2013
Tal
Världsvattenveckan 2 september 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsministerns anförande vid öppnandet av Världsvattenveckan
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
It is a great honour for me to address this distinguished gathering. I would like to begin by thanking SIWI, which has organised this event since 1991.
The World Water Week is an important opportunity to meet practitioners, researchers and policy makers and I am delighted to be here today.
This year has been declared the International Year of Water Cooperation, and provides the backdrop to the theme of this year's Water Week: Water
Cooperation - Building Partnerships. This highlights questions such as why we need to cooperate, on what, at what level, with whom, and not least,
how.
To answer these questions we need to look at where we are - a rapidly changing world, a rapidly changing landscape. The global economy has
evolved dramatically over the past 10-15 years. Developing and emerging economies are driving economic growth. Democracy is emerging in
previously autocratic countries. Technological advances - in turn spurred by the rapid digitisation of our world - are made every day, providing new
and exciting opportunities for change.
Yet, as we all know, the road ahead is fraught with challenges. Conflicts continue to plague our world. Humanitarian crises continue to unfold.
Women's and girls' rights are still lagging behind - in some cases far, far behind. Today, one billion people are living in slums as a result of rapid
urbanisation. Global population growth adds to the pressure on already scarce resources. Access to food, energy, water and sanitation is threatened
by climate change. We see more flooding and more droughts.
The stakes are high. Well over one billion people who had no access to drinking water in 2000, when the MDGs were set, now do. This is a great
achievement! But the reality is that the world population has grown by roughly that same number and almost 800 million people today still lack safe
drinking water. Also, the MDG only aimed at halving the number of people without access to safe drinking water, so the other half remains.
About 2.5 billion people are in need of improved facilities and we are far from meeting the MDG sanitation target. At the current rate, sub-Saharan
Africa will not reach the target until 2076! That is a long time to wait! And if we include the need for sewage and wastewater treatment - so
important for managing the environment and for preventive health care - some 4 billion people are currently unserved. At the same time, water
usage is expected to increase by 22 per cent over the next twenty years or so. It is estimated that in 2030, half of the world population will live in
areas of water scarcity.
We are talking about a water crisis which is also a health crisis, a climate crisis, an agricultural crisis and an economic crisis. And it is also
increasingly becoming a political crisis. The water supply crisis as one of the world's greatest risks according to the World Economic Forum's Global
Risks 2013. Is all this enough of a wake-up call?
Friends,
Never before have 'partnership' and 'water' felt so relevant, so important, as they do today. Comprehensive challenges require comprehensive
solutions. Development aid, for which I am responsible, will not do the trick alone. Now more than ever, we need to encourage new thinking in the
way we go about our business. We must all be engaged, and bring our ideas, strengths and assets to the table to find sustainable solutions to these
challenges.
At global level, I welcome the growing partnerships and alliances that have formed around the notion of the crucial role that water and sanitation
play for sustainable development. The UNSG's Sanitation Drive, headed by Deputy Secretary-General Jan Eliasson, who is here with us today, is
just one example of this important work.
I believe there is a need to raise awareness of water issues, to reach out beyond the water experts. The potential gains of investing in water and
sanitation are great - according to the WHO, up to 4-5 times for every dollar spent in terms of life expectancy, productivity, better environment and
so forth. And in the same vein, not investing in water can cost a country up to 7per cent of its GDP, according to some estimates.
Consider this: in just one day, 200 million work hours are spent by women collecting water for their families, which is equivalent to building 28
Empire State Buildings each day. This is time not spent working at an income-generating job, caring for family members, or attending school.
Millions of girls and women are prohibited from accomplishing little more than survival. This is not merely about gender issues or human dignity.
This is about lost opportunities. We need to get not only water or environment ministers to work (or development ministers like me for that
matter!) but our finance ministers too.
And this brings me to another type of partnership that I see as crucial for tackling the water crisis. We need to be better at bridging the gap between
researchers and policy makers, and not the least economists. We need to be better at producing real time data on what works and what doesn't, as a
basis to inform our decision-making. And we need to be better at putting a real value on water so as to understand that we are dealing with a finite
and precious resource.
Friends,
Let's be clear about this: the water we need for survival is a human right, and must be made available to everyone, and subsidised, wherever they
are, even if they cannot pay for it. But is it reasonable that irrigating a large crop field or fracking huge quantities of water into the earth should be
priced in the same way? While pricing of water is a contentious issue, one must consider whether wasting water should not have a bigger price tag
than it does today. In the end, it's about ensuring everyone's equal right to water for personal and domestic use, and that of future generations.
Perhaps only then will we fully understand the real value of water, use it responsibly and, not the least, create the necessary incentives for more
water-efficient alternatives, or even substitutes. Perhaps only then will we see that there is no such thing as wastewater, only water that is wasted.
I believe it is fundamental to get the private sector and more companies on board in a new type of partnership that makes water a priority. In this
context, I would like to commend the great work being done by the Swedish Textile Water Initiative, a joint partnership between 33 Swedish textile
and leather retail companies and SIWI to guide water management in the manufacturing of clothes, shoes and textiles throughout the
manufacturing chain. This is innovative thinking; it is smart partnership and smart economics. Your work inspires me and many others, I am sure.
I would like to emphasise the need for innovation and collaboration with corporations and small businesses. We need new approaches to
investments, new partnerships, to create solutions that are relevant to poor people and make them widely available. Aid can serve to share risks, but
it can also be catalytic in mobilising resources for innovations and sustainable scale-ups. I am particularly excited that through our mutual
commitment to science, technology, innovation and entrepreneurship we will be launching of a new water initiative by USAID and Sweden later this
morning. This is yet another important form of partnership, one between donor governments that share a common concern and recognise the need
to jointly tackle a particular issue. But more on that a bit later.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Access to clean drinking water and sanitation is a human right. It is also a question of human and social development. In the long term, democratic
governance and human rights, responsible leadership and functioning institutions are all fundamental to tackling water challenges in a holistic and
sustainable way. This approach has been a cornerstone of Swedish development assistance to the water sector, and will continue to be.
The importance of democracy and governance for sustainable development has guided my work on the UN High-Level Panel on the Post-2015
Development Agenda. In our final report to the UN Secretary-General, we recommended that a goal on universal access to water and sanitation by
2030 be included in the post-2015 development agenda . In the Panel's view, it is only through a concerted effort that we will be able to drive real
transformation and forge a new global partnership.
At the heart of these efforts remains the need to see poor people's own priorities, needs and aspirations. We know that when resources become
scarcer, it is those at the bottom of the ladder who will become even more vulnerable. To these people, I believe we have a special responsibility.
And when people are empowered, given a voice, they can be truly inspiring entrepreneurs. That is something we should encourage, and make the
most of.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I hope that during this Water Week we will be guided by the notion of partnership, and that together we will find ways of translating that idea into
practice to create a concrete and tangible impact on the ground. I look forward to continuing this important discussion with you and wish you all a
very productive week.
Thank you.
Tal
Seminarium om remitteringar från Sverige 22 augusti 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlssons tal om remitteringar
Utveckling handlar i grunden om att utöka människors möjligheter. Ett av människans äldsta sätt att ta sig ur fattigdom och utöka sina möjligheter
är att migrera. Genom att förflytta sig bort från naturkatastrofer och oroligheter eller till mer bördig mark, städer eller mer dynamiska ekonomier,
har människor genom historien kunnat expandera sina möjligheter.
UNDP visade i sin rapport om mänsklig utveckling från 2009 att en person som migrerar från ett fattigt land till ett rikt land i genomsnitt kan öka
sin inkomst 15 gånger, dubblera skolgången och minska barnadödligheten 16 gånger.
Men det är inte bara migranten själv som kan dra nytta av migration. Beslutet att migrera utgör ofta en viktig inkomststrategi även för
familjemedlemmar och släktingar som stannar kvar i ursprungslandet. Förra året skickade migranter och diasporagrupper i rika länder över 400
miljarder dollar till låg- och medelinkomstländer. Dessa privata medel, som går direkt till familjemedlemmar eller andra nära och kära motsvarar
tre gånger det globala biståndet och skapar därmed enorma möjligheter.
De investeras ofta i hälsa, utbildning och boende, förutom att användas till dagliga konsumtionsbehov i ursprungslandet. Forskningen visar att
familjer som tar emot remitteringar generellt har en högre inkomstnivå och lägre förekomst av extrem fattigdom. En 10 procentig ökning av
remitteringar till länder leder i genomsnitt till en drygt tre procentig minskning i antalet människor som lever i fattigdom.
Likaså finns forskning som visar på remitteringars betydelse för hälsan. Från Sri Lanka och Mexiko finns till exempel forskning som visar att barn i
familjer som tar emot remitteringar väger mer vid födseln och att barnadödligheten är lägre bland dessa.
Världsbanken har visat att barn, särskilt flickor, i familjer som mottar remitteringar i länder som Etiopien, Ghana och Indien har större möjlighet att
gå i skolan. Från El Salvador och Filippinerna rapporteras det om lägre avhopp från skolan från dem som får remitteringar och i ett antal länder i
Afrika studerar dessa barn vidare på högre nivå än barn från jämförbara familjer utan remitteringar.
Remitteringarna är självklart av störst betydelse för de enskilda hushåll som tar emot pengarna, men påverkar även ekonomin och
samhällsutvecklingen som helhet. I flera mindre länder är remitteringar en helt central del av ekonomin, i t.ex. Tajikistan utgör remitteringar hela
47 procent av BNP. Remitteringar är näst efter utländska direktinvesteringar den största källan till extern finansiering i många låginkomstländer
och flödena tenderar också att vara stabila. Jämfört med många andra typer av finansiella flöden som ofta avtar i samband med nationella kriser,
tenderar flödet av remitteringar istället att öka i samband med att behoven ökar. Ett exempel på detta är Egypten där de utländska investeringarna
under de senaste åren rasat, medan remitteringarna under samma tid i det närmaste tredubblats.
Remitteringar har således stor potential för människor att på eget initiativ öka möjligheterna för framförallt sina nära och kära, men även påverka
utvecklingen i sina ursprungsländer i positiv riktning.
Samtidigt som remitteringarna redan idag bidrar till utveckling finns det potential att ytterligare stärka deras fattigdomsminskande effekt. De allra
flesta som skickar pengar sänder små summor och de avgifter som transfereringsföretag tar ut för tjänsten kan därför göra stor skillnad. Det kostar i
genomsnitt 10 kronor för varje hundralapp en migrant skickar hem till sina familjemedlemmar. För ett antal år sedan enades därför några av
världens största ekonomier, genom G20, om att verka för att sänka dessa transaktionskostnader med fem procentenheter - från 10 procent till fem
procent. Detta skulle med dagens volymer frigöra över 20 miljarder dollar till migranters familjer, med uppenbara utvecklingseffekter för dessa.
Sverige ska vara med och bidra till detta. Regeringen har därför tagit fasta på remitteringars utvecklingseffekter. Inom politiken för global
utveckling har vi klargjort målsättningen att verka för säkrare och billigare remitteringar från Sverige till utvecklingsländer samt öka
utvecklingseffekterna av dessa. Det här seminariet är ett steg för att få olika aktörer som berörs av och påverkar remitteringarnas kostnader och
utvecklingseffekter att tillsammans diskutera hur vi kan arbeta med detta.
Sverige arbetar även internationellt med att få ett starkare erkännande av migration som drivkraft i den kommande utvecklingsagendan post-2015.
Genom mitt engagemang i Generalsekreterarens högnivåpanel om denna bjöd jag in till ett expertmöte i Stockholm tidigare i år. Där framhävdes
bland annat remitteringarnas betydelse och det konstaterades att stater bör planera för att ta tillvara de positiva effekter och hantera de negativa
konsekvenser som migration medför. Detta är något vi för med oss i det fortsatta arbetet med post-2015 utvecklingsagendan, där t.ex.
remitteringar bör ha en självklar plats.
Tal
19 augusti 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Humanitära biståndet - når hjälpen fram till behövande?
Gunilla Carlsson inledningstalar på UDs seminarium på World Humanitarian Day.
Det är glädjande att se att det finns stort intresse för att diskutera humanitära utmaningar.
Den humanitära Världsdagen (World Humanitarian Day) anordnas till minne av Sergio Vieira de Mello, FN:s representant i Irak som dödades
tillsammans med 21 andra personer när en bilbomb detonerades vid FN-högkvarteret i Baghdad. Den här dagen uppmärksammar och hedrar de
hundratusentals humanitära biståndsarbetare som trots stor osäkerhet fortsätter att rädda liv och lindra nöd hos dem som drabbats av katastrofer
eller konflikt.
Idag har det gått tio år sedan bombdådet i Bagdhad, och vi kan tragiskt nog konstatera att Irak, liksom många andra platser där humanitära aktörer
verkar fortsätter att vara mycket osäkra platser. En våg av bilbomber medförde att den senaste månaden utgjorde den blodigaste Ramadan i Irak på
flera år.
Ett bra sätt att hedra de insatser som görs världen över idag är att belysa utmaningar vi står inför, erkänna de svårigheter som vi måste hantera, och
diskutera hur vi bäst angriper detta med gemensamma krafter. Därför är jag mycket glad att sitta på den här panelen tillsammans med
representanter för några av våra viktigaste humanitära samarbetspartners.
Vi kan konstatera att samtidigt som globala humanitära behov har ökat under senare år, har det humanitära arbetet blivit mer komplicerat och
farligt. Det är en verklighet vi måste förhålla oss till, för att fortsatt kunna bidra med effektivt humanitärt stöd. Sverige kommer fortsätta att ta
ansvar för att rädda liv och lindra nöd. För att vi ska kunna göra det är vi beroende av våra samarbetspartners i fält, vars skickliga personal tar
risker för att nå ut till drabbade människor.
Hittills i år har 189 biståndsarbetare varit utsatta för olika typer av våld, 72 av dem har förlorat sitt liv. Jag är särskilt oroad över uppgifter om den
förvärrade situationen för sjukvårdspersonal, vilket tas upp i Internationella Röda Kors-kommitténs kampanj Health Care in Danger. I
ICRC berättar om en utveckling där sjukvårdspersonal inte endast utsätts för våld när de hamnar i skottlinjen utan i vissa fall utgör en måltavla. Att
vaccinationskampanjer attackeras systematiskt och utsätts för riktade angrepp är en illavarslande utveckling, likaså de uppföljningsattacker
("follow-up attacks") som innebär att ambulanspersonal och sjukvårdspersonal som utför första hjälpen kommer till skada när du undsätter andra.
Som så ofta annars vet vi att det är den lokala personalen som är mest utsatt. Detta är en utveckling vi måste ta på allvar. Jag är säker på att flera av
paneldeltagarna kan belysa den här problematiken.
Jag får som biståndsminister ofta frågan om hjälpen kommer fram. Sanningen är att vi inte alltid vet hur mycket som kommer fram. Det betyder
inte att vi kommer dra ner våra biståndsnivåer framöver, eller välja att avstå. Det går inte att sätta en prislapp på ett liv, och dra oss ur vissa insatser
för att vi anser att det är för komplext eller att kostnaden blir för hög.
Det förblir ett faktum att hjälp hamnar på avvägar, till individer och ändamål som inte avsetts. Med andra ord kommer vi fortsätta att ta vissa
kalkylerade risker, och dela risker med de stora humanitära organisationerna. Det vore både naivt och orealistiskt att ha som krav att inte en krona
får gå till spillo.
