) resulting in the victory of Western (AngloAmerican?) journalism. His opposition to developmental
journalism or development news is based on the grounds that "it
became more blatantly identified with the regime" thereby
excluding "criticism and negative information" (p. 239). The
examples of "development journalism" he gives are from China
Daily and Pyongyang Times. Thus he implies that developmental
journalism and communist joumalism are identical.
Stevenson is able to engage in this condemnation because
there is no concrete definitIon of developmental journalism, which
is much more grounded in the social responsibility theory of the
press that he no longer seems to accept. If Western journalism (in
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SHELTON GUNARATNE: Old wine in anew bottle ...
the sense of a "free and independent press" of the libertarian type)
has won, why has the public journalism movement arisen in the
1990s?
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Shelton Gunaratne, PhD, IS prOfessor of of mass commUnicatwn at
Moorhead State University, Minnesota. This artIcle is extractedfrom hIs paper
presented at the 20th lAMeR General Assembly and Sczentzftc Conference In
Sydney, Aug. 18-22, 1996. Email contact: [email protected])
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