For the Workshop “Achievements” or the Main Session (actionality/Aktionsart)
On the puzzling class of so-called inchoative states in Korean
This paper aims to investigate the lexical semantics of so-called inchoative states(INS) in
Korean which include e.g. nulkta ‘old’, maluta ‘thin’, hwanata ‘angry’ (see e.g. Chung(2005),
Bar-el(2005), Kiyota(2008) on the used notion). I argue that these predicates denote noncausative changes of state (coming to be in a state), derived from gradable adjectival roots via
zero affixation of an inchoative verb BECOME. Differently from typical stative predicates(1a),
the incompatibility with the overt inchoative marker –e ci ‘become’(1b) suggests that INS are
inherently inchoative.
(1)
a. Mina-nun (kapcaki)
sulphu-eci-ess-ta.
M-TOP
suddenly
sad-INCHO-PFCT-DECL
“Mina (suddenly) became sad.”
[state]
b. Mina-ka
*hwana-eci-ess-ta.
M-NOM
angry-INCHO-PFCT-DECL
“Mina got angry.”
[INS]
At first glance, INS seem to belong to the class of achievements, in that they denote a transition
from one state (STATE) to another state (STATE). However, I claim that INS and achievements
are actually different with respect to the nature of the involved change. That is, while
achievements entail only a telic change reading (BECOME/COME TO A STATE) which is a general
reading in change-of-state verbs, INS entail both a telic and an on-going atelic change/moving
(GO TO A STATE; cf. Jackendoff(1983)) readings. With regard to telicity, INS and achievements
show a different behavior: achievements can only be modified by ‘in x time’ adverbial(1a),
whereas INS allow modification by both ‘in x time’ adverbial and durative adverbials such as
‘for/since x time’(1b).
(1)
a. Minho-ka han-sikan-maney/*tongan seoul-e
tochakha-ess-ta.
M-NOM
one-hour-in/for
Seoul-in
arrive-PFCT-DECL
“Minho arrived in Seoul in/*for an hour.”
[achievement]
b. Minho-ka seip-neyon-maney/tongan (manhi)
nulk-ess-ta.
M-NOM
ten-year-in/for
much
old-PFCT-DECL
“Minho got old in/for ten years.
[INS]
Moreover, INS felicitously co-occur with gradual adverbials ‘gradually/increasingly”, but
achievements do not.
(2)
a. ?* Changmwun-i cemcem
kkayci-ess-ta.
window-NOM gradually
break-PFCT-DECL
?*“The window gradually broke.”
[achievement]
b. Minho-nun
cemcem/teowuk
hwana-ss-ta.
M-TOP
gradually/increasingly
angry-PFCT-DECL
“Minho gradually/increasingly got angry.”
[INS]
The examples in (2) suggests that the gradual change is involved in INS, but not in
achievements.
I also claim that the nature of the telos involved in INS and achievements is different: the telos
of INS is provided by the onset (BECOME) of the described state (following Kearns(2007)),
while that of achievements is provided by the culmination point of the described event.
Kiyota(2008) argues that ‘finally’ adverb appears to focus on the last (the right-most) transition
point available in an event.
(3)
a. Minho-nun han-sikan-maney
machimnae cichi-ess-ta.
M-TOP
one-hour-in
finally
tired-PFCT-DECL
“Minho finally got tired in an hour.”
b. Minho-nun han-sikan-maney
machimnae samusil-e
tochakha-ess-ta.
M-TOP
one-hour-in
finally
office-in
arrive-PFCT-DECL
“Minho finally arrived in the office in an hour.”
As shown above, ‘finally’ focuses on the inception which is the right-most transition point of
INS(3a), while it focuses on the culmination which is the last transition point of
achievements(3b).
In sum, contrary to achievements, INS in Korean are gradable change-of-state verbs which
entail both a telic change and an on-going change readings, and the onset of the STATE gives
rise to the telic change reading.
References
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