Idag har vi inte tillräcklig tillgänglig data för att ge ett tydligt svar på frågan hur stort problemet med korruption är inom det humanitära biståndet,
men bör inte ducka för antagandet - med tanke på riskerna är höga i de humanitära miljöerna - att korruptionen är hög, vilket i sin tur påverkar hur
väl biståndet når fram.
Vi kommer självklart fortsätta bedriva svensk humanitär politik med öppna ögon, och trycka på för skarpare åtgärder inom de organisationer som
får svenskt stöd för att bekämpa korruption och svinn.
Vårt ansvar som givare består inte endast i att pumpa in pengar i det humanitära systemet. Som regering har vi en minst lika viktig roll att spela
genom att stå upp för de humanitära principerna. Vid upprepade tillfällen framför vi tydliga budskap och krav på att parter i konflikter lever upp till
skyldigheter under internationell humanitär rätt, både offentligt och bakom stängda dörrar. Här tror jag att vi kan göra ännu mer, och jag ser fram
emot att höra vad panellisterna anser om humanitär diplomati.
Humanitära principer är inget vi viftar med för sakens skull, faktum är att de har praktisk betydelse i fält, och kan innebära skillnad mellan att liv
och död. Den extrema situationen i Syrien är ett exempel på en politiserad kris som riskerar att leda till kortsiktiga beslut och insatser - där har vi
vid upprepade tillfällen påmint om vårt gemensamma ansvar att hålla den humanitära agendan åtskild från det politiska. Det är endast genom att
säkerställa att humanitet, oberoende, neutralitet och självständighet ligger till grund för de humanitära insatserna som vi kan garantera att bistånd
kan levereras säkert och effektivt.
En viktig resurs som jag anser att vi kan och bör utnyttja bättre är lokalbefolkningen och mottagarna själva. Vi måste sluta behandla befolkningen vi
kommit för att undsätta som hjälplösa offer, och ta oss tid till dialog. Vår grundinställning måste vara att individer och lokala samhällen har
förmågor som vi genom humanitära insatser ska tillvarata och stärka. Dessutom måste vi stärka möjligheter till ansvarsutkrävande och se till att de
som drabbats av en katastrof kan göra sina röster hörda. Individer som får hjälp ska få vara med att definiera behov, utvärdera insatser och ha rätt
att klaga när något går snett. Först då behandlas mottagare med den respekt de förtjänar.
En obehaglig sanning som är värd att ta upp i det här sammanhanget är det faktum att majoriteten av sexuella övergrepp som FN-personal gör sig
skyldig till begås av humanitära arbetare. Att upprätta mekanismer för att rapportera sådana överträdelser är ett grundläggande första steg. Genom
att ta sig tid att lyssna bygger man förtroende bland befolkningen; förtroende och acceptans som i sig är grundläggande för att hum-organisationer
ska kunna verka.
Mottagare av humanitärt bistånd i fattiga länder ställer ibland frågan: "Ni räddar mitt liv idag - men vilket slags liv kommer jag att leva imorgon?"
Det är en relevant fråga.
Det är avgörande att vi bryter ner de stuprör vi tenderar att jobba i och genomgående bidrar till fattiga människors och samhällens motståndskraft
mot olika slags kriser.
Humanitära organisationer är verksamma i ett stort antal utdragna kriser, men bör i regel upphöra då en utsatt befolknings omedelbara nöd har
lindrats och förhållandena har stabiliserats. Likafullt kan, och bör, humanitärt bistånd ha en utvecklingsgynnande verkan, exempelvis genom att
bibehålla befolkningens hälsa och upprätthålla undervisning.
Vi vet av erfarenhet att felriktade insatser under den akuta krisfasen snarare stjälper än hjälper i det långa loppet. Det är dock glädjande att se att vi
lär oss; genom att övergå till matkuponger har man på flera ställen minskat den negativa inverkan på lokala marknader, och på så sätt haft en
gynnande inverkan på det långsiktiga arbetet med att bekämpa fattigdom.
Trots stora utmaningar på det humanitära området ser jag de framsteg som görs, och möjligheter att fortsätta förbättra och förstärka det
humanitära systemet. Som en av världens största humanitära givare kommer Sverige vara med och föra den agendan vidare.
Jag ser fram emot vår diskussion här idag.
Tal
World Health Assembly 21 maj 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Keynote speech by Ms Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development
Cooperation, Sweden
Check against delivery
Mme/Mr President, Director-General, Dr Chan, fellow ministers, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
It is an honour for me to address this powerful assembly. There is nothing more powerful than being responsible for the survival and healthy lives of
women, men, girls and boys in every part of our world. I and I feel humble speaking in front of you who have millions of people's lives and health in
your hands.
I have had the privilege of serving as the Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation for almost 7 years now. My main objective is
to contribute to enabling poor people to raise themselves out of poverty, and during this time I have come to the conclusion that investments in
women's and children's health is one of the most important choices we can make.
I strongly believe that every girl and boy, woman and man, should be allowed to make maximum use of their potential. As governments we can only
provide the right environment to enable individuals to make the best possible choices for their own future.
If we empower people, respect their individual human rights and equip them with the knowledge, resources and freedom, and a safe and secure
environment to express themselves, we have come a long way. However, individuals do not only have rights - they also have obligations, to make
responsible decisions about their lives and ultimately their health, including their sexual and reproductive health.
Poverty reduction, human rights, sustainable development and health are intrinsically linked.
We know that the survival of children is closely related to the level of education of their mothers. Promoting gender equality in all areas of life and
enabling girls and young women to have access to higher education is one of the most strategic investments we can make. We know that this is
linked not only to lower child mortality but also to a decline in fertility rates and to economic growth.
The lessons from Sweden, and now also from countries like Bangladesh, is that when girls are allowed to access higher education they will have
fewer children and delay both marriage and pregnancy until later in life.
And women entering the labour market will contribute substantially to economic growth. Equal rights and opportunities are not only important
core values in themselves in society, they are also directly linked to survival and health.
As we know, Jim Kim has a background at the WHO and he makes no secret of the fact that investment in people's health is close to his heart. The
vision he presented recently at the Bank's spring meeting in Washington builds on two interlinked dimensions - ending poverty and fostering
prosperity. In this, health is both an important element in ending poverty and also an important dimension in ensuring wellbeing and prosperity.
I am a member of the High-level Panel appointed by the UN Secretary-General to advise on the post-2015 development agenda. We will present our
final report in New York in just a few days' time.
We have listened carefully to people from across the world and the messages are clear. We need to continue the work that is on-going in terms of
achieving the present Millennium Development Goals, but we also need to increase our level of ambition and take account of the fact that the world
has changed a lot since the year 2000.
Ending extreme poverty is a moral obligation for all of us, but it will not be enough. We need to ensure a healthy planet with healthy people, for now
and for the future.
Sweden was pleased to work with the government of Botswana, UNICEF and the WHO on the global thematic post-2015 health consultation. An
impressive number of organisations, researchers and think tanks, development actors of all kinds and individuals contributed to the discussions and
the final report, which was published just last month.
The conclusions are that we need to step up our efforts to achieve the present MDGs and even to go beyond those targets. Almost 300 000 women
still die every year because of pregnancy-related complications. No woman should die because she gives birth. Girls and young women aged 15 to 19
make up a majority of those who die as a result of pregnancy or childbirth. Early marriage and early pregnancy pose significant challenges to the life
prospects of girls and young women, and must be prevented and opposed. Some 6.9 million children die before their fifth birthday. We can prevent
this.
But the consultations also pointed to the fact that diseases such as diabetes, cancers and coronary heart diseases are no longer exclusive to the
richer parts of the world, but rather are already closely linked to poverty and deprivation. We can prevent many of these diseases without major
costs, and we must step up our efforts now.
Based on the lessons from the present MDGs there was also a clear conclusion that we need a stronger focus on gender equality and equity, both in
terms of access but also in terms of financing of health services. The concept of universal health coverage illustrates this well.
The report proposes a new overarching global health goal - maximising healthy lives.
Let me share my vision and my priorities for what "Maximising health for all people and at all stages of life" should mean in practice:
1. Starting at the beginning - at birth
2. Having survived the first month - childhood
3. Growing up and becoming an adolescent - an important step in life, but also associated with risks
4. Becoming an adult, and possibly having children
5. Ageing - enjoying healthy advanced years
Ladies and gentlemen, I have taken you on a journey through life. In recent decades, we have achieved a lot in terms of improved health. The data
from the Global Burden of Disease study published in December last year showed us that, compared to 1990, today we live five years longer but
only four healthy years longer.
The conclusion is that we are living longer but not getting healthier at the same rate. This will have consequences for the cost for health services,
and in terms of individual suffering.
We need to change our mental focus from disease and survival to health and maximising healthy lives lived.
What we need is for all women and men, boys and girls, to be able to make more healthy choices.
The ultimate decision rests with individuals, but as governments we have responsibilities, and the engagement of civil society, researchers and
private sector actors is crucial.
I believe that there is a strong case for all employers (private and public) to invest more in their employees' health. Healthy workers are more
productive workers, and job satisfaction boosts profits as well as morale: a win-win situation that is good for business, good for people and good for
society.
We need also an international system that is responsive to and supportive of the needs of people and countries.
I am delighted to be here today at the UN along with the WHO, the World Bank and the African Union. The recent intensified dialogue between the
UN system and the Bretton-Woods institutions is very promising and welcome. President Kim, your personal commitment to work across
organisations means a great deal to us as well as yours, Ms Zuma, chairing the Union of African countries.
The International Health Partnership lunch event today was an excellent example of how the health community is taking a lead in showing how the
international system can work more effectively together. The messages from countries like Senegal, Myanmar and Ethiopia were clear in terms of
how international partners need to evolve and change the way we work and behave. The responses from the international partners were just as clear
- we are prepared to walk the talk.
Let me round off by sharing my perspectives on the WHO.
There are few organisations that enjoy as much respect as the WHO. Dr Chan - Margaret - when you speak the world listens!
But there is room for improvement. I would like to see a WHO that focuses even more on its six core functions. The WHO is and should be the
natural health leader and convener. Providing evidence and guidelines is an essential function. There is a need to improve on making policy advice
available and the provision of technical support. And finally, monitoring health trends is a function that requires independence and integrity.
The international health system, as it has evolved, needs an even stronger and sharper WHO. Times have changed and so must the WHO.
By focusing more clearly on the six core functions and investing more in the management of performance across the organisation, the quality of the
work could potentially improve.
The good thing is that reforms have been initiated and are under way. This year we are looking forward to a more efficient and transparent system
for the financing of the organisation. However, this is only a means to improve the quality of the work. Focusing on expected results, accountability
and transparency is the key to success.
Margaret, you have my full support and - I believe - that of all our colleagues in this room to take bold and effective decisions, making the WHO the
modern and effective organisation we all want.
Let me conclude by saying that our goal must be a healthy planet with healthy people who are able to make healthy choices, now and for the future.
Thank you.
Tal
Milleniemålspanelens möte i Indonesien 26 mars 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlssons anförande vid Milleniemålspanelens möte i
Indonesien
Det talade ordet gäller
Like many of you, I come from a country of migrants. 14 per cent of those who are Swedes today were born in another country, and this figure is
expected to rise to 18 per cent by 2050.
Migration has been a part of Sweden's history for hundreds of years. During the 1800s and early 1900s, more than one million Swedes migrated to
the United States in search of a better life. Many places in the US have names that clearly speak of their Swedish heritage, such as "Stockholm",
after our capital city.
The Swedes who moved to the United States did so because living conditions in the US were better than those in Sweden at the time. The new
country offered better opportunities. Many of today's Swedes who were born in another country moved for the same reason.
The case of Sweden is not unique. On the contrary. Migration is a natural condition for human beings. Throughout human history, we have always
moved in search of better conditions and opportunities. Both inside countries, to urban areas, and across borders. Migration is one of the oldest
remedies against poverty.
Today, almost one billion people are migrants, either domestic or international. This means that one out of seven people are on the move. Just like
the Swedes who migrated to the United States, the millions of people who move from low-income countries to middle- or high-income ones are
creating a better life for themselves and for their families.
The figures speak for themselves. The 2009 Human Development Report showed that migrants who moved from countries with low human
development index figures to countries with a higher HDI managed to increase their incomes 15 times over on average. Education enrolment rates
among migrants doubled and child mortality rates were reduced 16-fold.
The positive effects go well beyond the individual migrant. The remittances that migrants send back to their families who remain at home are three
times the size of total ODA and for many countries represent the second largest of all financial inflows.
Given all this, it is obvious that migration has contributed strongly to progress towards many of the MDGs. Both remittance flows and the general
increases in wealth associated with migration have contributed to the success of MDG 1 (halving extreme poverty).
Surveys have shown that households that receive remittances typically invest in their children's education, translating into progress on MDG 2
(achieving universal primary education). Studies have also shown that these households have better access to medicines and health care, enabling
progress towards MDGs 4, 5 and 6 (reducing child mortality, improving maternal health, and combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases).
Migration often transforms people's attitudes, and many of the women who migrate independently to find work also manage to take greater control
over their lives. Through this process, migration has probably also created progress towards MDG 3 (promoting gender equality and empowering
women).
Migration and mobility will continue to be powerful drivers for development. Through our framework, we need to take advantage of its strong
potential, and recognise it as a strong enabler.
Therefore, I believe that our report should include migration both in the narrative and by acknowledging the need for stronger partnerships and
global cooperation on migration.
The narrative needs to emphasise the role of migration and mobility as drivers of development goals. It also needs to spell out that migration should
not be forced. It is simply a natural condition of humankind, and leaving one's home country is a human right. Our report should not focus on the
number of people who migrate, but instead on the conditions determining migration. Focusing on the individual migrant is important, because our
report should take a people-centred approach.
In short, our narrative could strive for a global situation where those who choose to move do so under conditions that expand their capabilities and
guarantee their basic human rights. This requires that governments plan for the opportunities that migration brings and the challenges that arise.
Migration should also be included as an enabler. The global flow of remittances is an illustrative example of how stronger cooperation on migration
could drive development. The G20 has already made a commitment to reduce transaction costs for remittances by five percentage points by 2014.
According to the World Bank, this would free up USD 16 billion in increased remittances. We can suggest a similar commitment, or perhaps an even
more ambitious one.
Finally, we should point to the need for partnerships to facilitate people's mobility - to make migration safer, less costly and more beneficial to the
people living in the poorest conditions. This could include commitments to reduce the costs that migrants face, and to ensure that they can enjoy
decent working conditions.
We must also remember that migration is not only about economic development. Leaving one's country is a human right for all individuals, which
needs to be respected by all countries.
Migration often puts pressure on governments to perform better. Many migrants "vote with their feet", and the act of migration is often a statement
that conditions at home are not good enough. Today, all governments need to struggle to convince talented people to stay in their countries, and to
attract talent from other places.
I am certain that all of you have many good ideas on how migration should be integrated into our framework suggestion, and I am looking forward
to discussing this with you.
Thank you.
Tal
Världsvattendagen i Stockholm 22 mars 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Sr Gunilla Carlssons tal under världsvattendagen i Stockholm
Det talade ordet gäller
God morgon, det känns väldigt roligt att få vara här idag och prata om vatten.
Tillgången till rent vatten är något som vi i Sverige idag tar för givet. Många av oss tänker säkert inte på vad som faktiskt krävs för att få gott vatten
att rinna ur kranen där hemma. Bakom de flesta fungerande system finns ofta utvecklade partnerskap mellan människor, företag, myndigheter och
lagstiftare. Många av de system som vi har i Sverige bygger på olika former av samarbeten - eller partnerskap - och syftar till att lösa utmaningar
som vattenförsörjningen. På samma vis har ofta partnerskap mellan staten, näringslivet och det civilsamhälle varit en förutsättning för att hitta sätt
att finansiera de nödvändiga investeringarna.
