: prototype. For, in some ways, Agnon's community
"tas Dei, than to the Greek secular polis. The moral
", the basis of its existence, elevate it to an idea to be
ually lived. Nevertheless, the closest approximation
3licia of Reb Yudel's days, the Szibusz before the
lie stories and folktales from the golden past. This
3ivinely inspired polis is impervious to decline and
; acutely aware of this historic transition and master­
"ritings. A sense of grief and guilt hovers over the
a great loss.
vitas Dei is doomed. The Jewishpolis can be reborn
~itical as well as cultural and spiritual renaissance.
:ssed at the Zionist activities of Galicia, Agnon is
restimony can be found in his writings. A symbolic
3 and retrieval ofthe key to the oldBeit Hamidrash in
~. The loss of the key symbolizes the decline of the
retrieval takes place in Israel, upon the "guest's"
;uest," in fact, is Agnon himself who actually made
leI.
anslated by I.W. Lask, New York: Schocken.
-light. Translated by Misha Louvish. New York:
;, Vol. II (in Hebrew). Tel Aviv: Schocken.
" In Collected Writings, Vol. III (in Hebrew).
n.
Berlin: Concordia Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
Stuttgart und Berlin: Cotta'sche Buchhandlung
lOW.
iU.
Ja. Stuttgart und Berlin: Cotta'sche Buchhandlung
t und Berlin: Cotta' sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger.
ries. Philadelphia.
lorn Aleichem. New York: Knopf.
~ranslated by Julius
and Frances Butwin. New York:
go: University of Chicago Press.
AN UNEASY ALLIANCE: JEWS AND BLACKS
IN THE UNITED STATES, 1945·1953
DAVID G. SINGER
Spertus College of Judaica, Chicago
In October 1974, the Black Panthers' official publication sharply attacked the Jews
of both the United States and Israel. In addition to denunciati<ws ofIsrael as a racist,
imperialist state, the Black Panthers raised the old anti-Semitic allegation that
American Jewry dominated the economy and government of the United States. 1
Black criticism of the Jews was not confined to radicals and nationalists. Three weeks
after the appearance of this article, 50 black and Jewish leaders met in Chicago with
the intention of improving relations and resolving conflicts between the two
minorities. The conference ended in failure.
Rabbi Irwin Blank of Boston, one of the conferees, told the press that those
attending the conference felt that in recent years Jews and blacks have grown more
hostile to each other. 2 In the black community, Jews are often regarded as rent­
gouging landlords and exploitative merchants, he said. For their part, Jews often saw
blacks as a threat to economic security and a menace to neighborhood stability. And
yet, less than three decades earlier, Jewish and black communities in the United
States had appeared to have almost identical interests, to be moving towards a
coalition that would reshape American society.
It was the Hebrew Bible, a journalist of the Chicago Defender asserted in 1946,
which had inspired black slaves to resist slavery and to struggle for their freedom. 3
Since the end of the Civil War, he continued, the prejudice and intolerance faced by
both groups had further strengthened the bonds between them. 4 In the immediate
post-World War II period, theDefender repeatedly urged Jews and blacks to unite in
the face of the growing reactionary strength threatening both minorities. The New
York Amsterdam News also appealed to blacks, Jews, and all oppressed minorities in
the United States to unite and fight common racist enemies. 5 At the same time, the
newspaper warned its readers of the dangers of black anti-Semitism which could
break up such an alliance. 6
In the years following World War II, Jewish journalists were no less eager than
their black counterparts to create an atmosphere of goodwill between the two groups.
Typical of these articles was one appearing in the Chicago Jewish Forum in the
summer of 1947, emphasizing a common history of persecution and oppression, 7 and
calling for an alliance between blacks and Jews as part of the struggle of all minorities
in the United States to achieve equal rights. 8
36
CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
In the same month that lapan surrendered to the Allies, lawyers for the NAACP
and the American lewish Congress agreed to work together. 9 This agreement lasted
the eight years between 1945 and 1953, crucial years, and was the apogee in
American lewish-black relations.
Between December 1941 and August 1945, hundreds of thousands of black
families moved from farms and small towns in the South to large industrial cities in
the North. These migrants often settled in formerly lewish neighborhoods; the mass
of American lewry now came into frequent contact with American blacks. After the
outbreak of the war in Korea on lune 25, 1950, another wave of blacks swept over the
North, drawn once more by the promise of jobs.
In May 1954, shortly before the end of the Korean War, the Supreme Court of the
United States ruled that segregating white and black students living in the same
community was unconstitutional. This decision represented a watershed in black­
lewish relations. Now the American white middle class, including a substantial
portion of American lewry, realized the necessity of personal sacrifice in order to
achieve racial integration. In the ensuing civil rights struggle, many lews would
make sacrifices; for two (Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, killed with
lames Chaney, a black, near Greenville, Mississippi) it meant their lives.
In the eight years between the end of World War II and the armistice in Korea, how
did lews and blacks regard each other? Further, what were common black and lewish
leadership goals in the struggle to abolish American minority discrimination? And,
most importantly, were there indications in the postwar years of the conflict that
would later erupt between the two groups?
In an attempt to answer these questions, the leading lew ish journals and news­
papers of the United States, including those published in Yiddish, and two Afro­
American newspapers, the liberal Chicago Defender and the more left-leaning New
York Amsterdam News, were subjected to content analysis.
THE ALLIANCE: AREAS OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN JEWS AND BLACKS
Nazi Germany had surrendered unconditionally to the Allies in May 1945, but not
before slaughtering almost six million lews. Fearful of another eruption of violent
anti-Semitism, many American lews looked to others, including blacks, for support
in the struggle against racist and reactionary forces in America.
The Afro-American press expressed analogous fears of an antiblack political and
social reaction. If a majority of the German people could sanction the extermination
of Jews, Slavs, and Gypsies, might not white Americans attempt to solve the' 'Negro
problem" in much the same way, the black press wondered? After all, some
reasoned, weren't blacks hated as much in America as the Jews had been in
Nazi-controlled Europe?10 In the immediate post-World War II era, many black
workers lost their jobs, placing economic advances made during the war years in
jeopardy. Now the Afro-American press urged all minority groups to stand together
against the common enemy, a theme repeated by Yiddish and Jewish English­
language publications. 11
President Truman and his legislative program, the Fair Deal, won the enthusiasm
of a large majority of American Jews and blacks, who then supported the liberal,
northern wing of the Democratic party and those eastern Republicans voting with the
liberal Democrats. While radical movements continued to attract some Jews and
blacks, leading journals rejected the Communist
radical groups.
Both lewish and black presses rejected the not
racial and ethnic prejudice. Because of its dogma.
Union for guidance, the American Communist pll
wrote Walter White in 1949. 12 Earlier, another jOI
Soviet attack on "rootless cosmopolitans" was, in
49 of those arrested on that charge were lewish. 13
later, the writer equated Soviet policy towards r
At the same time that the Defender was expre
Soviet lewry, the American lewish press was cond
in the South and acclaiming every act of racial just:
major Yiddish and English-language lewish publi
the oppression of southern blacks, censuring ma::
Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi, who made anti-Ne
the floor of the United States Senate) as racists
senators and congressmen opposed a national fair
as all civil rights legislation.
Both the lewish working and middle classes
community, were interested in the enactment of c
Practices Commission) law. lews and blacks felt •
most glaring discriminatory practices, so commc
following World War II, in the hiring of worker
For this reason, the lewish press urged Congres:
enact similar legislation on state and loeallevels_
pointed out that these fair employment laws w()
Americans, as well as lews, expressing as muet.
minorities as they did for lews themselves. In a si
press felt that all minorities, particularly lews III
federal fair employment law.
In the realm of education, blacks and lews were
The American lewish press often linked lews with
of the quota system (numerus clausus) in northen
Afro-American press emphasized a common stru
tunities. Three days after the end of World War I:
criticized the president of Dartmouth College, Em
quota system at that school. 16 Although Hopkins
numbers of lews at Dartmouth would arouse anti-S
student body, the newspaper declared that the ql:
Semitism among Dartmouth students. The repor
kins' statement with Senator Bilbo's racist speech
with an appeal to all minorities, but particularly
common struggle for equal educational rights.
The American Jewish press felt that this struggle
private lewish and black organizations alone; on
American governmental agencies at all levels-I
ensure the attainment of this goal. The necessil
particularly apparent in the South. Therefore, Ie'
SINGER
surrendered to the Allies, lawyers for the NAACP
ress agreed to work together. 9 This agreement lasted
and 1953, crucial years, and was the apogee in
1
IS.
nd August 1945, hundreds of thousands of black
small towns in the South to large industrial cities in
I settled in formerly Jewish neighborhoods; the mass
Ito frequent contact with American blacks. After the
June 25, 1950, another wave of blacks swept over the
e promise of jobs.
the end of the Korean War, the Supreme Court of the
~ating white and black students living in the same
al. This decision represented a watershed in black­
lerican white middle class, including a substantial
i1ized the necessity of personal sacrifice in order to
he ensuing civil rights struggle, many Jews would
rew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, killed with
ireenville, Mississippi) it meant their lives.
:end of World War II and the armistice in Korea, how
oilier? Further, what were common black and Jewish
to abolish American minority discrimination? And,
ndications in the postwar years of the conflict iliat
two groups?
Ie questions, the leading Jewish journals and news­
cluding those published in Yiddish, and two Afro­
ral Chicago Defender and the more left-leaning New
ubjected to content analysis.
