DE FACTO SEGREGATION IN THE NORTHERN PUBLIC S C H O O L S ; ITS ANATOMY AND TREATMENT* by JOSEPH B . ROBISON Assistant Director, Commission on Law and Social Action, American Jewish Congress, New York D E F A C T O segregation, as that term will be used here, means segre operations. The gation which exists in fact but which is n o t the (as in direct result o f either the South) discriminatory action. or law intentionally A m o m e n t ' s con This paper deals with that problem as it affects public schools. most potent generator of de facto segregation is the ghetto pattern that distorts The the facts nation's regarding 1 living quarters. that pattern are sideration will show that this particular familiar enough. phenomenon creates its o w n distinctive housing segregation problems. sistant to change. F a i r housing laws and Over the years, the civil rights forces have evolved a well-developed p r o g r a m government slowly. ity by financial governmental action and intentional discrimination b y indi viduals. regulations run counter ourselves a n d what we demand o f others. decades to come. dealing with H e r e we are not discriminators. We are very to entrenched habit, Thus, the factors that breed de facto segregation d o not y e t have this clarity about work re commitment and deep emotional cess, we at least k n o w what w e want o f We extremely involvement. W h i l e we are still far f r o m suc de facto segregation. is Community pressures f o r equal to deal with both discrimination imposed l a w or other W e k n o w too that will be in operation I t is not for surprising that its victims are impatient with the logical advice that the o n l y w a y to treat racially homogeneous public schools, is dealing with a spillover f r o m discrim to ination elsewhere. t u r n i n g o n e ' s back on a whole generation that this and requires I t should be obvious involves different different principles methods. The persons w e are t r y i n g to influence are not themselves discriminating. F o r the most part, they are p u b l i c officials com mitted b y l a w and in f a c t to the p o l i c y of equality. The p r o b l e m is to w o r k out with them j u s t what their p o w e r s a n d responsibilities effects of are when discrimination the divisive invade their eliminate the ghetto. This means of school children. The facts o f de facto segregation in public schools have often been reviewed, most recently pointed o u t 2 by Will Maslow. He that almost half the Negroes i Comprehensive surveys of the problem may be found in TJ. S. Comm'n on Civil Eights, 1961 Report, Book 4, "Bousing;" Comm'n on Race and Housing, Where Shall We Live? U. Cal. Press, Berkeley, 1958; and other au thorities cited in Robison, "Housing—The Northern Civil Rights Frontier," Western Re serve Law Review, Vol. 13, 1961, pp. 101-105. 2Will Maslow, " D e Facto Public School in A m e r i c a n o w live outside the South tion. and that segregation in housing is closely corrective reflected in the public schools. Hence, he d i d n o t have to determine what This has H e d r e w his p o w e r t o issue a decree from that finding. been made plain b y studies i n such cities are the obligations o f p u b l i c school of as New Y o r k , ficials Chicago, Detroit, San when they are administering a Francisco, Cleveland, Philadelphia, Bos system which is disfigured b y segrega ton, tion n o t created i n a n y w a y b y official Los Angeles, Youngstown. Indianapolis and W h i l e there is n o t too conduct. 6 much published data on the smaller— particularly the suburban—school dis De Facto Public School Segregation tricts, we do k n o w they also face this problem. Having 3 Some o f this segregation is undoubt edly deliberate. A r t f u l drawing o f school zone lines, complaisant attitudes toward transfers of white children and other procedures have been used to achieve a modified Northern version o f "separate but e q u a l . " Such practices, however, The chief problem in dealing with them which, at least as far as we know, a pattern It is important t o note that that is the issue on which the celebrated decision in the N e w Rochelle case turned. 4 Al though broader questions were raised, United States District J u d g e K a u f m a n rested his decision ( a n d was affirmed) on a finding that the situation of "racial before him was due to past practices adopted for the purpose of maintaining segregaSegregation," 6 Villanova Law Beview 353, 1961. 