FN har förklarat att 2013 är "det internationella året för vattensamarbete" och idag firar vi alltså FN:s världsvattendag. Temat för konferensen här i
idag är "vatten som förenar - lönar det sig att samarbeta?". Frågan är givetvis retorisk. Samarbete är självklart, utmaningen är hur och inom vilka
områden vi kan bidra på bästa sätt för att göra en skillnad - det vill jag att vi talar om idag.
För mig är alltså vatten en rättighet - men också en skyldighet. Vad jag menar med skyldighet är att vi alla har ett ansvar att se till att det vatten vi
använder nu kan delas med andra och det vatten vi lämnar efter oss till nästa generation också kan användas senare. Det är den mest vitala delen av
vårt förvaltaransvar.
Demokrati, mänskliga rättigheter, ansvarsfullt ledarskap och fungerande institutioner som är fria från korruption är viktiga för en sådan ansvarsfull
hantering av vattenresurserna.
I arbetet i FN:s högnivåpanel för utvecklingsagendan efter 2015 lägger jag stort fokus vid frågor om demokrati och god samhällsstyrning. Jag gör
givetvis det därför att de frågorna spänner över flera områden samtidigt - och vatten är självklart en sådan fråga. Jag menar att bistånd är ett viktigt
verktyg för att stärka de allra fattigaste människors tillgång till vatten, men det är enskilda stater som måste ta ett eget ansvar för att bygga hållbara
system för samarbete/partnerskap för att säkra vattentillgången i samhället.
I det bygget måste man utgå från ett individperspektiv, från rättigheter, behov och möjligheten att kunna påverka sin egen situation. När människor
tillåts få makt över sin egen vardag skapas dynamik, innovation och entreprenörskap. Det måste vi uppmuntra och ta tillvara.
Jag har givetvis inte alla svar - jag behöver er hjälp! Det är därför vi är här idag. Jag har en stark ambition att påverka det internationella arbetet och
bidra till att smarta lösningar kommer till nytta som kan skapa hållbara resultat.
Jag hoppas att vi under dagen ska diskutera konkreta och nya lösningar på hur vi kan bidra till att skapa bättre förutsättningar för fattiga
människor. För dem spelar minst sagt ett vattenglas en avgörande roll för överlevnad. Vilka är alltså de viktiga samarbetsområdena för att lösa
vattenfrågorna?
När vi pratar vattenfrågor måst vi förhålla oss till de stora förändringar och utmaningar som utvecklingssamarbetet står inför idag. Och även
biståndet måste ta hänsyn till det. År 2050 räknar FN:s jordbruks- och livsmedelsorganisation (FAO) med att den globala matproduktionen kommer
behöva öka med 70 procent jämfört med idag. Efterfrågan på energi från vattenkraft och andra förnybara energikällor beräknas öka med 60
procent. Samtidigt kommer 70 procent av jordens befolkning att bo i städer och det kommer självklart att få konsekvenser för kraven på servicen i
samhället såsom större behov av rent vatten och fungerande sanitet. Men redan år 2025 kommer en tredje del av världens befolkning att leva med
så kallad vattenstress. Det betyder ju att resurserna är otillräckliga så som vi utnyttjar vatten idag.
I detta läge är det därför inte konstigt att FN har förklarat att rent vatten är en mänsklig rättighet - men samtidigt lever fortfarande ca 800 miljoner
människor utan tillgång till rent vatten; flera miljoner människor dör varje år av vattenrelaterade sjukdomar; och 2,5 miljarder människor saknar
tillgång till acceptabel sanitet. Jag menar att lösningen är samarbete!
Ytterligare en dimension på vattenproblemet är att en stor andel av jordens befolkning bor i områden med gräns-överskridande vatten.
Gemensamma vattenresurser är en källa till både konflikt - men självklart också fredlig samvaro.
Från svensk sida jobbar vi idag på flera fronter. Låt mig förklara. Inom ramen för utvecklingssamarbetet har Sverige bidragit med insatser till
gränsöverskridande vattensamarbete i flera områden i världen såsom Mekong, Nilen, Pungwe och Viktoriasjöområdet. Men vi är även engagerade
på andra håll. Ett konkret exempel på hur Sverige arbetar internationellt är vårt stöd till Jordens Vänner i Mellanöstern. Det är ett projekt som
syftar till att utbilda bland annat ungdomar från Israel, Palestina och Jordanien för att de bättre ska förstå innebörden av gränsöverskridande
vattenresurser. Detta har också stärkt relationen mellan invånare och samhällen i regionen och ökat medvetenheten om värdet av gemensamma
vattenresurser.
Vi jobbar också mycket lokalt med tillgången till vatten bland annat i flera byar i Kenya. Där har de bildats lokala "Water Resource Users
Associations" (WRUAs) för att hantera nyttjandet och skötseln av de gemensamma vattenanläggningarna. Sverige har bidragit till att det har
inrättats ca 140 WRUAs i Kenya. Det kommer att direkt och indirekt gynna över 700 000 personer i de berörda områdena.
Vi har även partnerskap med olika internationella aktörer och har som en av världens största bidragsgivare till FN-systemet varit del i att MDG för
vatten nåddes hela fem år innan 2015. Samtidigt är vi långt ifrån att nå MDGs sanitetsmål.
Det är samtidigt viktigt att nya initiativ tas - nya samarbeten blommar upp. Inom bland annat mat- dryckes- och textilbranschen har det allmänt
under senare år tagits steg för att säkra en hållbar vattenanvändning i produktionen.
Jag vet också att Renée som ska tala senare idag snart ska åka till en workshop i Indien för att tillsammans med SIWI, KappAhl och Lindex jobba
med processer för att spara vatten i de färg- och våtprocesser som finns i textilindustrin. Detta är förändringar som kommer människor och miljön
direkt till godo. Detta tycker jag är ett bra exempel på samarbete mellan svenska företag och SIWI. Det är nytänkande - och det är en typ av
samarbete vi behöver mycket mer av!
Vi behöver alltså hitta fler nya vägar, nya innovationer och självklart finansiering. Samtidigt har Sverige som jag påtalat lång erfarenhet från
utvecklingssamarbete på vattenområdet i låginkomstländer. På Sida finns dessutom både sak kompetens och nödvändiga finansiella instrument.
Det är utmärkt. Men de globala vattenutmaningarna är för stora för att ett land, en organisation eller ett företag ensamt ska kunna hantera dem.
Men tillsammans kan vi göra mer.
Jag vill se ett förstärkt partnerskap mellan regeringen, näringsliv, civilsamhällsorganisationer, internationella organisationer och forskarsamhället
för att få fler lösningar.
Hur stödjer vi bäst den fattiga människan, vilka är hennes stora utmaningar?
Hur kan vi hantera den ökade konkurrensen om vatten mellan olika sektorer, jordbruk, industri och energi?
Vilka mekanismer kan användas för att balansera och effektivt hantera den ökade efterfrågan på vatten?
Jag har under mina år som minister tagit till mig vattenfrågors stora betydelse. Vatten ingår också som en del av de viktiga frågor jag tar upp inom
ramen för mitt arbete med högnivå panelen för post 2015.
Jag anser att Sverige behöver en stark och tydlig vattenpolitik och kommer därför titta närmare på hur ett förtydligat och stärkt agerande från
Sverige skulle kunna se ut. Min utgångspunkt är den fattiga människans och hennes perspektiv. Vilka behov ser hon? Var är behoven störst, var kan
vi utnyttja svensk kompetens bäst och framförallt var kan vi göra en skillnad och bidra till förändring?
Tack!
Tal
Donor conference on Syria 31 januari 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
SWEDISH STATEMENT AT DONOR CONFERENCE ON SYRIA
DELIVERED BY MINISTER FOR DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION MRS GUNILLA CARLSSON IN KUWAIT ON 30 JANUARY 2013
Your Highness, Secretary-General, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
Let me first of all thank the Emir of Kuwait and the United Nations Secretary-General for convening this important meeting.
The briefings today have clearly spelled out the grave situation in Syria. The winter has made the already terrible situation worse, and there are
indications that the flow of refugees hasaccelerated. There seems to be no let-up in the fighting. It is clear that we will have to stand ready to support
those suffering from the violence and the unrest for a long time to come.
I would like to express our full support and appreciation for the United Nations' efforts to meet the needs of those affected in Syria and
neighbouring countries. I would also like to commend the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, with the support of the International Committee of the Red
Cross, and NGOs, who are doing dedicated work on the ground in Syria despite operating in a difficult environment.
Let me highlight two key areas of grave concern:
1) The continued limited humanitarian access on the ground. This must be addressed further at all levels and with both the regime and the
opposition. It is important that our assistance reaches Syrians in need.
2) The continued reports of attacks on hospitals, aid workers and medical facilities are particularly appalling. It is essential to obtain a commitment
from all sides to the humanitarian principles of impartiality, neutrality and independence. I therefore urge all parties to fully adhere to international
humanitarian law.
Sweden would like to stress the leading role of ERC Amos and OCHA in coordinating the international humanitarian response.
The neighbouring countries have born a significant burden as a result of the unrest in Syria. Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Turkey have all received
and supported people fleeing the fighting in Syria. I have visited all of them. The resources of the neighbouring countries are becoming increasingly
strained. It is incumbent on the humanitarian community to step up their support to these countries. UNHCR plays a crucial role in co-ordinating
this support.
The situation of Palestinians refugees is of particular concern. Here, UNRWA, with its large network of local staff, is doing a tremendous work
supporting Palestinians inside Syria.
Sweden was one of the top donors of humanitarian assistance to the crisis in Syria in 2012, providing a total amount of 37 million USD. We were
also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in the EU, granting 8000 Syrians asylum in 2012. As the crisis continues, Sweden's humanitarian
commitment remains strong, and we pledge at this time of the year to provide at least USD 23 million in humanitarian assistance for 2013. This
figure may, probably, grow depending on the developing needs in Syria and in the region. Adding our support to the core budget of UNHCR, OCHA,
WFP and UNWRA as well as our support to CERF we consider our response robust and appropriate.
However, after announcing our pledge I would like to stress the importance of a consolidated and coordinated effort from the donor community.
The needs in Syria and the neighbouring countries are immense. It is crucial that we all, both so called old donors and new donors, step up and
contribute to the humanitarian response to the Syrian crisis.
Today we have gathered here to show our support to those suffering from the unrest and violence in Syria. Nobody knows how long the fighting will
go on and how many more civilians will fall victim to the violence. The civil war has also led to the destruction of infrastructure, housing, hospitals,
schools and farmland. The task of reconstructing Syria and returning to normal life will perhaps be even more difficult than the one we have
gathered for today. Therefore, the only viable solution is to immediately stop violence. All parties to the conflict - and the UN Security Council must take responsibility for a political solution now.
Thank you.
Tal
Möte med FN:s milleniemålspanel i Monrovia 30 januari 2013
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlssons anförande vid sessionen "Governance and
Institution Building"
I would like to open by borrowing a quote from US president Barack Obama. Four years ago, in Accra, he said that "Africa doesn't need strongmen,
it needs strong institutions." When I travelled around the Great Lake region two weeks ago and also visited Monrovia, each and every CSO
representative I met basically said the same thing. One person summed up the point very well: "If we cannot improve governance, the whole idea of
poverty eradication is just an illusion."
The same goes for every part of the world, but it was especially apparent to me in September last year, when I visited the Somali capital Mogadishu.
The country has been ravaged by violence and turmoil for decades. For many years, there were not even any government institutions in place.
During my visit, I was able to leave the airport and go into the city for the first time ever. This was a strong sign of progress in the security situation an indication of how bad things have been.
In 2011, a drought hit the country, and the UN declared a state of famine. A major relief operation was launched. Hundreds of thousands of people
suffered, and many thousands died.
But this only in the southern part of the country. The draught also hit northern Somalia, but in parts of the north, there were democratic
governance structures in place. There, local leaders took responsibility. They were able to handle the drought together with international
humanitarian organizations. The existence of a governance framework potentially saved thousands of lives in northern Somalia.
I begin by bringing this up, because I think we often tackle conflicts from the wrong angle. For a long time, many in the international community
have believed that peace needs to be achieved before political institutions can be created. But it is precisely the other way around. Inclusive,
accountable and transparent political institutions, and the rule of law, are crucial both in times of conflict and crisis, and in conditions of peace.
Disagreements exist in every society, including my own - sometimes between interest groups, sometimes between ethnic groups, and sometimes
between political groups. These can turn violent anywhere in the world.
But where strong and open political institutions are in place, conflicts can be resolved through peaceful means, because each group can have their
voices heard without resorting to violence. In fragile environments, they form a strong defense against relapses into conflict, and can break cycles
of violence. Strong institutions create a circle of trust, and provide a much better defense against violence than guns and bullets ever will.
Both history and the present teach us what inclusive political institutions can do for development in any country. I started by mentioning the
situation in a country ravaged by conflict. But the mechanisms are the same in every country and in every region, no matter where we look.
Through democratic elections and open debates, people can make sure that their rights and interests are respected by the government. They can
demand that services are delivered, and that politicians keep the promises they have made. They can put pressure on the government to work for all
members of society, not only for some. It is all about empowerment: citizens can only claim their human rights when political leaders are
accountable, and when they are free from threats and violent persecution.
But elections are not enough. For political accountability and democratic governance to function, government work needs to be transparent and
constantly scrutinized. Information about what the government does needs to be available, so that people can make informed choices. Information
is power.
To give a very practical example, think of what a state budget means. It shows what the government priorities are. Is the government spending more
money on education or on the military? On maternal health or on monuments? The priorities will be obvious when budgets are transparent.
People have to be able to make their voices heard for transparency to have an impact. Their right to free speech must be protected, and a free and
independent media must be able to prosper.
But none of these mechanisms can work without the rule of law setting out their functions. A solid legal framework that protects people's rights is a
necessity for real development. Society can never prosper when people are subjected to violence and rights abuse in their everyday lives. When
people know that whatever they create will fall under legal protection, they have the security to innovate and invest. Everyone needs protection for
their property, such as land, and for their personal safety. Only then can the private sector flourish.
Judicial institutions with equal access empower people. They protect them against corrupt officials, and enable them to use their own abilities and
ideas. But many people are being held back by the lack of legal protection. In 2008, the International Commission on Legal Empowerment of the
Poor estimated that as many as four billion people live outside the protection of the law.
I visited the eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo two weeks ago. There, the rule of force has triumphed over the rule of law. No one
suffers the effects more than the women of the country. Rape is so widespread that few even bother to report it to the police, and even when they
do, no action is taken.
Globally, it is estimated that one in three women has suffered violence or sexual abuse. All over the world, women are forced to live as second-class
citizens, even though we are the majority of the global population.
Some see the rule of law as something too complicated to deal with. It really isn't. One basic but fundamental problem is often the lack of a legal
identity, such as birth registration documents and ID cards. Legal identity allows people to access legal institutions and to participate in politics.
Without it, government institutions cannot work for everyone.
We want an agenda that speaks to people living in the most vulnerable conditions. If we are serious about this ambition - and I believe that we are - it
is our moral duty to address political accountability, transparency and the rule of law in the framework.
I am looking forward to discussing how this should be done. How do we set out to improve accountability and transparency in governments all
around the world? How do we ensure that inhabitants are able to participate in the political processes of their countries? And how do we give
everyone full and equal access to justice? I hope that today can be the starting point of a constructive discussion.