~GREEMENT
BETWEEN JEWS AND BLACKS
~d unconditionally to the Allies in May 1945, but not
million Jews. Fearful of another eruption of violent
Jews looked to others, including blacks, for support
ld reactionary forces in America.
pressed analogous fears of an antiblack political and
ilie German people could sanction the extermination
ght not white Americans attempt to solve the' 'Negro
way, the black press wondered? After all, some
d as much in America as the Jews had been in
he immediate post-World War II era, many black
: economic advances made during the war years in
:an press urged all minority groups to stand together
L theme repeated by Yiddish and Jewish English­
;islative program, the Fair Deal, won ilie enthusiasm
n Jews and blacks, who then supported the liberal,
: party and iliose eastern Republicans voting with the
:al movements continued to attract some Jews and
37
blacks, leading journals rejected the Communist party and Trotskyite-like splinter
radical groups.
Both Jewish and black presses rejected the notion that Soviet society was free of
racial and ethnic prejudice. Because of its dogmatism and dependence on the Soviet
Union for guidance, the American Communist party had betrayed Jews and blacks,
wrote Walter White in 1949. 12 Earlier, another journalist had charged that the recent
Soviet attack on "rootless cosmopolitans" was, in actuality, an attack on Jews, since
49 of those arrested on that charge were Jewish. 13 As some Jewish leaders were to do
later, the writer equated Soviet policy towards Jews with that of the Nazis. 14
At the same time that the Defender was expressing its concern over the fate of
Soviet Jewry, the American Jewish press was condemning ilie mistreatment of blacks
in the South and acclaiming every act of racial justice in both North and South. Every
major Yiddish and English-language Jewish publication denounced segregation and
the oppression of southern blacks, censuring many southern political leaders (like
Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi , who made anti-Negro and anti-Semitic statements on
the floor of the United States Senate) as racists and reactionaries. Other southern
senators and congressmen opposed a national fair employment practices law as well
as all civil rights legislation.
Both the Jewish working and middle classes, as well as leaders of the black
community, were interested in the enactment of a federal FEPC (Fair Employment
Practices Commission) law. Jews and blacks felt that such a law would abrogate the
most glaring discriminatory practices, so common during the economic recession
following World War II, in the hiring of workers.
For this reason, the Jewish press urged Congress to pass a strong FEPC law and to
enact similar legislation on state and local levels. Jewish journals and newspapers
pointed out that iliese fair employment laws would benefit blacks and Mexican­
Americans, as well as Jews, expressing as much concern for the welfare of these
minorities as they did for Jews themselves. In a similar fashion, the Afro-American
press felt that all minorities, particularly Jews and blacks, would benefit from a
federal fair employment law.
In the realm of education, blacks and Jews were perceived to have the same goals.
The American Jewish press often linked Jews with blacks in the struggle for abolition
of the quota system (numerus clausus) in northern colleges and universities. 15 The
Afro-American press emphasized a common struggle for equal educational oppor­
tunities. Three days after the end of World WarlI, the New York Amsterdam News
criticized the president of Dartmouth College, Ernest Hopkins, for his defense of the
quota system at that school. 16 Although Hopkins asserted that the presence of large
numbers of Jews at Dartmouth would arouse anti-Semitic feelings among the general
student body, the newspaper declared that the quota system itself stimulated anti­
Semitism among Dartmouth students. The reporter, Earl Brown, compared Hop­
kins' statement with Senator Bilbo's racist speeches in the U.S. Senate, concluding
with an appeal to all minorities, but particularly Jews and blacks, to unite in the
common struggle for equal educational rights.
The American Jewish press felt that this struggle could not be won by the efforts of
private Jewish and black organizations alone; only the influence and pressure of
American governmental agencies at all levels-local, state, and federal-would
ensure the attainment of this goal. The necessity for governmental action was
particularly apparent in the South. Therefore, Jewish writers and journalists sup­
38
CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
ported steps taken by the federal government to desegregate southern schools and
colleges. and strongly condemned the blatant racial segregation of both public and
private facilities.
In December 1948. the Forward. the leading Yiddish-language newspaper in the
United States, criticized racial segregation in Washington, D.C.. warning that
indignities sun"ered by nonwhite diplomats there would adversely affect the United
States' international position. 17 The following year, Forward objected to de facto
separation of white and black students in the Chicago area, as well as to de jure
segregation in Miami Beach. Florida. 18
Rather than assuming that all blacks were poor and illiterate. the Chicago Jewish
Forum urged readers to judge each black on the basis of individual merit. 19 Indirectly
calling for social acceptance of middle-class blacks in public and semipublic ac­
tivities and organizations. Jewish sympathy also often extended to the black lower
class. Like the Afro-American press. leading Yiddish newspapers strongly disap­
proved of the rank exploitation of black and Mexican-American farm laborers. 2o
Nevertheless, the problems of southern black farm workers who lived far from
the major centers of Jewish population were not salient to American Jewry, relative
to the question of open housing in large northern cities. Indeed, housing in the
sprawling cities of the North was as important an issue there as that of schools in the
South. The Jewish press felt Jews and blacks to be the principal victims of restric­
tive housing agreements, and urged the federal government to take action.
Restrictive housing covenants impeded the movement of socially mobile Jews to
the affluent neighborhoods and suburbs of American cities. Because they faced
greater hostility and generally were in a lower income bracket than American Jews,
the majority of blacks were trapped in slums and decaying neighborhoods of northern
central-city areas. Low-income Jews. a high percentage of whom spoke Yiddish,
were in the same situation as blacks. All around them they sensed the oncoming
decay of the inner city. For these reasons, the Yiddish press urged local and national
government agencies to quickly build low-income public housing and to retain rent
controls established during the Second World War. Racism was the only reason for
delaying construction of this much-needed housing in Chicago, the Forward alleged
in 1950. 21 Thus, in three important areas-4:mployment, education, and housing­
Jews and blacks sought the removal of those discriminatory barriers and restrictions,
relegating them to a second-class citizenry.
This action is reflected in many articles about brotherhood appearing in both
Jewish and black newspapers during the years 1945-1953. These included editorials
praising Brotherhood Week and the National Conference of Christians and Jews, and
articles commending individuals, irrespective of religion or color, who met others of
different backgrounds on an equal and fraternal social basis. These articles also
included numerous accounts of friendly encounters between Jews and blacks. Never­
theless. some areas of dissension and disagreement marred relations. These found
expression in newspapers and journals. It is to these relatively early manifestations of
disagreement between Jews and blacks that we now turn our attention.
THE UNEASY UNDERSTANDING
Because of their own history of persecution and oppression, many American Jews
empathized with the black plight. This was even true of liberal and radical-minded
Jews who, some blacks felt, declared their syn
ously.22 But some individuals in the black con:
scapegoats of Western Civilization and Europe,
whites. 23 Furthermore, Afro-American profes!;
American Jewry's fear of a violent anti-Semitism
World War I.
These blacks also noted the great social advance
contrast between a closely-knit American Jewish
nity, in a state of chaos and complete disorganiZe
also found it difficult to understand why the lowel:
they had, to middle-class affluence. In an atte
struggles of blacks to its readers, the Forward plI
describing the living conditions that prevailed in
and its sociological structure. Although the grea­
stricken and oppressed, a small but influential grc
was also noted. 25 The black community, Grayson
"respectable" and the "sinful" -God-fearing
shiftless, dissolute lives. 26 Despite income and life
black community to be unified and, with the e
conscious group in the United States. It was wh
which must bear much of the blame for low incom.
poverty, as well as for other negative conditions
Nevertheless, the Forward, as did other Jew=
number of blacks to move from the lower to the L
That most American blacks remained at the bottc
disconcert it. 28 In an article appearing in 1952, il
gains made by Afro-Americans since 1945 in t
further gains in the near future. 29 Blacks, also, esp
understand why so many Afro-Americans were
impressed by the social mobility of American _
advanced themselves by exploiting blacks. Refle·
American press implied that many Jewish landlo
advantage of black communities. In June, 195
alleged that some Jews were exploiting blacks, aI
responsible for deteriorating relations between tI
However, it was New York City where relatiol
of its large Jewish and black concentrations. Even
article had appeared in the New York Amsterdam.
of Jewish shopkeepers in Harlem. 31 Further, the e
Jews as cheating blacks financially, while mislead
forge a common political alliance. The former
idealistic words in pursuing this goal, but canne
Jewish and black interests.
Gardner felt that blacks were rooted in the very
recent immigrants. If the latter possessed the bl:
probably "be the strongest force in American
culture, Jews wanted to make common cause w:
In the latter part of 1947, allegations of decc
r:
SINGER 39
J government to desegregate southern schools and
~d the blatant racial segregation of both public and
I'd, the leading Yiddish-language newspaper in the
segregation in Washington, D.C., warning that
diplomats there would adversely affect the United
The following year, Forward objected to de facto
rudents in the Chicago area, as well as to de jure
-orida. 18
blacks were poor and illiterate, the Chicago Jewish
-h black on the basis of individual merit. 19 Indirectly
middle-class blacks in public and semipublic ac­
h sympathy also often extended to the black lower
Jress, leading Yiddish newspapers strongly disap­
()f black and Mexican-American farm laborers. 20
f southern black farm workers who lived far from
lation were not salient to American Jewry, relative
5 in large northern cities. Indeed, housing in the
as important an issue there as that of schools in the
"S and blacks to be the principal victims of restric­
-ged the federal government to take action.
impeded the movement of socially mobile Jews to
suburbs of American cities. Because they faced
=re in a lower income bracket than American Jews,
=d in slums and decaying neighborhoods of northern
Jews, a high percentage of whom spoke Yiddish,
.acks. All around them they sensed the oncoming
reasons, the Yiddish press urged local and national
:Juild low-income public housing and to retain rent
~cond World War. Racism was the only reason for
ll-needed housing in Chicago, the Forward alleged
rot areas---employment, education, and housing­
Jal of those discriminatory barriers and restrictions,
s citizenry.