3 Thus, in New Rochelle, New York, as re vealed in the litigation mentioned below, one of the more than a dozen grade schools had a Negro enrollment of 94%, a second was over 50% while at least five others were under 10%. In Englewood, N. J., where the public school segregation issue has recently been in the news as well as the courts, Negroes constitute 36.9% of the enrollment. The proportion of Negroes in the five elementary schools is 98.7, 63.1, 11.7, 4.6, and 0.2%. Report to Englewood Board of Education, Englewood, Its People and Its Schools, 1960, p. 46. * Taylor v. Board of Education of New Boehelle, 191 F. Supp. 181 (8.D., N.Y., 1961), affirmed 294 F.(2d) 36 (1961), cert, den., 82 S. Ct. 382 (1961). i m b a l a n c e " exists entirely without malicious intent or dis criminatory practices o n the school officials. part of 6 The first question that arises i s : are such segregated schools per se u n e q u a l ? I n the legal sense, that question must be regarded as open. is to prove their existence. preliminaries a study o f the public school system in are beyond the scope of this paper. They raise no issues of either l a w or principle. gotten all these out o f the w a y , w e can settle d o w n to I n the 1954 decision, 7 the Supreme Court f o u n d that education in legally segregated schools was un equal per se. I t can be argued that the rationale behind that 6 finding was in- This is not to say that the New Rochelle decision made no important advance over the Supreme Court's decision of 1954. It estab lished a number of important principles in the application of that decision, including (1) that illegal segregation may exist even in the ab sence of a segregation statute or other formal regulations, (2) that it may exist even though separation of the races is not complete, (3) that it may exist even though the present school officials have not discriminated and are charge able only with failing to correct a discriminatory situation inherited from their predecessors, (4) that, in correcting such a situation, a court has broad discretion and may even modify such accepted practices as "the neighborhood school" and (5) specifically, that a system of permissive transfers is one acceptable way of dealing with such a situation. It may be that de facto segregation has been helped along more frequently by school officials than this paper assumes. However, as long as official misconduct cannot be proved, the situation must be treated as though segre gation is entirely the result of outside factors. i Brown v. Topeha, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). 6 dependent of the fact that the segrega de facto segregated schools, yet there is tion there condemned was imposed b y ample law. different. The Court's key holding, that evidence that such schools are T o begin with, they are or " s e p a r a t e educational facilities are in dinarily inferior even b y objective phy herently sical standards. unequal" (p. 495), rested A s a rule, they are p r i n c i p a l l y on a set o f six reports o n older, less well-equipped and studies o f segregated schools, referred to less attractive. in the famous, if not notorious, footnote inferior teaching staffs when j u d g e d b y 11. W h e n these references are examined, such objective criteria as the proportion generally T h e y are likely to have it appears that, in f o u r o f the six, nothing of limits the finding to the case o f official the United States Commission on Civil segregation. 8 Nevertheless, one cannot licensed teachers. In addition, as Rights has found, " T h e relative over escape the fact that official c o n d u c t was crowding o f schools that serve the Negro involved population in the urban North and W e s t in both decision in the Brown the facts and the case. The Supreme Court d i d refer in its opinion to " s e g r e gation with the sanction of l a w . " is n o t o r i o u s . " 1 1 One court has that inequalities in teacher held assignments 9 and p u p i l density, which are within the There is little doubt that this issue control of the school authority, constitute will ultimately be decided b y the courts. a denial o f constitutional rights that the A n u m b e r o f cases raising it are n o w courts can c o r r e c t . p e n d i n g or in prospect. a preliminary District J u d g e I n one o f these decision b y a Federal appears to u p h o l d the However, the real test o f equality o f o p p o r t u n i t y in education is in what the pupils achieve. view that inaction b y school authorities inequalities i n the face of de facto segregation is pupils unconstitutional, their capacity. regardless o f whether the authorities contributed to the situa tion. 10 12 The physical and other w o u l d be were unimportant performing according if to There is ample evidence that the achievement o f pupils in pre dominantly Negro schools lags behind the general average. One o f the earliest and most striking The Evidence of Inequality W h i l e w e cannot say that the courts have resolved the issue o f inequality in s The only two of the cited studies that dealt with "enforced segregation" are Deutscher and Chein, "The Psychological Effects of En forced Segregation: A Survey of Social Science Opinion," 26 J. Psychol. 