Remember, we government leaders and politicians, some of you panel members included, have a responsibility to make this happen. We must
accept that we can be voted out of government, and that we have no right to silence critical voices. The people must hold the ultimate power over us
- we should not hold the ultimate power over the people.
I am looking forward to the discussion. Thank you for your attention.
2012
Tal
Development talks - seminarium hos Sida på världsfattigdomsdagen 18 oktober 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal på "Development Talks" på världsfattigdomsdagen hos Sida
Inlednings- samt avslutningstal.
Tack Charlotte, tack så mycket till Sida, för att ni nu startar igång det här arbetet för oss alla som är så viktigt för hur Sverige ska vara med och
bidra, och att kunna visa på våra erfarenheter och våra resurser.
Idag på världsfattigdomsdagen är det viktigt tycker jag att påminna om att aldrig har så många i världen haft det så bra. Aldrig har så många kunnat
vara delaktiga, att kunna ha en hälsa, att kunna ha ett arbete. Många har fått en ökad egen värdighet genom något så enkelt som, kanske till och med
ha tillgång till, sin egen toalett. Där samhällen utvecklas, där människor får mer möjligheter; så växer också vår samlade kunskap och möjlighet att
samverka.
Den globala ekonomin, sen jag föddes, så har i reella termer bruttoinkomsterna ökat tre och en halv gånger. Världshandel har ökat så mycket som
16 gånger. Det har fört oss allt närmare varandra. Att vi har allt mer gemensamma utmaningar men också gemensamma möjligheter, och att vi är så
beroende av varandra. Jag tror det känns.
2000 när vi satte upp milleniemålen då hade vi inte hört talas om digitaliseringens kraft, då hade vi inte en lika urstark globalisering. Men det finns
ju också nu en stor oro; att de positiva trenderna ska brytas.
En oro i att marknaderna inte fungerar tillräckligt väl, att vi inte har en inkluderande tillväxt i vissa länder. Att vi har en oro kring finansmarknader,
att Europa inte har skött sina statsfinanser tillräckligt väl och att många är överbelånade i USA. Det här påverkar den globala ekonomins uthållighet
och förmåga att fungera bättre. Och när vi krymper i våra samhällen så ökar ju också möjligheterna att interagera med varandra. Det finns en risk
att misstron ökar och att samhällen krymper och då får vi inte den dynamiska utvecklingen vi behöver för att kunna bekämpa fattigdomen. Och det
är de mest sårbara, det är dem med minst motståndskraft, som drabbas hårdast.
Krig och konflikter hemsöker fortfarande vår värld. Många människor vaknar upp i den ofrihet som det innebär att man inte ens vet om man kan
lita på sin egen regim. Att Syrien använder klusterbomber mot sin egen befolkning. Att vi har man-made disasters, har ni tänkt på att det sällan är
kvinnors gjorda katastrofer, i till exempel Zimbabwe eller Nordkorea, där det är dålig politik som gör att människor inte får komma till sin rätt, och
som gör att vi får jobba med humanitärt bistånd till samhällen som om de bara släppte potentialen fri hos sina befolkningar skulle kunna klara sig på
egen hand.
Vi har ett särskilt ansvar mot de människor som lever i svaga eller dysfunktionella stater, inte bara för att hjälpa dem att komma ur fattigdom utan
också utan också att kunna nå frihet.
Och det är också tycker jag anmärkningsvärt att i en värld där vi vet allt mer; att vi lyssnar kanske allt mindre på vetenskapen. Att vi inte har
förmåga att ta in att naturen sätter gränser. Att vi har livsviktiga ekosystem och ett klimathot som gör att morgondagens generationer inte får
samma möjligheter som vi har haft. Att vi inte ser det globala hanterandet av till exempel vatten inte får tillräcklig uppmärksamhet. Och igen så är
det de mest sårbara och de med minst motståndskraft som drabbas värst, som inte har en möjlighet att kunna påverka. Vi har ett särskilt ansvar.
Och det är därför som arbetet med att vara med och ta fram globala utvecklingsmål blir så viktigt. Så spännande! Så utmanande! Men också att vi
äntligen tror jag förstår att vi aldrig kan få hållbarhet om vi inte länkar samman den sociala, den ekonomiska och den ekologiska hållbarheten. Att vi
använder det hör utifrån de gemensamma utmaningarna men också möjligheterna att kunna bygga en mer uthållig värld. Att vi kan öka
motståndskraften hos människor, att vi kan se till att vi kan minska sårbarheten hos var och en som lever på den här planeten, och att vi blir allt fler.
Det är möjligt tror jag att nu utrota fattigdomen.
År 2000 sa vi att vi till exempel skulle halvera hungern, men med all kunskap vi nu har, med all erfarenhet vi vet om hur världen har utvecklats, när
vi nu försöker hitta vatten och syra och luft och kanske någonting annat på Mars, då borde vi också kunna se till att utrota fattigdomen så som vi
känner den nu.
Och då kan vi lära oss av erfarenheten av milleniemålen, absolut. Men vi måste också inse att världen ser fundamentalt annorlunda ut nu än vad den
gjorde år 2000. Inte bara globaliseringen och digitaliseringen och hur innovationer och kunskap har spridits och att vi i en allt mer ökad grad måste
se att det finns gränser som naturen ställer. Och att allt fler människor inte bara finns här utan att alla vill nu ha mer av deltagande, att kunna kräva
sin egen frihet att kunna få vara delaktig och ha värdighet, att få ett arbete, att få sin röst hörd.
Aldrig tidigare har vi haft så många unga, förväntansfulla människor på det här jordklotet, som har en enorm potential. Men orätt använd så skulle
det kunna bli precis tvärtom. Och den här uppgiften att utrota fattigdomen nu, vill jag hävda är helt möjlig. Och om vi utgår ifrån att det är individer
som bygger samhällen, att de måste, inte bara få delaktighet, utan också möjlighet att engagera sig utan också få ha tillgång till resurser, hälsa och
utbildning för att kunna ha ett arbete. Att förstå att vi måste öka tillgången till rättsstat för att de ska kunna hävda sina rättigheter. Att de ska kunna
hålla sina egna ledare ansvariga, både för globalt ansvar men också lokalt. Att vi ska kunna bygga ett system där vi tillsammans har globalt, hållbart
och inkluderande välståndsskapande. För att det är så som vi kan bekämpa och utrota fattigdomen i världen. Och det blir vår uppgift.
Och framförallt hoppas jag att Sverige ska kunna adressera det här till världens unga människor som nu växer upp. Bara i Afrika så ser man nu att
det nu kommer tio miljoner nya unga, hungriga, kunniga, kanske inte har de världens bästa utbildningssystem, men människor som vill vara
delaktiga. Tio miljoner nya in på arbetsmarknaden varje år. Har vi inte en förmåga att kunna se till att använda denna enorma möjlighet att jobba
mer med näringsliv, jobb och utveckling. Att kunna se till att det är marknader som måste fungera bättre. Vi ser migrationens betydelse,
urbaniseringens roll och spridandet av kunskap, och framförallt om vi tar tillvara den potential som kvinnor har så är det möjligt att nu, äntligen,
tillsammans, kunna utrota fattigdomen.
Jag är jätteglad att så många är här idag. Jag ser fram emot att arbeta tillsammans med er och se till att Sverige gör sin del av ansvaret, inte bara i vår
biståndspolitik utan också nu när vi jobbar tillsammans för bättre globala utvecklingsmål, för framtiden.
Tack för att jag får vara med och jag ska vara med hela dagen och lära mig massor.
Tack!
__________________________________________________
Tack så mycket och tack för den här bra dagen. För mig och mitt team som nu jobbar med den här så kallade högnivåpanelen som ska lägga en
bottenplatta kring en mäng processer som just nu sker kring millenniemålen. Vad kommer efter millenniemålen. En fråga som ju Sverige är mycket
engagerad i och som inte slutar med den här dagen, utan snarare började.
Vi har varit med om något jättehäftigt här idag tycker jag, som då sen kommer att ta tid. Det kommer att ta tid innan vi har utvärderat, jag skulle
vilja säga, framgångarna av millenniemålsarbetet. Vi kommer också då att ha och se fram emot bland annat en FN-process om hur vi då ska ta vidare
globala utvecklingsmål.
Jag tänkte unna mig lite reflektion er kring vad den här dagen har handlat om och hur mycket som ändå är nytt sedan 2000. Befolkningsökningen
idag - hur demografin ser ut, hur många fler unga det är som vill ha jobb och som vill vara delaktiga. Det är ju exakt samma utmaning i Nigeria som i
Mjölby - eller hur? Vi är så himla lika varandra. Det är ju för att det är människor som befolkar det här klotet. Men också för att vi behöver fundera
på hur vi lever tillsammans. Vi är ju många fler som ska bo på det här klotet - som behöver mer mat. Samtidigt som vi vet att redan idag produceras
det långt mycket mer mat än vad som används. Och så är det barn som dör av undernäring och som inte får överleva sin femårsdag, eller om de gör
det, kanske inte har den förmågan att kunna tillgodogöra sig en utbildning som gör att de kan konkurrera om de här jobben för att fortsätta driva
utvecklingen framåt. Och det gör ju att vi har stora luckor, eller fickor av sårbarhet där människor är enormt utsatta och där vi har ett gemensamt
ansvar. Både mot de här människorna, men också gentemot hur vi ska då hantera hur vi ska leva tillsammans. Vi behöver mer mark, vi behöver mer
vatten, vi behöver mer energi och vi behöver också tror jag bättre fungerande marknader för att kunna leva mer resurseffektivt tillsammans. Och
det är ju det lite som samtalen har kretsat kring här idag - då räcker det inte bara med politik.
Då tror jag att man måste fundera en hel del kring hur det ser ut med marknader, innovation och också hur rättvis världen är. Hur ser det ut med
tillgång till resurser och tillgång till beslutsfattande och möjligheter att hävda sina rättigheter? Jag tror att vi därför måste lära oss att titta lite
granna på vad det finns för hinder mot utveckling. Dom är rätt många: det kan vara korruption, brist på rättvisa att man är marginaliserad, att man
tillhör en minoritet, att man inte har fått tillgång till rättigheterna, men också att det inte finns en fungerande rättsstat eller att man lever i en
konfliktsituation. Det är ju det här som vi då får ett globalt ansvar i att faktiskt ha resurser för att jobba med de som står helt utanför. Samtidigt som
vi måste jobba med att bygga våra egna samhällen mer starka och mer uthålliga. Och då är det som är det nya tror jag. Vi har levt nu i en globaliserad
tid. Vi har haft urstark digitalisering också. Vi har kommit mycket, mycket närmare varandra och våra ekonomier är extremt sammanflätade. Men
vi lever inte riktigt så.
För att om vi ska klara den här utmaningen om ökat välstånd, fler i arbete och frånhänder oss möjligheterna att ha tillexempel mer och bättre
fungerande migration så tror jag att vi missar en möjlighet. Där handlar det både om politik och människor. Och hur vi ska hushålla bättre - om vi nu
ska leva mer tillsammans - lever och bor vi på rätt sätt? Man räknar med att många, många fler människor kommer att bo i städer - hur ska de här
städerna se ut? Är det nyckel till att leva mer resurseffektivt tillsammans. Hur använder vi urbaniseringen som är en urstark trend och drivkraft den
också för att fler människor ska komma till sin rätta och vara delaktiga.
Och här tror jag att det finns mängder av faktiskt just affärsmodeller - det var någon som pratade om detta innan idag. Jag har också hunnit träffa
väldigt mycket företagsledare som just pratar om att digitaliseringen var något som skapade många nya marknader, som gav oss nya möjligheter,
som förde människor och kulturer närmare varandra så ändrade det väldigt mycket affärsmodeller. Som säger att rätt hanterat och med det rätta
ramverk kan också en hållbarhetsagenda få samma logik och samma affärsmöjligheter, drivkrafter och kanske också börja föra oss tillsammans på
ett sätt som digitaliseringen trots allt har gjort. Problemet är ju då när människor lever utanför digitaliseringen eller utanför urbaniseringen eller
utanför globaliseringen. Det är ju där som vi i den här panelen har ett extra stort ansvar tror jag- att titta på hinder för utveckling men också se
människor. För det är ju människor som driver utvecklingen och det är ju människor som vi ska kunna, dels ge möjligheter att kunna utkräva ansvar
- inte bara av politiker tror jag - utan även av forskningen, av marknaderna och kunna då vara delaktig och kunna ta ansvar för sig själv. För sin egen
hälsa, för sitt eget närområde, för att kunna organisera sig och leva tillsammans. Vi ska ju leva tillsammans på klotet men vi ska ju också leva
tillsammans i våra egna samhällen.
Därför tyckte jag det var intressant idag det Michael Wolf sa: att det här måste ju handla om oss också - hur bygger vi Sverige starkare, mer
motståndskraftigt. Vad finns det för fickor av fattigdom i vårt eget samhälle som på sikt är ohållbart. Lär vi oss att förstå ännu mer av detta så tror
jag vi blir ännu mer oroade om att det finns ett så stort globalt utanförskap där så många i en uppväxande ungdomsgeneration känner att de inte har
rätt eller möjlighet att kunna få vara med. Därför handlar den här utvecklingsagendan om det som jag tror blir utmaningen - att kunna sätta upp
globala, universella mål som handlar om att alla kan vara med. Att rädda klotet! Men också att kunna se till att vi kan leva tillsammans.
Då gillar jag den här panelen som lite vill ge oss känslan av att alla kan känna en delaktighet och vara med. Men också att det här är inget som man
ska vara rädd för. Att kunna göra detta till något lustfyllt att känna att det här är något som angår mig det angår oss alla. Att man kan vara delaktig.
Framförallt när man får sitta i en sådan här FN-panel. Bara det. Det är ju faktiskt en stor risk för kapsejs skulle jag vilja säga - det multilaterala
system idag när stater ska komma överens har sällan fungerat så dåligt utifrån hur mycket vi behöver. Vi lyckas ju inte ens göra ett klimatavtal, än
mindre att få igång den globala frihandeln - som vi vet är en av de verktyg som behövs för att skapa ökade resurser. Hur ska vi då kunna i det här
arbetet med de framtida målen kunna se till att de trasslar sig igenom FN-byråkratin i New York? Ja, jag vet inte! Och det är därför jag tror att det är
så viktigt att vi har den här typen av samtal och får en efterfrågan på förändring från människor som driver politikerna framför sig. För jag tror att
det finns en enorm potential i civilsamhället, i forskningen - om vi lär oss lyssna på den. Och det finns också framförallt en anledning för oss att
uppdatera vår egen verklighetsbild - inte minst vi som jobbar med så kallat fattiga människor.
Människor där ute må hända lever under fattiga förutsättningar, men om vi betraktar dem som fattiga är det stor risk att vi ser dem som rätt
hopplösa. Dom måste ha minst lika mycket hopp om en bättre framtid som vi. Dom måste bli betraktade som människor som har förväntningar och
förmågor och därför också ska ha rätt att vara delaktiga i att ha utveckling. Och då tror jag att vi måste lära oss att kanske lite granna ändra både
förhållningssätt men också beteende för att visa litegrann att det är det som är uppgiften nu för panelen.