,my articles about brotherhood appearing in both
ing the years 1945-1953. These included editorials
::Ie National Conference of Christians and Jews, and
irrespective of religion or color, who met others of
Jal and fraternal social basis. These articles also
_endly encounters between Jews and blacks. Never­
• and disagreement marred relations. These found
mals. It is to these relatively early manifestations of
blacks that we now turn our attention.
oG
~ persecution
and oppression, many American Jews
_ This was even true of liberal and radical-minded
Jews who, some blacks felt, declared their sympathy too often and too vocifer­
ously.22 But some individuals in the black community knew that Jews were the
scapegoats of Western Civilization and Europe, where there were almost no non­
whites. 23 Furthermore, Afro-American professionals and intellectuals detected
American Jewry's fear of a violent anti-Semitism revival, like that in Germany after
World War I.
These blacks also noted the great social advances made by American Jews, and the
contrast between a closely-knit American Jewish community and the black commu­
nity, in a state of chaos and complete disorganization by comparison. 24 Some Jews
also found it difficult to understand why the lower-class black masses did not rise, as
they had, to middle-class affluence. In an attempt to explain the problems and
struggles of blacks to its readers, the Forward published a series of articles in 1946
describing the living conditions that prevailed in Chicago's crowded Negro ghetto
and its sociological structure. Although the great majority of blacks were poverty­
stricken and oppressed, a small but influential group of middle-class wealthy blacks
was also noted. 25 The black community, Grayson wrote, was further divided into the
"respectable" and the "sinful"--God-fearing church-goers, and those who led
shiftless, dissolute lives. 26 Despite income and life style differences, Grayson felt the
black community to be unified and, with the exception of Jews, the most self­
conscious group in the United States. It was white America, Grayson concluded,
which must bear much of the blame for low incomes and the accompanying culture of
poverty, as well as for other negative conditions prevailing in the black community.
Nevertheless, the Forward, as did other Jewish publications, expected a large
number of blacks to move from the lower to the middle classes in the near future. 27
That most American blacks remained at the bottom of the economic ladder did not
disconcert it. 28 In an article appearing in 1952, it emphasized social and economic
gains made by Afro-Americans since 1945 in both North and South, predicting
further gains in the near future. 29 Blacks, also, especially the intelligentsia, could not
understand why so many Afro-Americans were impoverished. They, too, were
impressed by the social mobility of American Jewry. A few felt that Jews had
advanced themselves by exploiting blacks. Reflecting this point of view, the Afro­
American press implied that many Jewish landlords and businessmen were taking
advantage of black communities. In June, 1951, the Chicago Defender openly
alleged that some Jews were exploiting blacks, and that American Jewry alone was
responsible for deteriorating relations between the two groups. 30
However, it was New York City where relations suffered most, partially because
of its large Jewish and black concentrations. Even before the end of World War II, an
article had appeared in the New York Amsterdam News critical of business practices
of Jewish shopkeepers in Harlem. 31 Further, the article's author, Dan Gardner, saw
Jews as cheating blacks financially, while misleading them politically, in attempts to
forge a common political alliance. The former, Gardner wrote, may use glib,
idealistic words in pursuing this goal, but cannot conceal basic conflicts between
Jewish and black interests.
Gardner felt that blacks were rooted in the very soil of America, while Jews were
recent immigrants. If the latter possessed the blacks' native heritage, they would
probably "be the strongest force in American life." 32 But, alien to American
culture, Jews wanted to make common cause with American blacks. 33
In the latter part of 1947, allegations of deceptive business practices led to a
J
40
CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
boycott of white (mostly Jewish)-owned stores in Harlem. In keeping with previous
calls for black control of the black community, the New York Amsterdam News
supported the boycott. 34 A decision to support the boycott presented serious prob­
lems to Forward editors, hence they could neither fully approve it nor completely
condemn it. On the one hand, many merchants adversely affected by the boycott
spoke Yiddish and read theF orward. On the other hand, its founder and editors were
social democrats and believed in the fundamental principle of social justice. As such,
they recognized that some of the boycotters' grievances were just.
Shaya Grayson, assigned to cover the boycott, stressed the underlying social
conditions which led to the protest, yet felt that demands made by boycott leaders
were extreme. 35 Grayson pointed out that while the small businessmen of Harlem
payed high property insurance rates, the coverage would not fully indemnify them in
the event of a riot. The New York Amsterdam News did not sympathize with this point
of view.
1
1
AFRICA
THE SOUTH
The Afro-American press did not fully understand how difficult and precarious the
Jewish position was in the South. Comprising less than half of one percent of the
population, a substantial number of southern Jews are merchants dependent on the
goodwill of the entire community. 36 Prior to the Supreme Court decision of May,
1954 and before black leaders themselves took action against racial segregation, the
Jews of the South generally complied with the status quo and kept their opinions
concerning this often-emotional issue to themselves. 37 To do otherwise might have
aroused wrath and evoked latent anti-Semitism in the largely fundamentalist Baptist
white South.
Despite efforts to conform to southern customs, Jews were still suspect in the eyes
of some whites. 38 In 1951, the Grand Dragon of the Association of Carolina Klans
declared that the NAACP was dominated by Jews, that Jews were inciting blacks to
riot, and that Jews favored miscegenation. 39 These opinions were not confined to
racist groups or to lower-class whites. In 1948, a prominent member of the North
Carolina chapter of the Daughters of the Confederacy circulated a letter stating that
almost all the communists in the United States were Jews, and that most of the
agitators stirring up southern Negroes were of Jewish origin, as were most of the
funds used for this purpose. 40 The Afro-American press, for its part, not only
censured southern Jews for their acceptance of racist traditions, but alleged that they
were among the most vociferous supporters of racial segregation and the most blatant
exploiters of the Negro in the South. 41
While Jews and blacks were debating their relationship in the South, mutual
enemies were attacking both minorities. As reported in the Defender, 42 a rash of
cross-burnings erupted in Florida during the spring of 1951, and this southern state
was flooded with anti-Semitic literature. Bigotry knows no limitations, an editorial in
the newspaper concluded. Despite common dangers facing both minorities, some
Jews continued to discriminate against Negroes. 43
While the Afro-American press expressed displeasure with American Jewry from
time to time, a small number of blacks were attracted and converted to Judaism,
establishing several Judaizing churches in the South. In New York City, a group of
black Jews organized their own synagogue. In approbation of Judaizing black
churches, the Chicago Jewish Forum reported that
and Saints of Christ, like members of any kibbutz
Virginia farm property on a communal basis. In
fulfilling economic and social injunctions of the 01
this church also practiced circumcision, observe(J
used the Hebrew calendar. But this church also taug
a Negroid people; contemporary white Jews were
black Hebrew ancestors had intermarried with w
Church of God and Saints of Christ, it was blackE
lineal descendents of the lost ten tribes of Israel."
1
\
.<
The Falashas of Ethiopia, on the other hand,
Negroid racial stock whose origins preceded the bir
years of isolation from the main body of Jewry, til
hostile Moslem and Christian populations, arousir"
Jews everywhere. 46
The Falashas, a colorful and interesting part of we
the Negroid peoples of sub-Sahara Africa. In the
struggled for independence and self-determination,
American Jewish press. The English-language Je
African movement and expressed the hope that
independence would be gradual and peaceful. 47 T:
language newspaper, took notice of the anti-colonia
and regarded it as a just cause, further praising
determination as one led by an elite group of weSi
The largest Jewish community in sub-Sahara I
Ethiopia, but a white, largely Ashkenazic POP'
coreligionists of the American South, the South Af
black and white Gentile populations.
In December 1945, Di Zukunft, a Yiddish monthl
future of South African Jewry. 49 The journal pointe
South Africa had been banned and that pro-Nazis ha
burg in mid-1945, four months after the collapse ()
the safety of the South African Jewish community \\.
Nationalist party of Dr. Daniel Malan won control e
The Malan government, however, quickly assua
policy towards the black majority, no economic or:
upon the Jewish community of South Africa. 51 N
Jewish community continued to support moderate
As one would expect, the Chicago Defender repe
oppression of its black population. 53 Walter White
insistence that its racial situation was strictly an inter
offered by southern politicians to justify lynching:
Jews as American domestic problems. Altogether,
between racial policies of South Africa's Nation
Hitler's government. When Daniel Malan's Nation
)-owned stores in Harlem. In keeping with previous
,lack community, the New York Amsterdam News
sion to support the boycott presented serious prob­
they could neither fully approve it nor completely
many merchants adversely affected by the boycott
ard. On the other hand, its founder and editors were
the fundamental principle of social justice. As such,
Ie boycotters' grievances were just.