259 (1948) and Chein, " W h a t are the Psychological Effects of Segre gation Under Conditions of Equal Facilities," S Int. J. Opinion and Attitudes Res. 229 (1949). In the other four, much of what is said applies squarely to de facto segregation. See, for example, Frazier, The Negro in the United States, 1949, pp. 674-681. » 347 U.S. at 494. And see the lower court cases cited in Maslow, op. cit. supra at p. 356, to the effect that the Fourteenth Amendment does not affirmatively command integration. loBranche v. Board of Education of Hemp stead, decided April 9, 1962 (U.S.D.C., E.D., N.Y.). of the studies reaching this conclusion was made in N e w Y o r k City. I t was conducted b y the P u b l i c E d u c a t i o n A s sociation, assisted by the New York University Research Center f o r Human Relations. The study considered elementary school to be a an "continental w h i t e " or " G r o u p Y " school i f its Negro and Puerto Rican population was below ten percent. The school was treated as a " N e g r o and Puerto R i c a n " or " G r o u p X ' ' school i f its Negro and Puerto R i c a n population was over ninety percent. It was f o u n d that the Group X schools were inferior to the Group Y schools in a 11 U. S. Comm'n on Civil Eights, 1961 Re port, Book 2, "Education," p. 113. 12 In the Matter of Skipworth, 180 N.Y.S.(2d) 852 (Dom. Eel. Ct. N. Y . C , 1958). number of respects, including age, phys These handicaps operate independ ical facilities, maintenance, teacher ex ently o f race. perience and regular class size. I n p u p i l description o f a public s c h o o l : achievement, the difference was striking. The norms from G r o u p X schools fell 1.2 to 2,7 years behind those f o r G r o u p Y schools in reading and arithmetic. is n o w generally figures non. reflect 13 accepted that It these a nationwide phenome 14 Note, f o r example, this The parents of at least one-third of the children are either in penal institutions, are on probation, or have prison records. At least 100 children are on probation to the Juvenile Court. There has not been a day since I've been at the school that there has not been one or more children in detention at the Juvenile Court. . . . i» This is not a ghetto school. The Economic and Cultural Factors I t is a school in a white slum. It is a mistake, however, to assume that Y e t , while economic and social factors these differences in achievement are due can impair educational progress regard entirely to the racial segregation in less o f race, there is no doubt that, in our schools, the or even to the all-too-common society, they weigh most heavily o n the deficiencies o f the schools in Negro dis underprivileged m i n o r i t y groups. Equal tricts. I t seems likely that neither o f ization o f educational o p p o r t u n i t y to these factors is as important as the eco d a y does not w i p e out the effects o f past nomic and cultural handicaps of children inequalities, particularly the effect they dwelling in slum conditions. have o n the c h i l d ' s home environment. is Public Education Association, of the Public School Education of Puerto Mean Children in New October 1955. The tables on pupil were as follows (p. 2 4 ) : The Status Negro and York City, achievement BEADING Norms Norms 3.7 2.3 urbs, published last y e a r . 16 Dr. Sub D r . Conant conclu 17 But this should not b l i n d us to his valid 6.9 4.7 8.4 6.0 I t w o u l d be unwise t o challenge D r . Conant's statement that " . . . i t has been established b e y o n d a n y reasonable doubt TEST SCORES Group Y Group X 6th grade-Metropolitan Achievement (Intermediate) 8th grade-New York Arithmetic Computation (C) f o r m e d about civil rights f o r c e s . observations. TABLE 19 AVERAGE ARITHMETIC of repeatedly that he is noticeably misin SCORES Group Y Group X 3rd grade-Metropolitan Achievement (Primary) 6th grade-Metropolitan Achievement (Intermediate) 8th grade-Metropolitan Achievement (Advanced) Grade and test contributions sions i n that report and its pages reveal TEST Grade and test important James Conant's report, Slums and reached some v e r y unfortunate TABLE 18 AVERAGE Analysis o f these factors is one o f the most Norms Norms 6.4 4.8 8.7 6.0 « U . S . Oomm'n on Civil Bights, 1961 Re port, Book 2, "Education," pp. 117-18; James B. Conant, Slums and Suburbs, MeGrawHill, 1961, pp. 12-13; Bichard L. Plaut, "Clos ing the Educational G a p , " Journal of Intergroup Relations, Vol. I l l , No. 2, pp. 138-139. is Conant, op. cit. supra, p. 16. i« Op. cit. supra. IT Thus, Dr. Conant attributes the demand for movement of Negro children into predomi nantly white schools to "political leaders" (p. 28) whereas the pressure has come from Negro and white civil rights organizations. He be lieves, quite wrongly, that "Negro leaders and their friends have placed a taboo on the use of the word 'Negro' " (p. 38) and that "Negroes do not like to be designated as Negroes in the press" (p. 44). He also ac cepts the myth that the effort to achieve equal ity in the South after the Civil War was that of a "vindictive Congressional majority" (p. 9). that community and family background p l a y a large role in determining scholas tic aptitude and school a c h i e v e m e n t " ( p . 