Vi ses nu i London om en dryg vecka, vi ska sen åka till Liberia i början av nästa år - att kunna samlas lite grann. Att vår uppgift nu- som jag kommer
att ta på största allvar - är att sätta dessa människor som nu vill vara och ska få rätten att vara med att sätta dom i förgrunden. Det är därför jag
faktiskt tycker att en av de viktigaste uppgifterna i våra Terms of Reference det är just uppmaningen om att ending poverty. Inte för att det är
moraliskt rätt och riktigt, inte bara för att det kan vara ett sätt att få igång drivkraften för utveckling genom att människor för möjlighet att få ut
veckling, få egen försörjning, kunna lyfta sig själva ur fattigdom. Utan det är också en sak som gör att vi ska kunna fortsätta ha en hållbarhet och en
fortsatt sund och bra globalisering också i Sverige. För det kommer inte att vara långsiktigt hållbart att vi har så många som är utanför som då
känner att de inte har samma möjligheter som vi som lever i det här landet. Och att vi också då har ett ansvar att inte bara se till att vi har ett ansvar
att inte bara tar fram mål för att ending poverty utan också hur.
Jag tror att vi inte bara ska hitta målformuleringar - och det är faktiskt FN-processen som ska göra det. Jag tror att man ska ha en hel del mål som
ska vara mätbara och allting och ska bygga på millenniemålen, men vi måste också ena oss om ett "set of principles". HUR ska vi arbeta tillsammans
och framförallt också utrusta människor med verktyg för att hålla olika aktörer ansvariga - ska kunna utkräva ansvar. Det är det här som handlar
om att FN ska leva upp om FNs deklaration om de mänskliga rättigheterna. Vi har ju väldigt mycket bara i den. Såhär får det egentligen inte vara. Vi
har ju faktiskt den. Och det är det som ofta brister i de, så kallat fattiga länderna. Vi har sen också - och det är det jag ska sluta med. Eftersom jag då
har också i Sverige ansvar för utvecklings- och biståndsfrågorna, ett särskilt ansvar skulle jag vilja säga för de människor som lever i konflikt- och
post-konflikt.
Vi måste förstå att det ser olika ut i olika länder var människor sätter högst på dagordningen. Rättighetsperspektiven absolut, rätten till mat och
rätten till hälsa, men också rätten till säkerhet och frihet. Att kunna känna att man har möjligheter - att någon ska kunna träda in för att se till att
man inte ständigt ska leva i ständig otrygghetoch vara utsatt. Där har vi mer än en miljard människor idag som lever i dessa osäkra förutsättningar där vi måste ha bättre möjligheter att kunna agera gemensamt. Där behöver vi nog titta särskilt på vad panelen ska komma fram till. Det är just då
det inte finns någon stat att hålla ansvarig eller där den staten har brutit så pass mot all rim och reson.
Jag tycker att det här ska bli ett spännande arbete. Jag har inte haft någon frågestund med er nu just för att det här arbetet i den här panelen har
precis påbörjats. Men jag skulle väldigt gärna vilja återkomma i typ halvlek för att lite stå till svars för vad vi åstadkommit, hur vi arbetar, vad jag
ser för möjligheter med detta och framförallt att det här är en del i en helhet där jag hoppas att ni alla nu har fått en mersmak och känner att ni har
en delaktighet och att var och en kan bidra. Tack snälla för att ni ordnade det här idag på SIDA och vi ser fram emot att ses snart igen!
Tal
Utrikespolitiska Institutet 3 oktober 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
UNRWA in the light of recent developments in the Middle East
Commissioner-General, Ladies and gentlemen,
Let me begin by expressing my deep-felt appreciation for Commissioner-General Filippo Grandi and his strong leadership of UNRWA. I am very
glad to welcome you here to Sweden. UNRWA is one of Sweden's most trusted humanitarian partners, and I am pleased to be here at the Institute of
International Affairs today, to discuss some of UNRWA's current challenges in a broad perspective.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The Arab revolutions showed us that the quest for dignity, universal freedoms and human rights knows no national boundaries. Demonstrations in
Tunisia against a corrupt dictator rapidly spread across the region and inspired a whole world.
But the response to this quest has varied in the MENA region.
Some states have responded with repression against their own populations, committing grave violations of human rights. Syria is of particular
concern. The brutality of the Assad regime has killed thousands, forced over one and a half million to flee their homes and created a civil war that
threatens the very existence of the Syrian state. We are already seeing dire consequences for neighbouring countries. It is high time for Assad to
hand over power and pave the way for a transition to democracy.
Other states have met popular demands with genuine reform within existing political systems.
And Egypt, Libya and Tunisia have taken the lead on the difficult journey towards democracy: electing new leaders in historic elections, drafting
new constitutions and building institutions for a better future.
After the initial phase of triumph over authoritarian rule, these countries are now struggling with the sobering challenges of /consolidating
democracy. Of achieving not only free and fair elections, but political systems that guarantee the rule of law and respect for the human rights of all
citizens, irrespective of religious beliefs, ethnicity and gender.
It will be an arduous/ journey.
Let me use this opportunity to underline that Sweden will be a long-term partner for democracy and human rights in the MENA region. Next year
we will invest some SEK 450 million in regional cooperation, more than tripling this support since 2010. This is in addition to our bilateral
cooperation with Palestine and Iraq, and our significant humanitarian support.
Dear friends,
The security and development policy agenda in North Africa and the Middle East is increasingly complex. Even as new challenges are added, the old
ones - the Middle East Peace Process, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon - still remain. To my deep concern, some of these challenges have slipped down the
agenda, although they are in urgent need of political solutions and are interconnected with the development of the region as a whole.
Regrettably, the willingness to take bold steps to advance peace between Israel and Palestine, and thus find a solution to the Palestinian refugee
issue, seems to be at an all-time low. Israelis feel threatened by regional developments and the Palestinian leadership is weakened as the prospect of
a two-state solution recedes.
As the international community focuses on other crises and the parties seem unable to move forward, the situation on the ground continues to
deteriorate as was strikingly clear to me when I visited the region in May this year.
Israeli illegal settlement expansion is accelerating. Violence by extremist settlers is increasing. And evictions and house demolitions in East
Jerusalem are continuing. These developments threaten to make a two-state solution impossible. And they severely limit the ability of the
Palestinian Authority to promote better living conditions for the Palestinian population, most notably in Area C.
On the Palestinian side, the political split between the West Bank and Gaza seems to be growing with time. This has to be tackled and elections must
be held. The appalling rocket attacks from Gaza must stop.
These developments worry me deeply. And they should be of concern to all of us who believe in an independent, democratic, contiguous and viable
State of Palestine and the State of Israel living side by side in peace and security.
Because if the Arab revolutions tell us one thing, it is that we should heed the call for dignity in the Palestinian territories and Palestinian refugee
camps. As the recent demonstrations in the West Bank show, frustration is growing. Continued occupation of Palestinian land will fail to meet
legitimate Palestinian aspirations for freedom and independence, but will equally fail to meet legitimate Israeli aspirations for long-term peace and
security.
The problem will not fade away through inaction. Status quo will have no less dramatic consequences than taking action. On the contrary, in a
region transiting to democracy it is likely that we will see less patience and less tolerance for a peace process which is not addressing the core
political issues.
Ladies and gentlemen,
As a Minister responsible for investing taxpayers' money in international development cooperation, and as a major donor to the Palestinians and
UNRWA, I am obliged to also ask tough questions.
Is there any ground for the accusation that we, the international community, are financing a status quo?
Are we in fact prolonging the plight of the 5 million Palestinian refugees through our longstanding support to UNRWA?
In the absence of a political process, the relevance of these questions has indeed grown. But as long as the parties are committed to finding a twostate solution and the humanitarian situation persists, it is our responsibility and in our interest to support them.
Our contribution to building the future institutions of a sovereign state of Palestine has yielded impressive results in dire circumstances. The
Palestinian Authority, under the leadership of President Abbas and Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad, now has institutions that pass the threshold of
what you can expect from a modern state, according to the World Bank.
And I have myself witnessed the fantastic job done by UNRWA. With its largely Palestinian staff, it provides not only health care, schools and
shelter, but hope to the often young refugee population. It is difficult to see an alternative.
The largest Palestinian refugee populations and UNRWA servicing needs are still those in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza. The
Palestinian refugee economy is indistinguishable from the general Palestinian economy. A failure to support UNRWA would add another layer to
the already daunting tasks facing the Palestinian Authority and add to the pressure on the neighbouring host countries, which are now also facing
the turmoil of the Syrian conflict.
But our support cannot function over time without political progress.
As a major donor and a member of the European Union, Sweden has a responsibility to push for results. We must continue to urge the parties to
take confidence-building measures, avoid provocative actions and create a climate conducive to a resumption of result-oriented final status
negotiations. Through its membership of the Quartet and through the transatlantic dialogue, the EU must continue to make peace between Israel
and Palestine a top priority and see that it is addressed together with other pressing regional issues.
We should also continue to monitor developments on the ground carefully, especially in area C, East Jerusalem and Gaza. Social and economic
developments in Area C are of critical importance for the viability of a future Palestinian state. The EU will continue to engage with Israel,
emphasising Israeli obligations regarding the living conditions of the Palestinian population. The EU will also continue to press Israel to take further
meaningful and far-reaching steps to allow for the reconstruction and economic recovery of Gaza, including by allowing trade with the West Bank
and Israel.
In the coming years, I also think we will see a greater effort to strengthen the coherence between international law and concrete actions. Settlements
are illegal and an obstacle to peace. The debate about economic activity in the settlements and guidelines for the labelling of products from
settlements should be seen in this light. Not only governments but corporations and organisations have a responsibility to promote human rights.
Sweden will continue to be a major donor to Palestinian state-building. Our development assistance to the Palestinian Authority and civil society
will increase to SEK 250 million in 2013 and our total support to the Palestinians will exceed SEK 700 million per year, including humanitarian
assistance.
At the same time as we continue fighting for improvements on the ground and a result-oriented peace process, I think it is vital that we, the EU,
continue to discuss how we can assist in the implementation of a final status agreement.
As a major donor to the Palestinians and UNRWA, Sweden and the EU are in a unique position to make a positive contribution to address the
refugee issue. Although any decision of substance must be left to the parties and to the refugees themselves, international involvement will be
important. Previous negotiations and initiatives on the issue show that the establishment and management of an international mechanism, as well as
potential financial support for a settlement, relocation and resettlement costs, and refugee compensation, are likely to be key elements. The plight
of the refugees would also have to be acknowledged.
Let me now return to my introductory remarks about UNRWA as one of Sweden's most trusted partners. Sweden and UNRWA have strong historic
bonds, and Swedish support to UNRWA remains firm. I wish to send a special thought of appreciation to the UNRWA staff, who courageously
shoulder their responsibilities, often in difficult circumstances and sometimes at the risk of their own lives.
It is my pleasure to announce here today Sweden's planned core support to UNRWA for budget year 2013, amounting to some USD 43 million
(equivalent to SEK 282 million). Sweden highly values UNRWA's mandate to provide assistance and protection to a population of some 5 million
registered Palestine refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, West Bank and the Gaza Strip. UNRWA is a unique humanitarian organisation that also
serves as a stabilising factor in the region.
Apart from the core support, I also want to announce an extraordinary additional pledge of some USD 1.5 million (equivalent to SEK 10 million) for
the reconstruction of the Nahr el-Bared refugee camp in Lebanon.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Even though UNRWA is doing tremendous work, the Agency is facing serious challenges. A continuously growing refugee population is increasing
the demands on UNRWA. Costs are rising. The donor base is threatened by economic crisis in many current donor countries. Despite reports of
encouraging progress, it is difficult to secure substantial support from new donors. The financial situation is dire and UNRWA suffers from a
structural budget deficit.
The EU and its Member States is UNRWA's largest donor. The contribution from the European Commission and the Member States amounts to
some 50 per cent of UNRWA's regular budget. Some 90 per cent of UNRWA's resources are provided by just 15 countries. UNRWA needs to
attract new donors that can commit financially as well as politically to its work. I also urge present donors to increase their contributions. This has
to be done in order to guarantee a stable organisation that can meet the needs of the Palestine refugees and contribute to stability in the region until
the final settlement has been reached.
Ladies and gentlemen,
While safeguarding UNRWA's core mandate, it is important that UNRWA continues on its path towards being a transparent and effective partner.
Although operating in a highly complex environment, UNRWA must strive to increase its efforts in this regard, as humanitarian coordination helps
to save lives.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The current conflict in Syria is causing widespread suffering, affecting all civilians. The already vulnerable Palestinian refugees in Syria, however,
are even more exposed. Targeted as refugees in Syria, they are forced to flee to neighbouring countries or internally in Syria, without the safety net
of relatives that many others affected can turn to in the absence of functioning authorities. The Palestinian refugees remain dependent on UNRWA,
which is what makes supporting UNRWA so essential. We must not forget the most defenceless.
Sweden has contributed some USD 30 million to assist those affected by the conflict in Syria, including support directly to UNRWA to assist
Palestinian refugees. Sweden stands ready to do more to alleviate the suffering of people in Syria.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Let me conclude by returning to the importance of heeding people's quest for freedom and dignity globally. As already touched upon, this is indeed
relevant also in Palestine, as seen recently through demonstrations in the West Bank. UNRWA cannot be seen separately from this process. Playing
a crucial role in the region, UNRWA is inevitably affected, as well as affecting, this development. As a major donor to UNRWA, it is key to Sweden
that UNRWA is able to evolve simultaneously to this change, and reflect a new backdrop.
Thank you
Kontakt
Sebastian Tham
Pressekreterare hos biståndsministern
072-212 74 72
e-post till Sebastian Tham
Tal
Utrikesdepartementet 6 september 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal vid urbaniseringsseminariet
Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests, dear friends, welcome to Stockholm and to this very exciting seminar on urbanization and
development.
I am especially pleased to welcome Professor Paul Romer and Professor Reuben Abraham, two of the world's greatest thinkers on urbanization.
I hope that today's seminar will provide food for thought, and that we can discuss concrete ideas on how to strengthen the positive aspects of
urbanization.
Urbanization is happening as we speak, either you like it or not.
By 2050, 70 per cent of the world's population is projected to live in urban areas. Close to one billion people - or 33 per cent of the urban population
in developing countries, live in slums, in inequitable and often life-threatening conditions.
The increasing speed and scale of urbanisation is one of the greatest global challenges. Many of the social, economic and environmental problems
we are facing today - such as poverty, the run-away use of resources and the increasing CO2 emissions -are concentrated to our cities.
Urbanisation is also a great opportunity.
Urbanisation holds inherent potential. We need to create conditions to ensure that cities become massive poverty reduction engine and means for
environmental sustainability.
The density of the city makes it possible to introduce collective, efficient and sustainable solutions to common needs - concerning everything from
transportation to housing, job creation and social services.
In addition, local decision makers often react faster to their citizens' demands and needs. This gives cities the potential to push the sustainability
agenda forward through good examples and best practices.
75 per cent of the world's GDP is produced in cities. That, to me, is the very definition of a telling number - economic growth and urbanization go
hand in hand. Economic growth is as we all know a prerequisite for poverty reduction. But, we also know, that growth in itself is not enough to
enable people living in poverty to change their lives. Growth needs to be inclusive as well as sustainable.
Only a thriving private sector can be the main engine for sustainable and inclusive growth. Governments have key role in setting the right incentives
to catalyse the use of the market. But it is the private sector - not governments - that drive the innovation needed to find solutions. I think that
Matilda from Ericsson will have some interesting thoughts to share on this.
The private sector is one of the main players for development and hence has a key role in effective development cooperation - this was at the centre
of deliberations at the High Level Forum on Effective Development Cooperation in Busan last year. The meeting marks a mind shift in how the role
of the private sector is perceived and in establishing that aid has to be catalytic in mobilising resources for development.