cover the boycott, stressed the underlying social
.est, yet felt that demands made by boycott leaders
:d out that while the small businessmen of Harlem
Ites, the coverage would not fully indemnify them in
Amsterdam News did not sympathize with this point
SINGER
1
I
churches, the Chicago Jewish Forum reported that members of the Church of God
and Saints of Christ, like members of any kibbutz in modern Israel, held all their
Virginia farm property on a communal basis. In doing this, they felt themselves
fulfilling economic and social injunctions of the Old Testament. 44 The members of
this church also practiced circumcision, observed Jewish religious holidays, and
used the Hebrew calendar. But this church also taught that, originally, Jews had been
a Negroid people; contemporary white Jews were thought to be mulattoes whose
black Hebrew ancestors had intermarried with white Gentiles. According to the
Church of God and Saints of Christ, it was blacks who were the real Jews, direct
lineal descendents of the lost ten tribes of Israel. 45
AFRICA
not fully understand how difficult and precarious the
h. Comprising less than half of one percent of the
r of southern Jews are merchants dependent on the
ty.36 Prior to the Supreme Court decision of May,
emselves took action against racial segregation, the
nplied with the status quo and kept their opinions
issue to themselves. 37 To do otherwise might have
anti-Semitism in the largely fundamentalist Baptist
iOuthern customs, Jews were still suspect in the eyes
}rand Dragon of the Association of Carolina Klans
)minated by Jews, that Jews were inciting blacks to
;egenation. 39 These opinions were not confined to
vhites. In 1948, a prominent member of the North
rs of the Confederacy circulated a letter stating that
le United States were Jews, and that most of the
egroes were of Jewish origin, as were most of the
The Afro-American press, for its part, not only
acceptance of racist traditions, but alleged that they
supporters of racial segregation and the most blatant
iouth. 41
e debating their relationship in the South, mutual
inorities. As reported in the Defender, 42 a rash of
Ia during the spring of 195 I, and this southern state
erature. Bigotry knows no limitations, an editorial in
'ite common dangers facing both minorities, some
against Negroes. 43
-ss expressed displeasure with American Jewry from
If blacks were attracted and converted to Judaism,
hurches in the South. In New York City, a group of
In synagogue. In approbation of Judaizing black
41
1
\
The Falashas of Ethiopia, on the other hand, were indeed a Jewish group of
Negroid racial stock whose origins preceded the birth of Jesus. Despite almost 2,000
years of isolation from the main body of Jewry, they clung to their religion amidst
hostile Moslem and Christian populations, arousing the interest and admiration of
Jews everywhere. 46
The Falashas, a colorful and interesting part of world Jewry, were a handful among
the Negroid peoples of sub-Sahara Africa. In the years 1945-1953, these peoples
struggled for independence and self-determination, a struggle closely watched by the
American Jewish press. The English-language Jewish press supported this black
African movement and expressed the hope that transition from colonialism to
independence would be gradual and peaceful. 47 The Morning Journal, a Yiddish­
language newspaper, took notice of the anti-colonial movement in sub-Sahara Africa
and regarded it as a just cause, further praising this struggle for political self­
determination as one led by an elite group of westernized intellectuals. 48
The largest Jewish community in sub-Sahara Africa was not the black one of
Ethiopia, but a white, largely Ashkenazic population of South Africa. Like
coreligionists of the American South, the South African Jews were caught between
black and white Gentile populations.
In December 1945, Di Zukunft, a Yiddish monthly, expressed its concern over the
future of South African Jewry. 49 The journal pointed out that Jewish immigration to
South Africa had been banned and that pro- Nazis had held an open rally in Johannes­
burg in mid-1945, four months after the collapse of Hitler's government. Fears for
the safety of the South African Jewish community were heightened in 1948 when the
Nationalist party of Dr. Daniel Malan won control of South Africa's government. 50
The Malan government, however, quickly assuaged these fears; in contrast to its
policy towards the black majority, no economic or political restrictions were placed
upon the Jewish community of South Africa. 51 Nevertheless, the majority of the
Jewish community continued to support moderate and liberal elements. 52
As one would expect, the Chicago Defender repeatedly denounced South Africa's
oppression of its black population. 53 Walter White commented that South Africa's
insistence that its racial situation was strictly an internal affair was the same argument
offered by southern politicians to justify lynchings of blacks and mistreatment of
Jews as American domestic problems. Altogether, the Defender did not distinguish
between racial policies of South Africa's Nationalist government and those of
Hitler's government. When Daniel Malan's Nationalist party won election in June,
42
CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
1948, the Defender feared that the Bantu people of South Africa" may face the same
fate[that] ... Jews of Germany experienced under Hitler" in the years 1933-1945. 54
ISRAEL
A divergence of opinion developed between Jewish and Afro-American pub­
lications over the issues of Zionism and the historical and contemporary relations of
blacks with Arab peoples. Here, Jewish and black writers differed in their assessment
of the post-World War II international situation.
As a result of the Nazi extermination of approximately three of every five Jews in
Europe, American Jewry became the world's largest and wealthiest Jewish commu­
nity. Only American Jewry possessed the means to organize and finance the reset­
tlement of central and East European Jewry's remnants in Palestine. However, Jews
comprised only three percent of the U.S. population. Therefore, Zionist leaders tried
to convince all segments of the American public to support the establishment of a
Jewish state in Palestine as both a practical necessity and an act of humane compas­
sion.
Afro-American newspapers debated this position and, after the state ofisrael was
proclaimed on May 15, 1948, debated all aspects ofisrael's economic, political, and
social life. Between the time of Nazi Germany's surrender and the end of the British
mandate government of Palestine, the Chicago Defender empathized with the plight
of homeless European Jews and sympathized with their desire to go to Palestine. In
April, 1947, Walter White alleged that the British government and American State
Department were obstructing Jewish emigration to Palestine. 55 This, he wrote, is a
matter of concern for every American, and particularly for the Negro, because when
one minority is attacked and mistreated, the rights of all minorities are threatened. 56
Of even greater significance for Jewish-black relations, the Afro-American press
compared the plight of Jewish displaced persons in postwar Europe with that of
blacks in the American South. 57 Blacks lynched in the South and Jews recently
murdered by the British on Cyprus and in Palestine were all victims of Anglo­
American imperialism, commented the New York Amsterdam News in August,
1947. 58 And, on the same day that the Jewish state was proclaimed in Tel Aviv,
William E.B. DuBois, the black leader and historian, wrote that the suffering of Jews
in Christian Europe is even greater than that which blacks had endured in white
America over 300 years. 59 Now, he concluded, after the mass murder of six million
Jews in Europe, there was only one refuge for survivors of the Nazi slaughter­
Palestine. 60
However, not all the opinions expressed in these two Afro-American newspapers
were sympathetic. A year after the surrender of Nazi Germany, a journalist in the
New York Amsterdam News criticized the Zionist demand that more Jews be allowed
to settle in Palestine. 61 It is sad, he wrote, that Jews do not have a homeland. In
contrast to black and brown peoples of Africa and Asia, who feel rooted in the lands
of their birth, Jews still feel unwelcome in many of the countries of Europe. This does
not justify current efforts to force Arabs to open "their country [i.e., Palestine] to
people who are Europeans first and Jews afterwards. "62 Jews, Malliet continued,
have no more right to Palestine than Indians have to the United States. 63 In August,
1950, even the usually pro-Israel Chicago Defender published an article questioning
Israel's policy towards Arab refugees and raising do
surrounded as she was by Arab states.
This article, a book review, described "patheti
camps and criticized Israel for her refusal to eitl:
compensate them for property left behind in the .
reviewer predicted, Arab refugees "will have to b
They will form an irrendentist core in the heart of the
threaten world peace. 65 This was tragic, Willie Eth
needed Arab friendship and trade to survive, while
skills to compete with industrialized Western natio
Between 1948 and 1953 the Defender moved fro
the Jewish state to one of serious doubt about its don
such shift of opinion transpired in the Defender's att
Western powers in Middle East affairs: the Defende
the common enemies of all peoples in the Middle
Berlin, John Robert Badger, a journalist who often w
the Defender, reported that Great Britain and Fn
resume their old struggle for power and influence]
struggle, Great Britain had the support of both II
League, which Badger regarded as "an instrumentc
aspirations of both Jewish and Arab peoples in P
Badger also criticized Dr. Judah Magnes, a promin
supporting a plan to link Syria, Transjordan, and p
federal union. 69 Such a federation, Badger wrote, \\
free, progressive Jewish homeland in Palestine, as '
mate, nationalist aspirations of Arabs; only Great Br
Arab-Jewish state.
Badger's assessment of the aims of American a
policy was shared by Earl Brown in the New York
1946, Brown criticized Great Britain's announcemc
unlimited number of Jews to enter Palestine on tl
tagonize the Arabs. 70 In actuality, Brown asserted, (
the United States, sought to control the vast Midc
government, like wealthy Palestinian Arabs, feared
would arouse the Arab masses from their backwarl
More significantly for the relations between Jews
of the Chicago Defender favorably compared Zi.
movement of American blacks. The only differel
mented, was that the former movement succeedec
Nevertheless, he felt that eradication of the vestiges
truly democratic Europe represented the best soluti
anti-Semitism. 72 Similarly, he felt that black Americ
social and political changes in the United States, and
as a solution to their problems. Four months after t
Israel, Walter White urged American blacks to sUpp<
threatened as it was by Arabs "backed by Great
America. "73 If Israel is destroyed by her enemies
prestige of the United Nations, founded in order to
SINGER 43
:he Bantu people of South Africa "may face the same
-experienced under Hitler" in the years 1933-1945. 54
~veloped between Jewish and Afro-American pub­
,ism and the historical and contemporary relations of
, Jewish and black writers differed in their assessment
-national situation.
nination of approximately three of every five Jews in
lIe the world's largest and wealthiest Jewish commu­
ssessed the means to organize and finance the reset­
:lpean Jewry's remnants in Palestine. However, Jews
-the U.S. population. Therefore, Zionist leaders tried
~ American public to support the establishment of a
, a practical necessity and an act of humane compas­
debated this position and, after the state ofIsrael was
_ebated all aspects ofisrael's economic, political, and
- Nazi Germany's surrender and the end of the British
lIe, the Chicago Defender empathized with the plight
d sympathized with their desire to go to Palestine. In
=ged that the British government and American State
-ewish emigration to Palestine. 55 This, he wrote, is a
aerican, and particularly for the Negro, because when
istreated, the rights of all minorities are threatened. 56
for Jewish-black relations, the Afro-American press
) displaced persons in postwar Europe with that of
.57 Blacks lynched in the South and Jews recently
~yprus and in Palestine were all victims of Anglo­
_ented the New York Amsterdam News in August,
o that the Jewish state was proclaimed in Tel Aviv,
'" leader and historian, wrote that the suffering of Jews
reater than that which blacks had endured in white
..., he concluded, after the mass murder of six million
Iy one refuge for survivors of the Nazi slaughter­
)s expressed in these two Afro-American newspapers
r the surrender of Nazi Germany, a journalist in the
licized the Zionist demand that more Jews be allowed
ad, he wrote, that Jews do not have a homeland. In
:lples of Africa and Asia, who feel rooted in the lands
ile1come in many ofthe countries of Europe. This does
-ree Arabs to open "their country [i.e., Palestine] to
;t and Jews afterwards. "62 Jews, Malliet continued,
=than Indians have to the United States. 63 In August,
_el Chicago Defender published an article questioning
....