1 2 ) . O r the stress he places o n the fact that, in slum areas, " . . . when the children leave the school they never see anyone read anything—not even news p a p e r s " ( p . 2 5 ) . These and other factors are the p r o d u c t o f centuries o f oppres sion, o f deeply entrenched and continued patterns o f discrimination in employ ment and housing, o f l o n g practiced segregation in education. T h e y preclude the conclusion that the l o w achievement of pupils in schools in economically underprivileged areas is due solely to present de facto segregation. Indeed, it must be remembered that these factors operate o n the individual child. T h e y do not disappear when the child is placed in an integrated class. Thus, educators believe that reading in struction in the schools is most effective when it is supplemented b y reading at home. The child w h o returns to a home where there is nothing to read, and frequently n o place to read, loses that vital p a r t o f his education, no matter h o w m u c h stimulation he gets in school. Of course, the environment in the school is also important. One o f the strongest arguments f o r breaking d o w n de facto segregation is that integration tends t o ease the intellectual starvation o f the underprivileged children. The segregated school, o n the other hand, m a y extend the emptiness o f the home environment. I n fact, we m a y assume that elimination o f segregation is at least one o f the prerequisites to equaliza tion o f educational opportunity. H e n c e , the m a x i m u m amount o f desegregation that can be achieved at a n y given time must be one o f our goals. The Direct Attack on Segregation There is a number o f procedures that can be used to reduce de facto segregation. A m o n g these are ( 1 ) deliberate drawing o f attendance zone lines to break u p concentrations; ( 2 ) the "Princeton p l a n " or a n y o f its variations under which, f o r example, two schools, pre dominantly Negro and white, and serv ing children from kindergarten through the sixth grade, are revamped so that one takes all the children f o r the first three o r four years and the other for the balance; ( 3 ) " p e r m i s s i v e " transfers or " o p e n e n r o l l m e n t " under which parents m a y transfer their children out of c r o w d e d schools into under-utilized schools, simultaneously, and almost in cidentally, achieving better racial bal a n c e ; and ( 4 ) complete abandonment of zoning. A n y or all o f these m a y involve transporting children b y bus to schools far f r o m their homes. A l l involve weak ening or abandonment o f the " n e i g h b o r hood s c h o o l " policy. These procedures have been opposed on grounds o f both principle and prac tice. The objections based o n principle have been endorsed b y D r . Conant, who says flatly: " T o m y mind, the city school superintendent is right w h o said he was in the education business and should not become involved in attempts to correct the consequences of voluntary segregated housing." More recently, Dean John H . Fischer o f Teachers College has ob jected to " m a n i p u l a t i n g people to create a structure pleasing to some master planner. I n N e w Rochelle, the majority of the School Board, in defending their decision to rebuild the predominantly Negro school on the same site, insisted that " t o send the L i n c o l n School chil dren to other schools solely beeause of their race . . . w o u l d be a violation o f the 1 8 19 is Op. cit. supra at p. 30. is John H. Fischer, "Educational Problems of Segregation and Desegregation of Public Schools," paper delivered at Fourth Annual Conference of the Commission on Civil Eights, 1962. basic principle tion . . . . " 2 of non-discrimina idea. Educators have tried to draw zoning lines so as to make schools rep 0 resentative of different economic g r o u p Educational Aspects of Desegregation ings. The answer to this is that it ignores the tion measures rest on a fallacious as purely educational aspects o f de facto sumption. segregation. civil rights forces cannot w o r k f o r im D r . C o n a n t ' s objections to desegrega learning is I f educators conclude that impaired in segregated