In my mind this is what innovative financing is all about -a catalytic use of aid. And there are many exciting ideas on how we can work innovatively
in this sense. In Sweden our work on loans and guarantees is perhaps where we have come furthest. The key words here are risk-sharing and
leverage. Why are investments in poorer developing countries not higher? One important reason is that the weighing of possible profits against
perceived risks does not come out in favour of the former. Here aid can do a lot to lessen or share the risk.
Kontakt
Sebastian Tham
Pressekreterare hos biståndsministern
072-212 74 72
e-post till Sebastian Tham
Tal
Nobel Symposium at the Institute for International Economic Studies, 50th Anniversary 5 september 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Nobel Symposium at the Institute for International Economic Studies, 50th
Anniversary
How can policy and aid help in reducing world poverty?
Distinguished guests, students, friends!
It is a great honour for me to be with you here today. I want to start off by congratulating the IIES to its 50th anniversary and thank you for
organising this event.
The world is changing, and so is the landscape in which policy and aid operate. The global economy has evolved dramatically over the past 10 years.
Developing and emerging economies are driving economic growth. New sources of development finance are mushrooming. New actors and
instruments are finally entering the development scene.
Never in our history has wealth expanded so quickly. The economic development of China and other parts of Asia has led to a massive drop in
poverty rates.
We are witnessing freedom revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East. In Burma, democracy aspires. Digitalisation is spreading across the
globe at a rapid rate, providing new and exciting opportunities to engage and create change.
However, our future and the way ahead are still full of challenges. We are all worried, sad and upset about what is happening in Syrian. The space for
freedom activists is shrinking in many parts of the world. Women's and girls' rights are still lagging behind. In many cases far, far behind.
Today, one billion people are living in slums as a result of rapid urbanisation. By 2050, the number of people on this planet is projected to be almost
9 billion. Access to food, energy, water and sanitation is threatened by climate change. Humanitarian crises keep on emerging.
The biggest challenge ahead of us will be to improve the lives of the poor living in fragile, low-income states, mainly in Africa.
As the minister in charge, I constantly ask myself how to ensure that the more than USD 4.5 billion that Swedish taxpayers provide each year for
development cooperation is creating lasting impacts for the poor.
Aid is being questioned more and more, and it has been questioned by several of you here today. I question it too, every day. If I didn't, I wouldn't
be doing my job. That is why I welcome this debate. Because in order to keep up a generous and even increasing aid budget, aid must show itself to
be relevant. It needs to relate to global trends and new technologies. It needs to align itself with other flows around the globe in way it does not do at
the moment.
In my view development assistance must do three things: i) accelerate sustainable economic growth in partner countries; ii) improve the living
conditions of the poor, especially in countries that lack the capacity or will to do so; and iii) resolve the issue of common goods (such as climate
change, trade, good governance, financial stability, peace and security).
We need to look at aid and development with new eyes. We need a dynamic approach that focuses on the individual; where entrepreneurs and
human rights activists are active drivers of change; where women and girls are in control of their lives; where innovators offer new solutions to old
problems.
Development will not happen without institutions. But it's time to look beyond the state as the principal provider of basic services.
Complex problems require complex solutions. Aid alone will not do the trick. In order to combat poverty and increase the rights and freedoms of
people, we need to use all the policy tools available to us. I am proud to say that Sweden was one of the first countries to develop a Policy for Global
Development. Aid needs to go hand-in-hand with policies for trade liberalisation, peace and security and climate change.
How societies develop is a complex issue and a vast number of factors influence the outcome. Local contexts differ from one place to another.
There is no one, single blueprint that can be applied to all societies and all countries at all times. However, there are certain factors that we know to
be universally crucial for long term development to take place. Stable institutions, the rule of law, free markets and gender equality, to name a few.
This is why research and the important work that you all carry out are so important. We need to identify these universal success factors and learn
from past successes and mistakes, as well as from newly gained insights. Such lessons come from evaluations of our practices, but also more
fundamentally from research - in economics and in other disciplines.
Too often there are gaps between theories and practice, between researchers and policy-makers. We tend to work within separate organisations,
timeframes and dynamics. Bridging the gap between research and policy is a tremendously important task. We need to learn and act upon evidence
of what works and what does not.
Simply put: What gets measured gets done. And so we had better get the measurement right. The MDGs have been a powerful tool for focusing the
world's attention on development results. However, they have limitations. They focus on a number of social and economic rights but leave out
other areas that are crucial for development. Good governance, democracy, transparency and accountability and revenue collection are examples
of areas in which I would like to see much more progress. I will relentlessly champion these areas in my work on the UN High Level Panel on post2015 Development Agenda.
Beyond 2015, we need a set of development goals that encompass all three dimensions of sustainable development. A rights-based approach should
be stressed. Goals should be relevant, concrete, measurable and time-bound, which has been a major success factor for the MDGs. I am very much
looking forward to working on the post-MDG Panel, and I welcome reasoned arguments and thoughts to enable us to rethink and improve results
for the benefit of the world's poorest people, and for our capacity to more carefully manage this globe together.
In order to tackle global poverty we need to put results, transparency and accountability at the core of the development agenda. Taxpayers at home
and poor people around the world have the right to know what they are entitled to and what is being achieved. If aid and development assistance is
not reaching the poor and oppressed, I want you to tell me. In fact, I want you to shout it out, so that the poor people that we are trying to help will
know that we have listened to them, and so that I and my political colleagues around the world can make the changes that have to be done in order
to truly make a difference.
Thank you.
Kontakt
Sebastian Tham
Pressekreterare hos biståndsministern
072-212 74 72
e-post till Sebastian Tham
Tal
World Water Week in Stockholm 27 augusti 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Opening Plenary Session of the 2012 World Water Week
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to SIWI for hosting this event and for inviting me to speak in front of so many inspiring people.
World Water Week is an important opportunity to meet practitioners, researchers and policy makers in the water sector and I am delighted to be
here with you today.
In June this year, I was at the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro. The negotiations were tough and not all of
our ambitions were fulfilled, but we should not be discouraged. Important advances were made and the outcome document reflects our priorities in
areas such as democracy, human rights and gender equality. The outcome document is a platform for all of us to build on and implement in our own
national context.
Sweden is persistent in placing the individual at the centre of sustainable development. We gained support for this in the final document, and it is in
light of this that I would like to share with you two perspectives that I brought back with me from Rio. They are both consistent with our vision for
the future in terms of sustainable development and water and food security.
First, I would like to emphasise the need for innovation and collaboration with corporations and small businesses. The needs are significant and far
beyond the reach of the donor community on its own. We need to find new approaches to investments, and not least new partners. In seeking these
partnerships, we need to be open-minded and look for new and fresh ideas, and for actors complementing the traditional channels and partnerships
among international organisations.
Secondly, a positive political environment of democratic values and leadership is essential in addressing water and food security at the national
level. Democratic governance with respect for human dignity and for human rights is key if we are to find solutions to the global challenges that
affect us all.
Ladies and gentlemen,
In less than 40 years time, the world's population will have increased by a third to 9 billion people. Each and every one of these individuals will want
access to basic goods and services starting with food, clean water and sanitation, shelter and education as well as health care. They will inevitably
need energy. They will also need new technology, better communication and transport. The solutions must be radically more sustainable than we
have managed so far.
In a finite biosphere, achieving this will require new thinking. However, we know that it's possible. Innovations have historically changed the lives
of millions of people for the better; just think of vaccines, improved grain varieties and, more recently, the impact of mobile phones.
The less well-known innovations are often found in the poorer countries, among large numbers of people surviving on very low incomes but who
are very resilient and often creative entrepreneurs. These innovations are often about crafting business solutions that are relevant to poor people
and about making them available to the many. Low-cost mobile financial services and insurances are among the more recent ideas.
Innovations have provided many new employment opportunities across Africa. Small affordable packages of improved seeds or fertilizers have
reduced the barriers of upfront costs for poor farmers. Some of the most important growth markets today are African and Asian. Increasingly,
business is looking for innovative models building on local ideas and demand, rather than adapting products and distribution processes that were
conceived for US or European markets. If we can find similar innovations and scale up in a sustainable manner, the lives of millions of people, if not
hundreds of millions, could improve.
As a way to attain economic and environmental gains within and across sectors and ease demands on water, land and energy, Sweden is setting up a
new finance instrument called Water Innovation Challenge Fund.
The main aim of the instrument is to capture and support the implementation of innovative ideas and new technologies regarding increased water
resource efficiency. It is also about finding new ways to sustainably intensify the use of water, land and energy in production to achieve equitable
social, economic and environmentally sound development. Simply put, we need to create more with less. This to me, is innovation at its best.
When it comes to water and sanitation, Swedish development assistance keeps a high profile bilaterally as well multilaterally. However, we can
always do more, and I believe we should. Water and sanitation is just simply that important. My ambition is therefore to increase our efforts in this
critical area, and I hope that this will also be reflected in our upcoming budget for 2013. Everybody should have access to clean water and
sanitation, and those of us who have it have a responsibility to help those who don't.
(And if you would like to know more about what Sweden is doing bilaterally for water and sanitation, Sida has just produced six brand new
information briefs. You will find them in Sida's stand here at the conference. )
Ladies and gentlemen,
Now more than ever, we need to encourage new thinking in our development assistance. We need to reflect on lessons learned and find out whether
and what we can do better.
One of the most important lessons has to do with partnerships. It is clear to us that no one single actor can solve development challenges.
Firstly, official donors cannot mobilise all the resources, neither can developing country budgets. Today, foreign direct investment, commercial
finance, remittances, and philanthropic flows account for the bulk of financial flows to the developing world. ODA can only complement trade,
private investment, and remittances.
Secondly, it is clear that many of the technologies and skills needed rest with the private sector players. Businesses are skilled at building supply
chains, and commercialising ideas and expanding ideas.
Thirdly, donors, foundations, research institutions and civil society organisations can contribute technical assistance, policy dialogue and field
experiences. However, they are often unable to engage with other partners - for example, with businesses on a systematic basis or to scale up
activities.
In other words, each partner may have assets to bring to the table but they must be matched with other partners' abilities and resources to create a
good mix that enables the initiative as a whole to move ahead and grow.
Ladies and gentlemen,
When resources - water, arable land and other natural resources - become scarcer, we know that those without power will lose out and become even
more vulnerable.
For water and food security to be possible at the national level there has to be a positive political and economic climate. To achieve this, efforts to
prevent or resolve armed conflicts are essential. But efforts must go even deeper than that.
Democratic governance and human rights, responsible leadership, effective rule of law and functioning institutions that are free from corruption
and that support sustainable growth and international trade are all fundamental to both water and food security, and society as a whole.
Therefore, my basic premise for global sustainability is a people-centred approach: sustainable development must consider the rights, needs and
influence of everyone. When people are empowered they are truly inspiring entrepreneurs.
Let us look at one example, such as disaster risk reduction in the Sahel. The evidence shows that farmers in drought-prone areas of West Africa, for
example Niger, have started their own "greening" of their communities by using simple soil and water conservation techniques without any external
assistance at all. Through satellite imagery we can immediately see a clear improvement in green cover and trees planted, and thus the greening of a
large area of land in Niger by these fairly simple investments. Similar investments in irrigation in drought prone areas in Mali have been funded by
the IFAD with substantial improvements in food security as a consequence.
Friends,
Many more inspiring examples can be given. Empowered individuals truly are inspiring entrepreneurs.
Therefore, voice and agency must be given to all groups in society.
Sustainable development, addressing water and food security, is dependent on long-term commitment and the building of trust between
stakeholders. This can only be achieved through the full participation of all stakeholders at all levels.
This means that poor people in rural areas, women's groups in sub-Saharan Africa and civil society groups in south-east Asia must all be able to
voice their views through democratic channels to achieve equitable and efficient development.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Progress is essentially about people. Giving every individual a chance to use their abilities and resources to influence their own lives and their own
future should be our main objective.
Thank you.
Kontakt
Sebastian Tham
Pressekreterare hos biståndsministern
072-212 74 72
e-post till Sebastian Tham
Tal
Challenges Annual Forum, Genève 9 maj 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Statement by Ms Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for International Development
Cooperation
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me start by expressing my appreciation to the Government of Switzerland and to the Geneva Centre for Security Policy for making this Forum
possible. I would also like to take this opportunity to welcome Switzerland as a full member of the Challenges Forum.
With its historic track record of involvement in international humanitarian affairs, Switzerland will be uniquely able to contribute to the future
deliberations of the Forum. How appropriate that this gathering takes place in Geneva - home to so many important UN bodies and other
international organisations!
The theme of this year's Forum is 'Cooperation and Coordination in Peace Operations'.
It is now more than 15 years since the International Forum for the Challenges of Peace Operations was created. The rapid growth of its membership,
as well as the scope of the Forum discussions, testify to the need, felt by many countries and institutions, to discuss and analyse the increasing
complexity of peace operations and other forms of crisis management. It is a particular strength of the Forum that it has an equal number of
participants from the North and the South.
It is a well-known fact that war and armed conflict is the greatest obstacle to development and poverty reduction. Economic and social development
comes to a halt. Human rights are violated. Resumption of armed conflict is a constant treat. It is in these conflict and post-conflict countries that
we can already see that the Millennium Development Goals will not be fulfilled. The challenges that these societies face are vast and complex.
This leads us to consider what optimal combination of capabilities is necessary to foster inclusive political settlements and conflict resolution, and
to establish and strengthen people's security and foster sustainable and long-term development for all.
What lasting impact do our missions have when it comes to generating employment and improving livelihoods? We need to learn more about what
really works and what needs to be refined in order to be effective in easing the suffering of men, women and children caught up in conflicts around
the world.
A large part of our international development cooperation takes place in these affected conflict and post conflict countries.
I believe we need to:
promote peacebuilding and statebuilding - by means of active dialogue and democratic inclusiveness. We must not forget women and young
people, groups that are often excluded in these societies. Let me call attention to Resolution 1325, which emphasises the role of women as actors
to achieve peace and security.
promote security - through such means as disarmament, security sector reform, transitional justice and democratisation initiatives.
work towards national ownership.
In this context, it is important that international efforts incorporate elements of early warning and conflict prevention so as not to risk falling back
intowar.
The relationship between security and development, and between security and humanitarian action, are among the many challenges we face. There
are indications that the international appetite for large-scale, multidimensional peace operations is now waning, mainly due to the costs involved.
But shrinking the size of missions will create new demands for cooperation and efficient use of the available resources. To address all these aspects,
the Forum has been careful to involve military, police and civilian experts, as well as a vibrant mix of academics, practitioners and officials.
While the United Nations plays a central role in international conflict management, regional organisations are assuming ever wider responsibilities
in the field. The majority of the countries in the world - and an increasing number of institutions, including NGOs - are involved in these important
activities.
It is what all actors together can achieve that matters.
But it is not only the number of actors involved in conflict management that has seen rapid growth. Peace operations and other conflict
management efforts now employ complex sets of tools - military and civilian - that must be coordinated with each other in order to be truly
effective. While military observers can still play a very important role, most peace operations also include elements that aim at strengthening and
rebuilding all parts of the affected societies. Preventive diplomacy, peacebuilding and statebuilding activities have all become indispensable tools.
Our Swiss hosts have made a concerted effort to involve a broad range of the Geneva-based humanitarian community organisations in this year's
Forum. I welcome this initiative to bring together actors and communities with different perspectives and different mandates. These discussions are
essential for generating holistic solutions to very complex and multifaceted challenges.
Humanitarian action is based on neutrality and independence, which in principle is easy for all parties to subscribe to. But in practice, access to
those in need is often challenged. This is at times reflected by imposing travel restrictions or refusing visas, and at times by restrictions on how the
humanitarian response should be conducted. In Syria today, the humanitarian needs are growing and humanitarian actors are ready to scale up
their efforts. However, there is not yet agreement on the modalities of the response.