,
Israel's policy towards Arab refugees and raising doubts as to her ability to survive,
surrounded as she was by Arab states.
This article, a book review, described "pathetic conditions" in Arab refugee
camps and criticized Israel for her refusal to either repatriate Arab refugees or
compensate them for property left behind in the Jewish state. 64 Ultimately, the
reviewer predicted, Arab refugees "will have to be settled in alien desert land."
They will form an irrendentist core in the heart of the Middle East and will continue to
threaten world peace. 65 This was tragic, Willie Ethridge concluded, because Israel
needed Arab friendship and trade to survive, while Arabs needed Israel's technical
skills to compete with industrialized Western nations.
Between 1948 and 1953 the Defender moved from a position of total support for
the Jewish state to one of serious doubt about its domestic and foreign policies. 66 No
such shift of opinion transpired in the Defender's attitude towards the role played by
Western powers in Middle East affairs: theDefender consistently regarded them as
the common enemies of all peoples in the Middle East. A month after the fall of
Berlin, John Robert Badger, a journalist who often wrote about Middle East affairs in
the Defender, reported that Great Britain and France were already preparing to
resume their old struggle for power and influence in Syria and Lebanon. 67 In this
struggle, Great Britain had the support of both the United States and the Arab
League, which Badger regarded as •• an instrument of British policy ... to defeat the
aspirations of both Jewish and Arab peoples in Palestine. 68 In the same article,
Badger also criticized Dr. Judah Magnes, a prominent Zionist leader, for allegedly
supporting a plan to link Syria, Transjordan, and parts of Palestine and Lybia in a
federal union. 69 Such a federation, Badger wrote, would undermine the hopes for a
free, progressive Jewish homeland in Palestine, as well as erode the equally legiti­
mate, nationalist aspirations of Arabs; only Great Britain would benefit from such an
Arab-Jewish state.
Badger's assessment of the aims of American and British Middle East foreign
policy was shared by Earl Brown in the New York Amsterdam News. In August,
1946, Brown criticized Great Britain's announcement that she could not permit an
unlimited number of Jews to enter Palestine on the grounds that this would an­
tagonize the Arabs. 70 In actuality, Brown asserted, Great Britain, with the support of
the United States, sought to control the vast Middle East oil fields. The British
government, like wealthy Palestinian Arabs, feared that further Jewish immigration
would arouse the Arab masses from their backwardness and lethargy.
More significantly for the relations between Jews and blacks, John Robert Badger
of the Chicago Defender favorably compared Zionism with the back-to-Africa
movement of American blacks. The only difference between the two, he com­
mented, was that the former movement succeeded, whereas the latter did not. 71
Nevertheless, he felt that eradication ofthe vestiges offascism and the creation of a
truly democratic Europe represented the best solution to the problem of European
anti-Semitism. 72 Similarly, he felt that black Americans should work for progressive
social and political changes in the United States, and not plan for emigration to Africa
as a solution to their problems. Four months after the establishment of the state of
Israel, Walter White urged American blacks to support the beleaguered Jewish state,
threatened as it was by Arabs "backed by Great Britain and the oil interests of
America. "73 If Israel is destroyed by her enemies, White wrote, the power and
prestige of the United Nations, founded in order to promote justice for all, would
44
CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
decline. This, in turn, would adversely affect the Afro-American struggle for
political rights in the United States. H
These statements do not reflect the attitudes of all Afro-American journalists
towards the establishment of the Jewish state in May, 1948; others felt that the
partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewish areas was a serious mistake. In May,
1947, A.M. Wendell Malliet first praised the Zionist movement as similar to the
anticolonial movement in sub-Sahara, then criticized its political goal-the creation
of aJewish state in Palestine. 75 If Arabs and Jews cannot coexist in the same country,
this journalist wondered, then how could one expect blacks and whites to live
together in the United States? Malliet concluded that the creation of nation-states in
Africa as well as the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine would lead to the
isolation of both black Africans and Palestinian Jews from the rest of mankind.
In support of MallieI' s point of view, the New York Amsterdam News published
several statements by W. A. Mathews, founder and rabbi of a black Jewish congrega­
tion in New York City, wherein he called for a binational state in Palestine. 76 He
declared that Palestine" should be the homeland, not only for Ethiopians and Jews of
all other lands, but a homeland for all Hebrews and Hebraic peoples. "77 The
Arabs, he said, are a people of Hebraic stock, and therefore Palestine is their
homeland too.
In a complete reversal of his earlier position, Walter White later deplored the
partition of Palestine, once the Jewish state had been established and then attacked by
Arab armies. In 1949, he wrote that the partition of the Holy Land served to further
divide Arab and Jewish peoples, and he predicted the partitioning would lead to more
conflicts, further draining the Middle East of its limited wealth. 78
CONCLUSION
THE THIRD WORLD
The attitudes of American blacks towards the Jewish state were closely linked to
their attitudes towards the Third World, whose population is largely nonwhite. In
June, 1951, the Chicago Defender reported that Israel was a society free of prejudice
towards dark-skinned people: there, Jews of European origin did not discriminate
against darker Jews from Arab countries. 79 Moreover, the same article stated that in
Ethiopia the Jews (the Falashas) were not oppressed, in contrast to the persecution of
Jews elsewhere. 80 Altogether, theDefender suggested, both Jews and Arabs were of
Negroid ancestry, and therefore all three peoples-Jews, Arabs, and Negroes-were
actually one people from a racial point of view. 81 However, many black radicals and
intellectuals did not hold such a cosmopolitan attitude towards the unity of peoples
living in sub-Sahara Africa, the Arab states, and Israel.
Because the Jewish state was drawing closer to the West, and because of the
antagonism between American Jews and Afro-Americans, an increasing number of
radical blacks argued that dark-skinned Arabs were struggling against white, im­
perialist Zionists. 82 As early as February, 1946, A.M. Wendell Malliet of the New
York Amsterdam News espoused this point of view. At that time, he praised King
Ibn-Saud of Saudi Arabia, a Negro by American standards, as a champion of the
Arabs in the struggle against their enemies: the Zionists, the British, and the
Americans. 83 This point of view gained popularity among Afro-American radicals
and intellectuals.
."
The years 1945 to 1953 are important ones in re
communities. By the end of World War II, a sec()
South had swelled the number of blacks who lived
which contained the majority of America's Jews_
themselves in close physical proximity.
The end of the Second World War also raised d
economic depression, and of a political reaction
previous 12 years. In an effort to block these ree
America's blacks, Jews, and other minorities SUI
Democratic and Republican parties, and vigorous.
legislative program. Black and Jewish leaders w
cooperating in the common struggle to legally bu
education, and housing.
But certain areas of friction weakened this all:
These areas of friction stemmed primarily from the I
Jewry relative to that of blacks, and resentment oft
owned businesses and real estate in black neighbc
Throughout their history, Jews have often fOil
conflicting social forces; this was the position Jews
years 1945 to 1953. Many southern Jews had busine
distrusted both as merchants and as whites. On the ()
southern population felt Jews overly liberal in their
Jewish radicals wanted to overturn the entire socia;
that most people in the South were fundamentalist P
of the relatively small Jewish communities in the
The relationship between blacks and Jews was e~
the North. Here blacks often lived in or near Jewish
real estate and many of the small stores in black I
Jews. Nevertheless, Jewish journals and newspape
and oppression of blacks living in both North and
Jewish-owned businesses in black neighborhoods;
insurance rates, easily ruined in a riot or by nil
significant group of Afro-American intellectuals ne
the position of southern Jewry was, nor sympathi:
Jewish merchants and landlords in black neighborhc
intellectuals asserted that Jews exploited black m;
whites, proclaiming a belief in the equality of all pI>
many Jews expressed compassion for blacks in ore
alliance of more benefit to Jews than to blacks. Althc
openly expressed this point of view in the years I~
alliance between Jews and blacks.