H e seems to believe that the provement of presently segregated schools, they have an obligation, o r at schools if they also s u p p o r t reduction o f least a power, as educators, to correct it, segregation. even if no duty arises out o f the constitu cept tional command o f equality. c a n w o r k f o r both desegregation a n d im This obligation was recognized b y the New Y o r k City B o a r d of E d u c a t i o n in this 23 There is no reason to ac "either-or" provement of those approach. schools "We that are lagging behind others. a resolution a d o p t e d o n December 23, 1954, pledging efforts to do away with de facto segregation. The Limitations of Desegregation Efforts I t took this action on the assumption that " p u b l i c educa The argument that the various p r o tion in a racially homogeneous setting is cedures f o r desegregation are impractical socially unrealistic at is more troublesome. Procedures like the tainment of the goals o f democratic edu Princeton plan can achieve substantial cation, whether this segregation occurs gains in suburbs a n d other small dis and blocks the b y law or b y f a c t . ' ' 2 1 Subsequently, on January 28, 1960, the N e w Y o r k State tricts. I f a district is small enough a n d the problem not too severe, desegregation B o a r d o f Regents adopted a statement efforts of p o l i c y which took the position that de Moreover, facto segregation " m a y damage the per probably less o f a p r o b l e m in these areas sonality o f m i n o r i t y g r o u p children" because the m i n o r i t y g r o u p families in 2 2 volved are higher i n the economic scale. and "impair the ability to learn." A c c o r d i n g l y , it undertook to seek solu may be completely successful. educational retardation I n the larger districts, complete deseg tions to the educational aspects o f the regation problem. the cities, it becomes impossible. D r . Conant argues that, if racial in tegration is per se desirable, the same must be true o f other f o r m s o f integra tion. ' ' One might a r g u e , ' ' he s a y s , ' ' that all slum schools ought to be integrated with schools in areas" ( p . 3 1 ) . economically favored This is not so novel an 20 Statement issued by Board, November 30, 1959. Printed in full in New Bochelle Standard Star, December 1, 1959. 21 The resolution is set forth in New York City Commission on Integration, Final Report, Toward the Integration of our Schools, 1958, pp. 24-26. 22 New York State Board of Regents, State ment on Intercultwral Relations in Education, January 28, 1960. is becomes more difficult. 24 In Limited gains can be made, perhaps, 23 Op. cit. supra, p. 31. He also asserts that those school districts that have made no effort to desegregate "are more likely to make prog ress in improving Negro education" (p. 29). However, he offers no evidence to support that statement. 2 4 The City of Stamford, Conn., recently applied the Princeton approach to its two high schools, one of which was predominantly white and the other predominantly Negro and Puerto Rican. It directed that one school cover the ninth and tenth grades for the whole eity and the other the eleventh and twelfth grades. New York Times, May 4, 1962. This is certainly an improvement. Yet one cannot help wonder ing what is to be done with the smaller grade schools. Presumably, de facto segregation will continue there. a l o n g the borders of our Harlems, but the h a r d core o f dense segregation i n these areas will be broken u p o n l y when the areas themselves cease to be ghettoes. Eliminating segregation in the schools o f a large city, while housing discrimina tion continues, w o u l d require daily move ment o f tens o f thousands o f pupils out of the N e g r o area and movement o f an equal number o f white children into it. T o repeat, there is nothing w r o n g in this, in principle, when done to achieve legitimate educational objectives. Yet it seems clear that this solution is n o t practical o n so large a scale. Apparently Negro g r o u p s in large cities have relied pri m a r i l y on systems of permissive transfers The theory here is that the de facto segregated schools are inferior and parents o f children in those schools have the right, at their option, to move them out to the superior white schools. what A s s u m i n g they have that right, is the practice? l o n g range effect o f this I t does n o t achieve a n y sig nificant degree o f integration. F o r one thing, the number o f transfers is neces sarily limited b y the n u m b e r o f vacancies in the receiving schools. M o r e important, the ghetto school is still there. its students leave. O f the 256,968 Negro and Puerto Rican pupils i n the N e w Y o r k City elementary schools i n 1961, constituting Some o f 44.8 per cent of the total student b o d y , 123,239, or 21.5 per cent, were in " G r o u p X " schools. The 1960 figures were 242,874 Negro a n d P u e r t o R i c a n pupils, o r 42.8 per recognizing this, o r o p e n enrollment. centages may be going up. In 1957, for example, there were 64 elementary schools in which the Negro-Puerto Bican enrollment exceeded 90 per cent. By January of this year, the number had increased to 102— constituting about 17.8 per cent of all the city's public elementary schools as a result of declining white enrollments.