The focus of tomorrow morning's session - how military and civilian actors can cooperate in protecting civilians - is a challenge which I personally
believe is important to tackle. Even though the protection of civilians is now regularly included in Security Council mandates for peacekeeping
operations, much remains to be done when it comes to establishing criteria for successful implementation of these provisions. How do
humanitarian, development and other international and non-governmental institutions see multidimensional peace operations and their role in
protecting civilians?
Another area of particular interest to me is the nexus between peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Since its creation almost seven years ago, Sweden
has been an ardent supporter of the UN peacebuilding architecture. We have recently deepened our engagement by assuming the chairmanship of
the Liberia configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. This position will further strengthen our peacebuilding activities in Liberia, which range
from bilateral support to the Liberian police to financial support channelled through the UNDP Justice and Security Trust Fund, and the
participation of Swedish police and corrections officers in the UN Mission in Liberia. Our enhanced commitment will allow us to focus even more on
security sector reform, rule of law, national reconciliation and women, peace and security. These are all key endeavours in rebuilding post-conflict
societies, and in rising to our paramount challenge - to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. In this context, I welcome the Busan
endorsement of the New Deal, and its Peacebuilding and Statebuilding Goals. I look forward to actively participating in the development of this
novel concept within New Deal pilot project, which we will conduct together with Liberia and the United States.
One aim of Sweden's enhanced Liberia commitment is to contribute to an ongoing, open and fruitful dialogue between the field and New York, and
within the UN system, to maximise synergies and promote a more holistic approach to peacebuilding. For Sweden, I also hope there will be some
good lessons learned, which we will be able to make use of in other engagements in the future.
This is because the international community needs to see measurable results. Clear and well established indicators to evaluate impact are essential.
The follow-up of results should be conducted transparently and in close cooperation with counterparts in the conflict areas.
The vital debate taking place in the Challenges Forum therefore feels more important than ever. As we announced earlier this year, the Swedish
Government has given additional medium-term financial support for a strategy to reinforce project coordination and to strengthen the capacity of
the Challenges Forum Secretariat, which is hosted by the Folke Bernadotte Academy. This will make it possible for the Partnership to develop and
pursue the important objectives and results envisioned. It will allow the Partnership to stay strong at the strategic, policy and doctrinal level, while
at the same time pursuing operational work in the field.
Thank you.
Tal
Stockholm +40 23 april 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Öppningsanförande vid Stockholm +40
Your Majesty, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends.
Welcome to Stockholm +40!
The world has changed dramatically over the last 40 years. Globalisation and high economic growth have contributed to increased trade and
interconnectivity. During this time more people than ever before have moved out of poverty. This, along with research, increased technological
advances and innovations gives us the tools to tackle our common challenges. Together we can manage the global challenges and crises, such as
persistent widespread poverty, underemployment, climate change, depletion of biological diversity, threatened ecosystems and food insecurity.
I had the honour to serve on the High-level Panel on Global Sustainability established by the UN Secretary General. Our report 'Resilient People Resilient Planet: A Future Worth Choosing' states that sustainable development fundamentally depends on all the millions of choices that
individuals, businesses and governments make every day and everywhere.
If we want to see real change, we must understand that our common future lies in all those choices. Achieving sustainability is about enabling
people, markets and governments to choose a sustainable future.
That's why democratic governance and human rights are so important for sustainable development. Equal rights and opportunities for women and
young people are essential if we want to underpin growth, create increased prosperity and sustainability. It is my firm belief that with more
transparency and accountability, governments and businesses that pursue sustainable policies and products will be rewarded.
It is a thriving private sector that will be the engine for sustainable and inclusive growth. Creating the right conditions for sustainable investment
and innovation is essential, and governments have a pivotal role in setting the right incentives for the market.
As the Swedish government minister responsible for Rio +20, I strive to include the perspectives of the High-level Panel and to contribute to a new
and ambitious political engagement for sustainable development in Rio.
Some of the issues I would like to highlight ahead of Rio are access to energy, water and sanitation. These must become a reality for everyone,
especially women and children. How these resources are used is decisive for people's health, as well as for agriculture and business development.
More than half of the world's population lives in cities, and urbanisation continues. Cities are where the effects of migration, economic
development, social inequality, environmental pollution and climate change are most directly felt. However, I see great possibilities in urbanisation,
alongside and in concert with digitalisation and globalisation.
There is evidence of a correlation between urban density and prosperity. And in the cities there is a huge potential to make substantial contributions
to a more efficient resource usage. People in cities can organise smarter, have more interaction and lower the carbon footprint. This, however,
requires integrated planning and use of energy- and resource-efficient technologies, as well as people's participation, employment and access to
health, education and justice.
To achieve sustainable development we need to join forces across policy areas. That is why I am hosting Stockholm +40 together with my colleague
Lena Ek, the Swedish Minister for the Environment. Sustainability concerns all policy areas, and the Swedish Government is working in an
integrated manner and giving equal weight to the three pillars of social, economic and environmental sustainability.
But not only governments need to cooperate and work across policy areas; we need to reach out to other actors and encourage them to do the same.
All actors have to take on their fair share of responsibility to promote sustainable development. Governments have to get better at including
businesses and civil society and at working collaboratively in forward-looking partnerships to advance the sustainability agenda.
That is exactly what this conference is about: partnership. We have invited you as representatives of the research community, businesses, civil
society and policy-setting organisations. We have especially wanted to include a large number of young people. I am very happy to see all of you
here. I know the interest in this conference has been substantial, and it is obvious that people from different groups and different parts of the world
share the same goals - to work together for our common future.
Stockholm+40 will give us practical and inspirational examples of how sustainable development can be promoted in the areas of innovation,
production and consumption. As I see it, there are three main questions to be discussed:
1. How can we contribute to the development of innovations so that they reach new markets and people living in poverty?
2. How can we encourage businesses to take responsibility for production that stimulates development and growth without harming the
environment?
3. How can we contribute to making the world's growing cities suitable for sustainable living?
Over the next few days, we will hear many people share their views and ideas on sustainability. We will hear researchers present facts and theories
that can give decision makers an evidence base for policy decisions. We will hear businesses present what they can do and are doing to promote
sustainable production of goods and services. And we will listen to the opinions and ideas of young people who are shaping their future.
I am passionate about development. I hope and believe that these two days will present us all with a wide variety of perspectives. I would like to
mention two examples of great importance for social, economic and environmental development, namely access to energy and the industrial use of
water.
Most households in developing countries depend on kerosene and other unsustainable and expensive fuels. Kerosene is both expensive and harmful
to health. Without proper lighting, school children cannot read after dark. Nuru Energy from India is a young company that has come up with a
completely new way of recharging lights and other appliances, and is creating a complete business model that involves people at the base of the
pyramid in all parts of the value chain. You will meet Nuru Energy and four other entrepreneurs from different corners of the world in the
innovation workshop tomorrow afternoon.
An innovative partnership between businesses and organisations is Sweden Textile Water Initiative. A number of Swedish textile and leather
companies have joined forces with Stockholm International Water Institute in an initiative aiming for better water use throughout the supply chain.
The initiative gathers 32 companies in a learning process with water experts, and together they are developing guidelines for practical use in the
supply chain. A pilot project with the IFC resulted in 12 textile factories in Bangladesh reducing their water use by 75 million litres of water and
chemicals by 6 million kilos in just one year. Better water use and fewer chemicals also have social impacts, for example on working conditions. You
can meet representatives of the Stockholm International Water Institute in the round table session later today.
Over the next couple of days, we will hear many more examples of what is already being done to achieve sustainability. There will also be great
debates, hard questions and inspiring answers. I hope that this unique arena, by bringing together so many stakeholders from such different fields,
will enable new partnerships to be formed.
As a very wise person said, "There is no planet B". But there is a time to act, and that time is now. Our greatest strength, and our greatest hope, lies in
working together. By crossing the artificial divides that have existed between governments, businesses, academia and civil society, we will also be
able to cross the threshold into a sustainable and equitable future for all. And I think that today is a great day to take those first steps, together.
Thank you all for coming here.
Tal
Stockholm Internet Forum 2012 18 april 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons anförande vid Stockholm Internet Forum 2012
Det talade ordet gäller
Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends,
What a fantastic gathering of people here today: Internet activists, IT - specialists, business representatives, professors, telecom operators, human
rights defenders, development experts and even politicians. And that's just to mention a few. However, most of the people attending the Stockholm
Internet Forum aren't even here. They're out there somewhere, following us on the web.
When you think about it, it's really quite amazing. Anywhere in the world, a person with a computer and an internet connection can not only watch
us, but also actually take part in today's conference. For many of us here, the Internet and all its possibilities have become as obvious and natural as
the air we breathe. But at the same time, many people - too many - can't even take for granted something as fundamental as water.
As Minister for International Development Cooperation, my work is centred in the middle of these two extremes. However, there is nothing that
says they have to be mutually exclusive. Just because you lack clean water doesn't mean you're not streaming the latest episode of '30 Rock' on
your computer, and then tweeting about it. And just because you live in a slum doesn't mean you're not hooked up to the rest of the world. We live
in a complex time, in which many of our preconceived notions of poverty no longer apply. This is something we must always bear in mind when
talking about development.
Now I'd like to share with you some of my thoughts about the importance of Internet freedom for multi - faceted development, and what we can and must - do to help those who are fighting for freedom and democracy.
Dear Friends,
The Internet has revolutionised our economies and societies. It radically shrinks the distance between people, businesses, the scientific community
and governments all around the globe. This revolution has given us fantastic new opportunities: the Internet as a platform for innovation and
growth, but also an important platform for democracy.
Those of us who are convinced that human development depends on individual expression of new ideas clearly understand the value of a free and
open Internet.
This insight is also reflected in one of the Millennium Development Goals - Goal Eight. It sets out to make available the benefits of new technologies
in developing countries, and to increase the number of Internet users. Information and communication technologies are the enablers that allow
societies to prosper, that allow modern health care, education, banking, trade and communications to exist. If developing countries are to play their
full role in the global economy, they too must have access to the technologies that define our reality today.
In our efforts to eradicate poverty, let us not forget the Goal Eight target of making the benefits of new technologies available, especially
information and communication technologies (ICT). This target carries a vision of development as something beyond the absence of hunger - it is a
vision of freedom, growth and innovation that puts the individual first in the general development of mankind. We should remind ourselves of the
commitment to turn this digital divide into a digital opportunity for all, particularly for those who risk being left behind and further marginalised.
Bridging the digital divide means ensuring digital inclusion. This, in turn, requires people having access to, and effective use of, the range of digital
media, communication platforms and devices for information management and processing.
I believe it is important to underline that access is not only a question of physical possibilities to connect to the Internet, or even access to the skills
necessary to use new technologies. It is not only about availability and affordability.
Access to, and use of, the Internet are becoming more and more significant for the full enjoyment of human rights: the right to freedom of
expression, the right to education, the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to take part in the government of a country,
the right to work, and so on.
Today, access to, and the creative use of, the Internet are an inevitable priority to anyone concerned with human development, due to its integral
relationship to all these human rights.
Dear Friends,
In addressing the issue of access, we should always keep in mind that the gap in access between the 'developed' and the 'developing' world is only
one of many divides - and often a symptom of underlying problems rather than the core problem.
One of the underlying problems is, of course, the inherent lack of respect for human rights that characterises some nations' approach to modern
communication technologies.
By being the largest and potentially most inclusive communication arena that has ever existed, the Internet fosters freedom of expression on a
global scale. Those who want to exclude their populations from this arena are trembling with fear.
Countries where regimes limit or prohibit their citizens' access to the Internet - these are the black holes of the Internet.
In Iran, Internet censorship has been a reality for some time, and even more so since the disputed presidential elections in 2009. For instance, Iran
now blocks access to both Gmail and Google and, for a reason beyond my comprehension, the official website of the upcoming London Olympics.
There are also indications that Iran is pursuing a plan for a 'clean internet' - in effect an Iranian intranet controlled by the government.
In the report "Freedom on The Internet 2011", the organization Freedom House lists five countries that are at particular risk of suffering setbacks
related to Internet freedom: Thailand, Russia, Jordan, Venezuela and Zimbabwe.
Another example in the Freedom House report is Pakistan, where temporary blocks have been common in recent years. In 2010, a new Inter Ministerial Committee for the Evaluation of Websites was established to flag sites for blocking based on vaguely defined offenses against the state or
religion.
Certainly, some of these countries that I've mentioned aren't what we would normally call development countries. But this is only true if you take a
narrow view of poverty. Because poverty, the way the Swedish Government sees it, is not only a lack of food or water or income. It is just as much a
lack of freedom and the right to express oneself freely.
In most of the countries where access to the Internet is limited, it is a criminal offence to express oneself via the Internet. As the persecution of
reform - minded people on the Internet grows, our duty as human rights defenders becomes a duty to defend a free and open Internet.
In our age of instant communications, it is futile to try to prevent the dissemination of views and contacts by closing down the Internet or mobile
phone services. Therefore, my Government has clearly stated that extensive closure of the Internet is, in fact, a violation of the freedom of
expression and information, established in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration on
Human Rights.
But, it's not enough for Sweden and others to express their dismay. We need a broader agreement and understanding among governments that
freedom on the Internet is the rule, not the exception. Here, governments need to do more. And we politicians need to realize that no one, not even
a fully developed democracy, is immune to the temptation of controlling and limiting access to the Internet.
Dear Friends,
It is evident that today's information and communication technologies provide new potential to modernise our development efforts in a very
substantial way. These tools can be used to promote the cause of democracy and human rights, to provide independent sources of information, to
hold leaders accountable to their citizens, to serve as a means to connect citizens both throughout the country and in diaspora communities, and to
expose corruption. These are liberation technologies, symbols of a world that has changed forever.
This is why freedom on the Internet will remain a priority issue for the Swedish Government. The role of information and communication
technology in today's freedom struggles ranges from creation of alternative channels to government - controlled media to the use of social media in
monitoring human rights abuses and mobilising support for democracy. The Arab Revolution has shown how ICT and social media applications can
create new opportunities for citizens to mobilise, increase their influence and demand accountability from their leaders. Exploring and investing in
ICT is key for increased openness and transparency worldwide.
We can never accept people being thrown into prison merely because they voice their opinions on the Internet. The time has passed when a people's
legitimate claim to justice and welfare can be silenced by blocking their freedom of expression and their freedom of assembly.
As long as there are countries where the Internet is shut down or censored, there is scope for increased ICT support to facilitate the free flow of
information and so promote domestically driven democratic change.
We have an obligation to support those who risk their lives fighting for values that we share and take for granted. The events in North Africa and the
Middle East represent a strong call to governments and donors truly committed to democracy and human rights. This deserves our admiration and
respect. But it also calls for us to take action.
Dear friends,
In 2009, as a complement to traditional democracy assistance, the Swedish Government launched a Special Initiative for Democratisation and
Freedom of Expression. This initiative gave us the means to rapidly support human rights activists and agents for democratic change in new and
more direct ways, not least through ICT.
The Swedish Government recently decided to adopt a new strategy for Democratisation and Freedom of Expression for 2012 to 2014, with a budget
of 215 million kronor for 2012. The strategy prioritises the use of ICT and innovative technology in the service of freedom. Many of the projects
that we supported in 2011 were in the Middle East and North Africa, and we will continue this support in 2012 and onwards.
I would like to give you an idea of the kind of projects that we're supporting through Sida, our very own and very modern development agency.