After the Second World War, American higher c
expansion, and many Jews of both working and mic
nity afforded them. Because northern public schools
in the South, Jewish students were often better-pIl
were southern black high-school graduates. Inde·
SINGER
CONCLUSION
I adversely affect the Afro-American struggle for
Otates. 74
fleet the attitudes of all Afro- American journalists
the Jewish state in May, 1948; others felt that the
b and Jewish areas was a serious mistake. In May,
first praised the Zionist movement as similar to the
Sahara, then criticized its political goal-the creation
If Arabs and Jews cannot coexist in the same country,
1 how could one expect blacks and whites to live
\1alliet concluded that the creation of nation-states in
nent of a Jewish state in Palestine would lead to the
1S and Palestinian Jews from the rest of mankind.
t of view, the New York Amsterdam News published
Ithews, founder and rabbi of a black Jewish congrega­
:in he called for a binational state in Palestine. 76 He
Ibe the homeland, not only for Ethiopians and Jews of
md for all Hebrews and Hebraic peoples. "77 The
of Hebraic stock, and therefore Palestine is their
lis earlier position, Walter White later deplored the
Jewish state had been established and then attacked by
e that the partition of the Holy Land served to further
>, and he predicted the partitioning would lead to more
Middle East of its limited wealth. 78
,lacks towards the Jewish state were closely linked to
rd World, whose population is largely nonwhite. In
der reported that Israel was a society free of prejudice
there, Jews of European origin did not discriminate
countries. 79 Moreover, the same article stated that in
;) were not oppressed, in contrast to the persecution of
the Defender suggested, both Jews and Arabs were of
~ all three peoples-Jews, Arabs, and Negroes-were
aI point of view. 8\ However, many black radicals and
a cosmopolitan attitude towards the unity of peoples
1e Arab states, and Israel.
las drawing closer to the West, and because of the
1 Jews and Afro-Americans, an increasing number of
'k-skinned Arabs were struggling against white, im­
.s February, 1946, A.M. Wendell Malliet of the New
led this point of view. At that time, he praised King
'l,jegro by American standards, as a champion of the
t their enemies: the Zionists, the British, and the
ew gained popularity among Afro-American radicals
45
,.
\,
The years 1945 to 1953 are important ones in relations between Jewish and black
communities. By the end of World War II, a second wave of immigrants from the
South had swelled the number of blacks who lived in large cities of the North, cities
which contained the majority of America's Jews. Now the two minorities found
themselves in close physical proximity.
The end of the Second World War also raised dangers in the United States of an
economic depression, and of a political reaction to liberal advances made in the
previous 12 years. In an effort to block these reactionary forces, the majority of
America's blacks, Jews, and other minorities supported the liberal wings of the
Democratic and Republican parties, and vigorously endorsed Truman's Fair Deal
legislative program. Black and Jewish leaders were political allies, successfully
cooperating in the common struggle to legally ban discrimination in employment,
education, and housing.
But certain areas of friction weakened this alliance between blacks and Jews.
These areas of friction stemmed primarily from the rapid social mobility of American
Jewry relative to that of blacks, and resentment of the latter towards those Jews who
owned businesses and real estate in black neighborhoods.
Throughout their history, Jews have often found themselves in the middle of
conflicting social forces; this was the position Jews of the South occupied during the
years 1945 to 1953. Many southern Jews had business dealings with blacks, but were
distrusted both as merchants and as whites. On the other hand, some among the white
southern population felt Jews overly liberal in their attitude towards blacks, felt that
Jewish radicals wanted to overturn the entire social structure of the South. The fact
that most people in the South were fundamentalist Protestants only made the position
of the relatively small Jewish communities in the South more difficult.
The relationship between blacks and Jews was even more complicated in cities of
the North. Here blacks often lived in or near Jewish neighborhoods, and much of the
real estate and many of the small stores in black residential areas were owned by
Jews. Nevertheless, Jewish journals and newspapers often denounced exploitation
and oppression of blacks living in both North and South.
Jewish-owned businesses in black neighborhoods were often small ones, with high
insurance rates, easily ruined in a riot or by natural catastrophe. A small but·
significant group of Afro-American intellectuals neither understood how precarious
the position of southern Jewry was, nor sympathized with the problems faced by
Jewish merchants and landlords in black neighborhoods. Instead, this group of black
intellectuals asserted that Jews exploited black masses while, like other northern
whites, proclaiming a belief in the equality of all people. These blacks felt, too, that
many Jews expressed compassion for blacks in order to dupe them into a political
alliance of more benefit to Jews than to blacks. Although only a few Afro-Americans
openly expressed this point of view in the years 1945 to 1953, they weakened the
alliance between Jews and blacks .
After the Second World War, American higher education underwent a period of
expansion, and many Jews of both working and middle classes utilized the opportu­
nity afforded them. Because northern public schools were generally superior to those
in the South, Jewish students were often better-prepared for advanced study than
were southern black high-school graduates. Indeed, Jewish applicants to black
j
46 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
medical schools in the South (Howard University and Meharry College) often
displaced black applicants. 84 Faced with this situation, Howard University began to
limit the number of Jewish students who might enter its medical school. 85 No doubt,
the situation further irritated relations between blacks and Jews.
Unquestionably, some Jews absorbed the racist attitudes so widespread in Ameri­
can society before the emergence of the civil rights movement and before the
Supreme Court decisions of 1954 to 1955. On the other hand, many other Jews
expressed sympathy with political and economic struggles of black peoples, both in
the United States and in sub-Saharan Africa. Although some blacks questioned the
sincerity of some Jews, the black community generally recognized that Jews, too,
had a history of oppression and persecution. Furthermore, many blacks realized that
often the Jews and they shared the same enemies. These factors may have facilitated
the conversion of a small number of blacks to the Jewish religion.
Therefore, black hostility to Jews was expressed obliquely in the guise of anti­
Zionism and, after May, 1948, in the form of strong criticism of Israel's foreign and
domestic policies. Anti-Zionism gave these Afro-Americans an ideological link with
Arabs and other peoples and governments of the Third World who opposed the
Jewish state. Therefore, black Americans could feel part of the world's colored
majority, and attack Jews owning property and businesses in black neighborhoods
and whose children were advancing socially at a faster pace than were their own.
At the same time, the anti-Zionist blacks denied that they were anti-Semitic,
asserting the reverse to be true-Israel as an expansionist and racist state. The growth
and development of this point of view among Afro-American intellectuals was slow
and uneven, but served to make the alliance between the Jews and the blacks in the
United States during the years 1945 to 1953 an uneasy one.
NOTES
I. The Black Panther, October 26, 1974, p. 2.
2. Chicago Daily News, November 16, 1974, p. 14.
3. Chicago Defender, May 18, 1946, p. 15; May 25, 1946, p. 15. The author of
these articles, Earl Conrad, is white.
4. Ibid.
5. New York Amsterdam News, June 1, 1946, p. 10.
6. Ibid.
7. Charles I. Glicksburg, "The Negro and the Jew," The Chicago Jewish Forum
V (Summer 1947): 229.
8. Ibid.
9. Leonora E. Berson, The Negroes and the Jews (New York: Random House,
1971) p. 96.
10. Chicago Defender, November 6, 1948, p. 7.
11. Morgen Zhurnal, Morning Journal, December 13, 1945, p. 5 (hereafter, the
term Morning Journal will be used rather than Morgen Zhurnal); Carl Dreher,
"Racism and America's World Position: The Potential Democratic Nationalism,"
Commentary 4 (August 1947): 164-69; Charles I. Glicksburg, "The Negro and the
Jew," The Chicago Jewish Forum 5 (Summer 1946): 229-33; Arthur Zuckerman,
"The City College Student Strike and Academic Freedom," The Reconstructionist
.
,
,
15 (May 13, 1949): 22-26; Rabbi Sidney J. Jac'
Sentinel 166 (May 5, 1949): 32.
12. Chicago Defender, December 3, 1949, p.
executive secretary of the NAACP from 1930 to 19~
black journalists in the United States.
13. Ibid., July 16, 1949, p. 7. Willard Townsem
that the Soviets had made this clear by printing in bl
of the 49 who had adopted Russian surnames.
14. On February 19, 1949, Townsend had dec
was, in toto, no different from the Nazi one.
15. Jewish Courier, June 7, 1946, p. 15;Jewish
4; Morning Journal, April 11, 1950, p. 4; Edward r­
Colleges Dies Hard: Progress Report on an Ameri
(February 1950): 115-21; "Editorials: Are Medi
Students?" The Reconstructionist 15 (January 27,
16. New York Amsterdam News, August 18, I
17. Forward, December 23, 1948, p. 4.
18. Ibid., November 10,1949, p. 4; January 22
the Chicago Defender published a stinging editori
both synagogues and black project homes in Miami
der, December 15, 1951, p. 10.
19. Barbara Martin, "My Dark Sister," Chica~
33-37.
20. Forward, August 21, 1951, p. 4; Morning
21. Foward, April 17, 1950, p. 4.
22. New York Amsterdam News, August 17, II
23. That all Jewish-owned stores are closed (
synagogues are open, wrote a journalist of the CJ
tribute to a people who were being lynched and pers
Africa were kings and emperors. " Chicago Defem
24. New York Amsterdam News, October 20, 19,
and journalist, Langston Hughes, complained that ~
but not Negroes, were involved in organized crin
Defender, August 2, 1952, p. 10.
25. Forward, January 3, 1946, p. 4. Shaya GI
noted that this group of wealthy blacks, with inc(
physicians, dentists, arId other black professionals,
dope pushers, and others involved in illicit activities.
not number more than 5,000 or 6,000 among mol'
Chicago in 1946. Even the few wealthy blacks 1
upper-class whites.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid., May 17,1951, p. 4; January 8, 1952.
ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167 (Septerr
28. Forward frequently published pictures and
wealthy blacks. Typical of these articles was one
novelist Frank Yerby. Forward, May 17, 1951, P
SINGER 47
:Howard University and Meharry College) often
:ed with this situation, Howard University began to
ltS who might enter its medical school. 85 No doubt,
ations between blacks and Jews.