^ cent of the student body, with 113,691, o r 20 per cent, i n " G r o u p X " schools. 26 Undoubtedly, open enrollment does give a measure of relief to those parents w h o find the present segregation intoler able. for P r o v i d i n g such an escape valve rising tensions m a y be necessary. Some o f its results are desirable. But it can hardly be viewed as a solution. The hard fact is that the large scale de facto segregation that exists in the public schools o f o u r larger cities will continue until the ghettoes are broken up. The most optimistic among us will agree that this will take a l o n g time. W h a t is to be done in the meantime? N o white pupils take their places. This is borne out b y the experience i n N e w Y o r k City. F o r several years n o w , N e w Y o r k has h a d an o p e n enrollment program. I n addition, it has been trans f e r r i n g pupils f r o m c r o w d e d to under utilized schools, with an eye to racial balance. Y e t it has n o t even held its o w n against the factors p r o d u c i n g seg regation. O n l y last A p r i l , Stanley Lowell, chairman o f the City Commission on Overcoming Educational Retardation The attention o f the civil rights organiza tions must be given not o n l y to deseg regation but also to the p r o b l e m of educa tional retardation in the ghetto schools. That retardation is an obstacle to the elimination o f discrimination and seg regation. O n that count alone, it is as legitimate to our area o f concern as, let us say, programs f o r public housing or H u m a n Rights, r e p o r t e d : Three-fourths of the children in public elementary schools in Manhattan are either Negro or Puerto Bican. In the city as a whole, 40 per cent are from these two groups. And the latest figures suggest that the per 25 Stanley H . Lowell, Bemarks Made at Yeshiva University, Sunday, April 29, 1962. 2« Board of Education—City of New York, Central Zoning Unit, The Problem of Pupil Growth, March 1962. federal aid to education. A s the United States Commission o n Civil Rights said recently: The Waste of Talent Whether these handicaps are the result of segregation in the schools, economic and cul tural deprivation, or some other cause, is immaterial. They exist. 27 Programs designed to deal with this situation have been started in a number of school systems; e.g., the Demonstration Guidance ( J u n i o r H i g h School N o . 4 3 ) Project and the H i g h e r Horizons P r o gram in N e w Y o r k City, the Banneker Group P r o g r a m in St. Louis, the Greater Cities-Gray A r e a P r o g r a m in ten cities, sponsored b y the F o r d Foundation, and others described in the 1961 R e p o r t o f the Commission on Civil R i g h t s . 28 The basic assumption o f these programs is that the educational retardation in ghetto schools is the product, at least in part, o f environmental factors. basic overcome those approach is to Their E v e n in the short time these programs have been operating, they have p r o d u c e d results bordering the on the schools under the spectacular. Banneker Group P r o g r a m in St. Louis, 74.2 p e r cent of pupils covered were reading at the district or g r o u p standard i n 1960, compared with 46.6 per cent t w o years earlier. The striking improvements made in rel atively short are vastly periods b y these encouraging. But efforts it must shock us into a realization o f the appall ing waste o f talents that n o w takes place in most de facto segregated schools. The simple fact is that hundreds o f thousands of minority g r o u p children in Northern public schools are falling one to three years behind their u n d o u b t e d capacity. A s a result, they are not getting the basic training that they are capable o f receiv ing—training they will need in our in creasingly industrialized society. Tens of thousands o f these pupils fail to get the college degrees that they could and w o u l d get i f their p r i m a r y and secondary school education was all that it c o u l d be. This waste, this debasement of po tentially educable citizens, goes on month factors as far as possible. In this background usually show a decrease in I.Q. as they grow older.so The number assigned to ' ' Track 1 " (that is, the curriculum f o r " a b o v e average a c h i e v e r s " ) had risen f r o m 7.1 to 20.7 per cent in the same p e r i o d . 