Jsorbed the racist attitudes so widespread in Ameri­
!ce of the civil rights movement and before the
54 to 1955. On the other hand, many other Jews
:iI and economic struggles of black peoples, both in
.aran Africa. Although some blacks questioned the
:k community generally recognized that Jews, too,
-ersecution. Furthermore, many blacks realized that
-e same enemies. These factors may have facilitated
er of blacks to the Jewish religion.
lews was expressed obliquely in the guise of anti­
, the form of strong criticism of Israel's foreign and
gave these Afro- Americans an ideological link with
::Jvernments of the Third World who opposed the
Americans could feel part of the world's colored
.g property and businesses in black neighborhoods
-ing socially at a faster pace than were their own.
:ionist blacks denied that they were anti-Semitic,
Israel as an expansionist and racist state. The growth
view among Afro-American intellectuals was slow
the alliance between the Jews and the blacks in the
1945 to 1953 an uneasy one.
-er 26, 1974, p. 2.
"ember 16, 1974, p. 14.
~, 1946, p. 15; May 25, 1946, p. 15. The author of
·hite.
..IS,
June 1, 1946, p. 10.
Je Negro and the Jew," The Chicago Jewish Forum
"
-egroes and the Jews (New York: Random House,
:mber 6, 1948, p. 7.
-gJournal, December 13,1945, p. 5 (hereafter, the
used rather than Morgen Zhurnal); Carl Dreher,
!Position: The Potential Democratic Nationalism,"
-64-69; Charles I. Glicksburg, "The Negro and the
Jm 5 (Summer 1946): 229-33; Arthur Zuckerman,
.e and Academic Freedom," The Reconstructionist
\r
15 (May 13, 1949): 22-26; Rabbi Sidney J. Jacobs, "Words and Music," The
Sentinel 166 (May 5, 1949): 32.
12. Chicago Defender, December 3, 1949, p. 7. Walter White, who served as
executive secretary ofthe NAACP from 1930 to 1955, was one ofthe most prominent
black journalists in the United States.
13. Ibid., July 16, 1949, p. 7. Willard Townsend, the article's author, pointed out
that the Soviets had made this clear by printing in brackets the original Jewish names
of the 49 who had adopted Russian surnames.
14. On February 19, 1949, Townsend had declared that the Soviet dictatorship
was, in toto, no different from the Nazi one.
15. Jewish Courier, June 7, 1946, p. 15;Jewish Independent, January 3, 1947, p.
4; Morning Journal, April 11 , 1950, p. 4; Edward N. Saveth, "Discrimination in the
Colleges Dies Hard: Progress Report on an American Sore Spot," Commentary 9
(February 1950): 115-21; "Editorials: Are Medical Schools Admitting Enough
Students?" The Reconstructionist 15 (January 27, 1950): 6-8.
16. New York Amsterdam News, August 18, 1945, p. 12-A.
17. Forward, December 23, 1948, p. 4.
18. Ibid., November 10,1949, p. 4; January 22,1949, p. 4. At the end of 1951,
the Chicago Defender published a stinging editorial condemning the bombings of
both synagogues and black project homes in Miami Beach, Florida. Chicago Defen­
der, December 15, 1951, p. 10.
19. Barbara Martin, "My Dark Sister," Chicago Jewish Forum 10 (Fall 1951):
33-37.
20. Forward, August 21,1951, p. 4; Morning Journal, June 5,1950, p. 4.
21. Foward, April 17, 1950, p. 4.
22. New York Amsterdam News, August 17, 1946, p. 8.
23. That all Jewish-owned stores are closed on the High Holidays while all
synagogues are open, wrote a journalist of the Chicago Defender in 1946, "is a
tribute to a people who were being lynched and persecuted way back when Blacks in
Africa were kings and emperors." Chicago Defender, September 24, 1946, p. 6.
24. New York Amsterdam News , October 20, 1945, p. 12. In 1952, the black poet
and journalist, Langston Hughes, complained that Jews, Italians, and other whites,
but not Negroes, were involved in organized crime in New York City. Chicago
Defender, August 2, 1952, p. 10.
25. Forward, January 3, 1946, p. 4. Shaya Grayson, author of these articles,
noted that this group of wealthy blacks, with incomes much larger than those of
physicians, dentists, alld other black professionals, consisted largely of gangsters,
dope pushers, and others involved in illicit activities. Moreover, the former group did
not number more than 5,000 or 6,000 among more than 350,000 blacks living in
Chicago in 1946. Even the few wealthy blacks were paupers in comparison to
upper-class whites.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid., May 17, 1951, p. 4; January 8,1952, p. 4; Edwin R. Ambree, "The
ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167 (September 22, 1949): 74-75.
28. Forward frequently published pictures and articles about middle-class and
wealthy blacks. Typical of these articles was one describing the life and work of
novelist Frank Yerby. Forward, May 17, 1951, p. 4.
48 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
29. Ibid., January 8, 1952, p. 4. A similar article appeared in The Sentinel,
pointing out that, in 1862, less than five percent of the Negro population was literate.
By 1949, 90 to 95 percent of the black population was literate, in numbers equalling
the total population of Canada. More American blacks were studying in American
colleges and universities than were Canadians in their universities. Furthermore, the
black death rate had declined by 50 percent in the years 1900-1949. Finally, the
writer of this article urged Negroes to remember that Jews too are oppressed in the
United States. Edwin R. Embree, "The ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167
(September 22, 1949): 75.
30. Chicago Defender, June 9, 1951, p. 6.
31. New York Amsterdam News, April 21, 1945, p. 14-A.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid. Gardner suggested that blacks act directly on their own behalf, and not
link themselves politically with any white ethnic group.
34. However, the New York Amsterdam News never mentioned Jews by name in
boycott editorials. Furthermore, it censured a group of activists circulating pam­
phlets calling for the forcible ouster of all Jewish merchants from Harlem. Ibid.,
October 3D, 1948, p. 15.
35. Forward, January 29, 1948, p. 4; February 3, 1948, p. 4. Grayson even
alleged that communist agitators were stirring up black Harlemites against storeow­
ners.
36. Leonard Dinnerstein and Mary Dale Paleson, eds., Jews in the South (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1973), p. 334.
37. Ibid., p. 235; Carl Alpert, "A Jewish Problem in the South," The Recon­
struetionist 12 (March 22, 1946): II.
38. The article, as cited in the previous footnote, appeared in The Reconstruc­
tionist, the official publication of Reconstructionist Judaism. Its author reported that
some southern white Gentiles felt southern Jews to be quite sympathetic with
Negroes, noticing their close economic ties. At the same time, Alpert wrote, blacks
distrusted Jewish efforts to forge a common political alliance.
39. Mervin J. Block, "KKK on the Rampage," The Sentinel 177 (November 8,
1951): 14.
40. Harry L. Golden, "A Son of the South and Some Daughters: Carolina Epistle
with a Happy Ending," Commentary 12 (November, 1951): 379-80. The statements
in this letter centered around a project to erect a statue in honor of Judah P. Benjamin
in Charlotte, North Carolina.
41. ChicagoDefender,May4,1946,p.15;May5,195I,p.6;June2,195 l,p.6;
New York Amsterdam News, April 28, 1945, p. to-A.
42. Chicago Defender, July 28, 1951, p. 6.
43. Ibid.
44. Philip Rieff, "Judaism and Democratic Action," Chicago Jewish Forum 9
(Spring, 1951): 169.
45. Ibid. Another Judaizing sect, the Church of God, Christian Workers for
Fellowship, and a splinter group, The Church of the Living God, the Pillar and
Ground of Truth, maintained that Jeremiah, Job, Jesus, and Moses' wife were of
Negroid racial stock, but did not assert that blacks were superior to whites.
46. Morning Journal, September 14, 1951, p. 4; Wolf Leslau, "The Black Jews
of Ethiopia: An Expedition to the Falashas," Commentary 7 (March 1949): 216-21.
'
..
47. Rita Hinden and Barnett Litvinoff, "The I
Britain," Commentary 12 (August 1951): 151-60; I
Chicago Jewish Forum II (Summer, 1953): 23t
colonial world was in a state of upheaval and turr
48 . Morning Journal, September 19, 1951, p.
49. Yohanan Botnitzski, "Jews in South Afril
1945): 765-67.
50. The Nationalists, opposing South African
sympathized with the Nazis and held similar anti-~
"The South African Problem," The Sentinel 165
51. In 1948, the 100,000 Jews of South Africa
white population. To attack them would divide the
antagonize world opinion. T.C. Roberton, "Rac
Africa: The Threat of White Nationalism," Comme
52. E. Bernstein, "South African Problem," p
53. Chicago Defender, November 23, 1946, p.
54. Ibid., June 12, 1948, p. 14.
55. Ibid., April 5, 1947, p. 5. Specifically, Wh
Atlee, with the connivance of the American State Dc
Truman's proposal that 100,000 Jewish displace
Palestine when the former suggested an Anglo-Arne
to look into this matter. This, White felt, was 0:
information is based on a book by Bartley C. Cn
Wilkie.)
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid., May 17,1947,p.14;NewYorkAmster
8.
58. New York Amsterdam News, August 9, 194
59. Chicago Defender, May 15, 1948, p. 15.
60. Ibid. Now, DuBois wrote, the Truman adm
ernment, is retracting its promise to promote the esta
in Palestine.
61. New York Amsterdam News, May 11,1946,
A.M. Wendell Malliet, wrote regularly for the N.
advocated what is now referred to as Third World
62. Ibid. Earl Brown, another writer who wrolo
News, took a less critical attitude towards Jewish
August 31, 1946, he wrote that Great Britain and
absorbed Europe's homeless Jews. Since these tY'
displaced Jews of Europe should be allowed to set
63. Ibid. In January, 1946, Malliet reported tl:
offered to resettle 30,000 Jews in Surinam. Malliet
offer and suggested that Jewish displaced persons t
some other "sparsely settled area." Ibid., January
64. Chicago Defender, August 5, 1950, p. 6. (
review of Willie Snow Ethridge's Going to Jerusc
ignored a United Nations General Assembly resolL
compensate Arab refugees for lost property.