29 after month cumulating disaster. and the year after year, material f o r a ac social Desegregation o f housing will take a l o n g time. F u l l desegregation o f schools i n our larger cities will not be accomplished m u c h sooner. D u r i n g the transition p e r i o d that stretches ahead of us, we must halt the present waste o f talent. This is n o t in a n y sense a reversion to the discredited philosophy. "separate but F o r one thing, equal" this kind The Demonstration Guidance P r o j e c t in of effort is needed even where desegrega New Y o r k City has seen similar results: tion is proceeding. E v e n there, children whose education is in arrears because o f In 1957, 26% of the students had scored in the 110 I.Q. category and above; in 1960, 58% scored 110 and above; 2.5% had scored 140 and above in 1957 while 12% scored in that category in 1960. What is particularly interesting is the increase in the I.Q. in view of previous findings that boys and girls from p r i o r segregation and other handicaps must get special attention. Moreover, this is not a p r o g r a m based o n race. It is a p r o g r a m f o r special attention to those children who are educationally retarded, regardless o f race. The valid ity o f such a p r o g r a m is not destroyed 2 7 U. S. Comm'n on Civil Eights, 1961 Report, Booh 2, "Education," p. 117. » Id. at 123-137. 2» Id. at 126-127. 2 8 » Board of Education of the City of New York, Fifth Annual Progress Report of Demon stration Guidance Project, p. 5 (1961). b y the fact that, because o f past dis crimination, the bulk of the pupils are non-white. I submit, therefore, that civil rights g r o u p s have to do m o r e than they have in the past to support and demand p r o grams f o r i m p r o v i n g educational achieve ment. I t is not enough merely to equalize educational opportunity. Finally, let me return again to D r . Conant's report. One o f the facts he established dramatically is the inequality among school districts, particularly be tween the suburbs and the cities. Dis regarding the matter o f de facto segrega tion and of city slums, the rich suburbs spend more f o r each school child than do the cities. I n other words, the sub urban p u p i l gets a lot more public educa tion than his city cousin. Program Implications This has a number of implications. A t the simplest level, we must address our selves to the fact that the necessary special programs cost money. I need n o t tell y o u about the competition f o r the school dollar. M o n e y will not be allocated f o r special assistance to under privileged children—the programs will not be started or extended—until inter ested groups express more than mere interest. However, we will have to g o b e y o n d this. The special problems o f city schools require special consideration f r o m the state legislatures which determine the flow o f state funds. Discrimination against city areas b y state legislatures is an o l d complaint. The civil rights forces must enter the fight f o r more funds f o r city schools. T h e y must do so o n the ex press g r o u n d that the cities face a spe cial problem in overcoming the educa tional retardation among economically underprivileged children. I n addition, support will be needed f o r aid f r o m the Federal Government specifically ear marked f o r this p u r p o s e . This is the result o f a system that we have inherited from a time when inequalities of wealth did not show u p so clearly in geographi cal distribution. tablishment of school districts create vast A t that time, the es hundreds did not discrepancies of separate automatically in the way schools were operated. This system is not sacrosanct. is no reason There w h y we should p u t up indefinitely with a structure in which some children receive far greater educa tional benefits than others. from their government It will take a long time to change to a system that channels school funds as and where they are needed. The sooner the demand is heard, the better. The H i g h e r Horizons P r o g r a m and its various parallels have shown that we can do better b y our children. the underprivileged W e have begun to develop procedures techniques. We should n o w develop the demand. and It is time to stop a waste of human resources that has already continued too long. 31 3 1 The hill for federal aid to education sup ported by the Kennedy Administration provided that 10% of all sums allotted to any state should be devoted to special programs designed to meet public school problems, including "the needs of deprived or disadvantaged pupils." 87th Congress, First Session, S. 1021, Section 109.
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