SINGER
49
47. Rita Hinden and Barnett Litvinoff, "The Dilemma That Racism Poses for
Britain," Commentary 12 (August 1951): 151-60; Henry Merrit, "Kenya, Africa,"
Chicago Jewish Forum 11 (Summer, 1953): 236-37. Merrit reported the entire
colonial world was in a state of upheaval and turmoil.
48. Morning Journal, September 19, 1951, p. 7; April 27, 1952, p. 4.
49. Yohanan Botnitzski, "Jews in South Africa," Di Zukunft 10 (December
1945): 765-67.
50. The Nationalists, opposing South African participation in World War II,
sympathized with the Nazis and held similar anti-Semitic views. Edgar Bernstein,
"The South African Problem," The Sentinel 165 (December 30, 1948): 37.
~, 1951, p. 6.
51. In 1948, the 100,000 Jews of South Africa comprised seven percent of its
"'s, April 21, 1945, p. 14-A.
white population. To attack them would divide the white community, and possibly
antagonize world opinion. T.e. Roberton, "Racism Comes to Power in South
,at blacks act directly on their own behalf, and not
Africa:
The Threat of White Nationalism," Commentary 6 (November 1948): 429.
any white ethnic group.
52. E. Bernstein, "South African Problem," p. 41.
msterdam News never mentioned Jews by name in
53. Chicago Defender, November 23, 1946, p. 15.
it censured a group of activists circulating pam-
54. Ibid., June 12, 1948, p. 14.
Ister of all Jewish merchants from Harlem. Ibid.,
55. Ibid., April 5,1947, p. 5. Specifically, White charged that Prime Minister
Atlee, with the connivance of the American State Department, had parried President
'48, p. 4; February 3, 1948, p. 4. Grayson even
Truman's proposal that 100,000 Jewish displaced persons be allowed to enter
were stirring up black Harlemites against storeow-
Palestine when the former suggested an Anglo-American commission be established
to
look into this matter. This, White felt, was only a delaying tactic. (White's
Mary Dale Paleson, eds., Jews in the South (Baton
information is based on a book by Bartley e. Crum, former advisor to Wendell
,ty Press, 1973), p. 334.
I, "A Jewish Problem in the South," The Recon­
Wilkie.)
56. Ibid.
): 11.
57. Ibid., May 17, 1947,p.14;NewYorkAmsterdamNews,January 19, 1946,p.
Ie previous footnote, appeared in The Reconstruc­
8.
"Reconstructionist Judaism. Its author reported that
58. New York Amsterdam News, August 9, 1947, p. 8.
felt southern Jews to be quite sympathetic with
59. Chicago Defender, May 15, 1948, p. 15.
-nomic ties. At the same time, Alpert wrote, blacks
60.
Ibid. Now, DuBois wrote, the Truman administration, like the British gov­
:: a common political alliance.
ernment, is retracting its promise to promote the establishment of a Jewish homeland
()n the Rampage, " The Sentinel 177 (November 8,
in Palestine.
61. New York Amsterdam News, May 11, 1946, p. 10. The author of this article,
I of the South and Some Daughters: Carolina Epistle
A.M.
Wendell Malliet, wrote regularly for the New York Amsterdam News and
tary 12 (November, 1951): 379-80. The statements
advocated what is now referred to as Third World ideology.
oject to erect a statue in honor of Judah P. Benjamin
62. Ibid. Earl Brown, another writer who wrote for the New York Amsterdam
News, took a less critical attitude towards Jewish immigration to Palestine. On
J, 1946, p. 15; May 5, 1951, p. 6; June 2, 1951, p. 6;
August 31, 1946, he wrote that Great Britain and the United States should have
,ril 28, 1945, p. IO-A.
absorbed Europe's homeless Jews. Since these two powers failed to do so, the
28, 1951, p. 6.
displaced Jews of Europe should be allowed to settle in Palestine.
63. Ibid. In January, 1946, Malliet reported that the Netherlands had earlier
~
nd Democratic Action," Chicago Jewish Forum 9
offered to resettle 30,000 Jews in Surinam. Malliet expressed his opposition to this
offer and suggested that Jewish displaced persons be sent to Australia, Canada, or
sect, the Church of God, Christian Workers for
some other "sparsely settled area." Ibid., January 17, 1948, p. 10.
.p, The Church of the Living God, the Pillar and
64. Chicago Defender, August 5, 1950, p. 6. Gertrude Martin who wrote the
at Jeremiah, Job, Jesus, and Moses' wife were of
of Willie Snow Ethridge's Going to Jerusalem, noted that Israel thereby
review
,t assert that blacks were superior to whites.
ignored a United Nations General Assembly resolution urging the Jewish state to
nber 14,1951, p. 4; Wolf Leslau, "The Black Jews
compensate Arab refugees for lost property.
e Falashas," Commentary 7 (March 1949): 216-21.
,. 4. A similar article appeared in The Sentinel,
n five percent of the Negro population was literate.
,lack population was literate, in numbers equalling
-1ore American blacks were studying in American
-e Canadians in their universities. Furthermore, the
• 50 percent in the years 1900-1949. Finally, the
-es to remember that Jews too are oppressed in the
, "The ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167
50
CONTEMPORARY JEWRY
65. Ibid. Gertrude Martin wrote that Miss Ethridge went to Palestine with an open
mind, "full of admiration for Israel and its accomplishments, but knowing little of
the Arabs." There she learned that Palestinian Arabs were an agricultural people
"who for centuries have cultivated the same land," only to be evicted from their
ancestral homeland and forced to live as refugees under very difficult conditions.
66. In July, 1948, Gertrude Martin praised the industry and devotion by which the
Jewish people had modernized Palestine. Ibid., July 31,1948, p. 15.
67. Ibid., June 23, 1945, p. 15.
68. Ibid. In the same article, Badger described the Arab League as an expression
of the legitimate, nationalistic aspirations of the Arab people.
69. Ibid., February 2, 1946, p. 15.
70. New York Amsterdam News, August 31, 1946, p. 10. In this article, Brown
emphatically stated that "the Jewish and Arab people [sic] in Palestine get along
together quite well."
71. Chicago Defender, November 24,1945, p. 15.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid., September 4, 1948, p. 15. On the eve ofthe establishment of the state of
Israel, A. Phillip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters,
urged the black community to support the United Nations' plan for the partition of
Palestine. New York Amsterdam News, March 6, 1948, p. 10.
74. Chicago Defender, September 4, 1948, p. IS.
75. New York Amsterdam News, May 10, 1947, p. 12.
76. Ibid., May 10, 1947, p. \. Rabbi Mathews claimed to be the representative for
all black Jews in the United States, who, he said, number about 30,000 persons.
77. In the same article, Rabbi Mathews complained that the black Jews of the
United States had' 'never been invited by any Zionist group to participate in the fight
for Palestine."
78. Chicago Defender, September 17, 1949, p. 7; September 24, 1949, p. 7.
79. Ibid., June 9, 1951, p. 7.
80. Ibid.
8\. On March 5,1949, p. 6, the Defender reported that Dr. Ralph Bunche and
his staff had finally obtained the consent "of the dark Arabs and fuzzy-haired
Jews" to sign an armistice in Palestine.
82. The Chicago Defender took a more historically accurate point of view when it
published several articles describing the Arabs as both friends and enemies of blacks.
On the one hand, they were the foremost dealers in African slaves (still, in 1948),
but, on the other hand, were less color-conscious than the Europeans. This was
reflected in the honored place held by blacks in the Moslem religion and in Arab
culture. Ibid., October 16, 1948, sec. III, p. 2; January 29, 1949, sec. III, p. 2.
83. New York Amsterdam News, February 23, 1946, p. 8.
84. Leo Pfeffer, "Columbia's Restricted Clientele," Jewish Spectator XII (July
1946): 25. Pfeffer explained that Jewish students applied to Negro schools because
Columbia and other northern universities limited the number of Jews who could
enroll in their medical schools.
85. Chicago Defender, March 5, 1949, p. 6.
SELECTIVE BLACK HOSTILITY 1
AND NON-JEWISH Wl
RONALD TADAO TSUKA
California State University, 1
Seldom have relationships between two minori.
those of blacks and Jews. Much has been written a
economic pressures exerted on both and by both g
series of conflicts and alliances (Berson, 1971). On
active supporters in the civil rights movement for b
been discriminated against by the larger white gent
Jewish concerns over the alleged' 'rising tide of blac
rancor and a reported' 'backlash" from the Jewish c,
conflict has generated considerable attention. Much,
the form of journalistic accounts or round-table
nature of black prejudice toward Jews (Midstream,
to clarify the issue by exploring the nature of ass\)
toward Jewish and non-Jewish whites.
There are several competing views on this mattel
anger toward whites is not based upon ethnicity. In
reflection of antipathy toward white society in g.
purposes that black anti-Semitism represents some
hostility toward white society. It is claimed that I
antagonism toward Jews, and hence are more likely
them than toward other whites. This line of rease
"middleman minorities." Commenting on this r.
(973) notes:
One of the principle peculiarities of these groups is the.
to most ethnic minorities, they occupy an intermediate);
certain occupations, notably trade and commerce, but
as agent, labor contractor, rent collector, money lende
middleman between producer and consumer, employe
elite and masses.
*This is a revised version of a paper read at the annual
Sociological Study of Jewry, September 1976 in New Yc