First, we have the project 'iMeedan - Sorting, Translating & Disseminating Citizen Reporting in the Arab Region'. The purpose of the iMeedan is to
strengthen citizen journalism in the MENA region. This is done by training bloggers and by building up portals for the promotion of activist bloggers
in cooperation with local progressive media actors.
The first phase of iMeedan focused on Egypt, but it has now expanded to Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Morocco and several other countries.
Secondly, we support an international NGO called 'Tactical Technology Collective', or 'Tactical Tech' for short. They train human rights defenders,
democracy activists and journalists in IT security, ICT technology and efficient methods of bypassing censorship, filtering and infiltration. The goal
of the project is to have 20 000 trained agents of change.
We also give support to similar projects managed by, amongst others, Freedom House, The Tor Project and Civil Rights Defenders. Many, if not
most, of the brave men and women we are trying to help take great risks and make even greater sacrifices in the name of freedom. We owe them our
support.
Dear friends,
One of the most fundamental obstacles to poverty reduction and achieving the goal of equitable and sustainable global development is repression.
As I said before, poverty is not only a lack of income and material resources. Poverty is also a lack of freedom, security and the power to influence
policy and shape the decisions that affect one's life. Every person has the right - an absolute, unassailable right - to live his or her life in dignity and
freedom. And taking freedom seriously means always putting the individual first, before the state. That is why we, the Swedish Government, have
made it our business to help those who fight for and believe in freedom and democracy.
At the beginning of my speech I mentioned water. The way I see it, water and the Internet have quite a lot in common. First of all, every person
should have unlimited access to them. Secondly, they are both fantastic mediums for communicating, trading and for making a living. Third, they're
a lot of fun. Fourth, and this is maybe the most important similarity: they both have an extraordinary ability to make their way into the smallest of
cracks, be it into rocks or dictatorships. And as we've seen: once they're in, anything can happen. That ability, that power, is what makes the
Internet such an amazing instrument of change.
Dear friends,
Where there is water, there is life. And where the Internet is, there is hope. Let's make sure everybody has plenty of both.
Thank you all for your attention and for coming to Stockholm, the capital on water; where we meet today to increase freedom tomorrow.
Tal
Europaforum i Hässleholm 17 april 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
EU:s globala roll i en föränderlig värld
Mina damer och herrar.
EU är mer än en inre marknad. Det är också en union av värderingar. Dessa värderingar ska prägla också EU:s
förbindelser med övriga världen. EU ska bidra till fred, säkerhet, hållbar utveckling av vår jord, solidaritet och
ömsesidig respekt mellan folken, fri och rättvis handel, utrotning av fattigdomen och skydd för de mänskliga
rättigheterna. EU:s politik för utvecklingssamarbete utgör ett mycket viktig instrument för att uppnå allt detta.
Nyligen har EU sett över sin utvecklingspolitik och sin organisation för att möta de förväntningar och krav som ställs på unionen och för att anpassa
politiken till omvärldsförändringar som snabbt och i många fall dramatiskt ägt rum under de senaste åren.
Jag kommer idag att tala om åtta större omvärldstrender som alla har en stor påverkan på EU:s globala roll. Därefter kommer jag att ta upp sju
pågående eller kommande förändringar av EU:s utvecklingspolitik. Jag börjar med de åtta omvärldstrenderna.
1. Världen blir rikare.
Givet vad vi ser i nyheterna och i den dagliga rapporteringen kan det te sig smått osannolikt. Men faktum är att idag tar sig människor ur fattigdom i
en takt som aldrig förr. De flesta känner till den ekonomiska utveckling och fattigdomsminskning som sker i Kina och Indien, men vi ser samma
utveckling också i andra delar av världen. Allt fler länder stryks från OECD:s lista över länder som kan ta emot bistånd. Sedan 1970 har 55 länder
blivit så rika att de tagits bort från listan och trenden fortsätter starkt.
2.Ett nytt Afrika växer fram.
Ett antal afrikanska länder, främst söder om Sahara, har fortfarande många problem att komma över. Men mindre känt är att kontinentens ekonomi
växer snabbast i världen. Sex av tio av världens snabbast växande ekonomier under det senaste decenniet är afrikanska, bl.a. Etiopen, Mocambique
och Rwanda, länder som vi tidigare vant oss vid att snarare läsa om svält och konflikter
3. Hälsa och demokrati ökar.
Världen noterar enorma framsteg vad gäller hälsa och hälsovård, utbildning och hiv/aids-bekämpning. Detsamma gäller demokratisering och
stärkta förvaltningsstrukturer. Andelen länder med demokratiska valsystem har ökat från ca 40 % 1989 till ca 60 % 2010. Framförallt i Europas
demokratiska utveckling har såklart EU spelat en väldigt stor roll.
4. Nya globala utmaningar.
Trots alla dessa framsteg så återstår mycket att göra. Fokus flyttas emellertid delvis från traditionellt bilateralt bistånd till att tillsammans med
fattiga, nyligen rikare och andra i-länder möta ett antal globala utmaningar. Vi har t.ex. global och nationell säkerhet, konfliktförebyggande,
terrorismbekämpning, miljö & klimat frågor, livsmedelssäkerhet, tillgång till vatten, sanitet, energi, och att på ett positivt sätt ta tillvara den
potential som global migration innebär.
5. Växande krav på frihet och mänskliga rättigheter.
Den arabiska revolutionen har gett en nyttig påminnelse till världens ledare att ekonomisk utveckling och fattigdomsminskning inte räcker till.
Särskilt unga människor över hela världen kräver ökad frihet, mer demokrati och en större respekt för mänskliga rättigheter.
6. Nya partnerskap och ändrade flöden.
Vissa tidigare u-länder har utvecklats till att bli givarländer. Privata aktörer, näringslivet och civilsamhällesorganisationer spelar en allt viktigare
roll. Biståndet blir en allt mindre del av de finansiella flödena mellan länder och världsdelar.
7. EU:s utvecklingspolitik förnyas.
Lissabonavtalet har integrerat utvecklingspolitiken som en del av utrikespolitiken och fattigdomsminskning i utvecklingsländer har gjorts till ett
tydligt mål för EU. Samstämmighet mellan alla politikområden för att bidra till målen för utvecklingssamarbetet betonas - t.ex. måste numera i
princip också EU:s jordbruks-, fiske- och handelspolitik bidra till global utveckling. EU:s nya gemensamma utrikestjänst, EEAS, ger möjlighet till att
bättre samordna den traditionella utrikes- och säkerhetspolitiken med utvecklingspolitiken.
8. EU befinner sig i kris.
EU har också försatt sig självt i en finanskris som hotar tillväxten inom EU och i resten av världen. Otvetydigt har EU därmed förlorat i renommé
och relevans. Det bör dock noteras att EU fortsatt, trots krisen, är beslutet att nå gjorda åtaganden om bistånd, 0,7 % av BNI 2015.
Det var de åtta stora omvärldstrenderna. För att anpassa sig till dessa, och för att åstadkomma högre kvalitet i verksamheten, kommer EU att
genomföra följande sju förändringar av sin utvecklingspolitik.
1. Ökad fokus på resultat.
Att säkerställa att biståndet leder till påtagliga resultat för fattiga kvinnor, män och barn blir särskilt viktigt i tider av åtstramning. Biståndet kanske
minskar, och då måste vi verkligen se till att varje euro räknas. Resultatuppföljning är viktigt för att bekämpa fattigdom genom att skapa förståelse
vad som fungerar bra och vad som fungerar mindre bra så att vi ständigt kan förbättra biståndet. Men det handlar också om ett ansvar gentemot
våra egna medborgare, vars skattekronor vi förvaltar. Alla vi som betalar skatt ska veta att våra pengar verkligen gör nytta.
2. Ta tydligare ställning för frihet och demokrati.
EU har som sagt tagit intryck av den arabiska revolutionen och den tilltagande debatten om frihet och demokrati runt om i världen. Insikten har
stärkts om att vi för vår trovärdighets skull måste verka tydligare för samma demokratisyn som vi så starkt tror på i vår egen union också i våra
externa förbindelser.
När det gäller utveckling ser vi hur demokrati, respekt för mänskliga rättigheter, god samhällsstyrning, säkerhet och ekonomiskt tillväxt hänger tätt
ihop. Vi ser också att unga människor måste ha möjlighet att utvecklas och förverkliga sig själva i sina egna samhällen - inte minst i
utvecklingsländer. Dessutom är det så att när vi talar om fattigdom menar vi inte enbart ekonomisk fattigdom. I det flerdimensionella
fattigdomsbegreppet inbegrips också frihet att uttrycka sina åsikter och möjlighet för individer att själva fritt forma sin egen framtid. På så sätt är
förbättrad demokrati i sig självt ett sätt att minska fattigdom.
3. Avsluta biståndet till rika länder.
Som jag nämnt ser vi för närvarande en värld där många tidigare utvecklingsländer är på väg att växa i kapp de tidigare s.k. i-länderna. Samtidigt ser
vi att flertalet av de allra fattigaste människorna lever i medelinkomstländer. Det långsiktiga svaret på denna problematik kan inte vara att fortsätta
ge massivt bistånd till ganska rika länder som inte tar ansvar för sina egna fattiga.
Därför kommer EU:s bilaterala bistånd med de rikare s.k. övre medelinkomstländerna inom ganska kort tid att avslutas. På så sätt kan mer resurser
föras över till de som verkligen behöver vårt stöd: de fattigaste och de som drabbats av konflikter eller naturkatastrofer. Samarbetet med de länder
som inte längre ska få bilateralt bistånd kommer att fortsätta i andra former, bl.a. för att möta de globala utmaningar jag nämnde tidigare. EU
kommer i sin politiska dialog att ständigt påminna om ländernas ansvar för sina egna befolkningars välstånd.
4. Fokusera biståndet.
En givare kan inte göra allt. Behoven är oändliga och av välvilja eller av tradition så är det lätt hänt att man sprider sina knappa resurser för tunt. EU
och dess medlemsstater har därför kommit överens om att vara aktiva i maximalt tre samhällssektorer per mottagarland. Nyligen har EUkommissionen gått ett steg längre genom att tala om att man globalt tänker koncentrera sig på dels tillväxt och social service, dels på demokratistöd
och stöd till förbättrad samhällsstyrning.
Andra viktiga delområden som lyfts fram är energi- och jordbrukssektorerna (sektorer som är viktiga för att möta klimatförändringar och
förebygga hungerkatastrofer) samt utbildning, hälsa och socialförsäkringssystem. Samarbete med den privata sektorn och civilsamhället ska också
ges högre prioritet för att möjliggöra att den potential som finns hos dessa aktörer bättre ska kunna tillvaratas för att åstadkomma tillväxt och
fattigdomsminskning samt för att bidra till ökad pluralism.
5. Öka andelen bistånd som går via mjuka lån och garantier.
På så sätt kan man öka volymerna som är tillgängliga för utvecklingsändamål, samtidigt som man finner vägar för ökat samarbete med privata
aktörer som ju visar allt större intresse för utvecklingsländer. Detta kan bli särskilt viktigt för finansiering av utbyggnad av infrastruktur i t.ex.
Afrika, som fortfarande är enormt eftersatt. Vägar, järnvägar och hamnar m.m. måste byggas ut och rustas upp för att ekonomierna ska kunna
fortsätta växa som de gjort på senare år.
6. Bli bättre på att samverka.
EU är världsledande på bistånd. Tyvärr är vi inte lika ledande när vi talar om dialog och påverkan eftersom vi ofta inte lyckas samarbeta tillräckligt
väl. Med bättre samverkan skulle vi radikalt kunna öka effekten av vårt samlade bistånd. Steg i den här riktningen har tagits och mer är på gång.
Bl.a. har EU fått en gemensam utrikestjänst i form av European External Action Service (EEAS) som har till uppgift att samordna EU:s utrikes och
säkerhetspolitik, vilket innefattar också biståndet.
Vidare kommer EU inom kort att starta med gemensamma landstrategier för medlemsländerna och EU-kommissionen. Med dessa förändringar bör
EU:s stora potential kunna utnyttjas bättre genom att vi talar med en röst och att vi blir ett än bättre föredöme vad gäller effektiv hantering av
biståndsmedel.
7. Slutligen, men antagligen viktigast av allt: EU är överens om att göra mer och bättre för att säkerställa en
samstämmighetspolitik som är värd namnet.
Samstämmighetspolitik innebär att allt EU gör internt eller externt som påverkar fattiga länders möjligheter att bekämpa fattigdom ska beakta
målet för internationell utveckling. EU har inte varit särskilt bra på detta. Ett tydligt exempel är jordbruks- och fiskepolitiken, där EU genom
subventioner till våra egna bönder och fiskare slår undan benen för utvecklingsländernas exportsträvanden. Vi ger med ena handen och tar med
den andra. Det är inte hållbart.
Det finns ett åtagande om samstämmighetspolitik i EU:s Lissabonfördrag. Nu helt nyligen har detta åtagande bekräftats av EU:s medlemsländer det är dock tveksamt hur väl det är förankrat hos de som ansvarar för t.ex. jordbruks- och fiskepolitiken. Eftersom Sverige är ett land som
verkligen menar allvar med samstämmighet ser jag detta som ett område där Sverige kan spela en roll som gott exempel och genom att följa upp vad
som sker och påminna våra EU-vänner om att samstämmighetspolitik är något alla tjänar på och är betydligt effektivare än fortsatt stort bistånd.
Det var åtta stora trender och sju förändringar som just nu är väldigt viktiga för att forma EU:s globala roll. Om EU kan förverkliga sin fulla
potential kan man bli en oerhört stark kraft för fred, frihet, demokrati och utveckling. Sverige har varit pådrivande och ger starkt stöd till det
nytänkande och den förändring vi nu ser inom EU. Vi kommer att fortsätta med detta, för det finns mycket kvar att förbättra.
Tack!
EU:s bistånd
EU, d.v.s. EU:s medlemsstater och EU-kommissionen tillsammans, är världens största biståndsgivare och står med c:a 53 miljarder EUR för mer
än hälften av världens bistånd.
EU-kommissionen använde 2010 c:a 11 miljarder EUR i sina externa relationer. Av det beloppet utgjorde c:a 10 miljarder Euro bistånd. Det
motsvarar ungefär 90 miljarder kronor och gör kommissionen till världens tredje största givare. Sverige ligger runt plats 10 i världsrankingen av
biståndsgivare och försöker på olika sätt driva på för att EU:s medlemsstater ska nå upp till åtagandet att öka biståndet till 0,7 % av BNI. Än så
länge är det inom EU bara Sverige, Luxemburg, Danmark och Nederländerna som når den nivån.
EU-kommissionen har en nästan unik räckvidd då man är verksam med bistånd i 134 länder och är bland de tre största givarna i 75 länder.
Tal
Stockholm 24 mars 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons anförande vid LSU-konferensen Stockholm-30: Ungas roll i
hållbar utveckling
Det talade ordet gäller.
Det är verkligen roligt att se så många här idag, det visar på det stora intresse och engagemang för hållbarhetsfrågorna som finns bland Sveriges
unga.
Innan jag börjar vill jag tacka LSU och ordförande Felix König för att ni har bjudit in mig. Framförallt vill jag tacka er för ert stora engagemang inför
Stockholm+40 och Rio+20. LSU representerar den för mig allra viktigaste gruppen i arbetet med hållbar utveckling - nämligen unga människor,
eller helt enkelt ni som är här. Jag kommer att återkomma till er roll lite senare.
Just hållbarhetsfrågor är mycket viktiga för mig. Jag leder regeringens arbete inför Rio+20, ett arbete som nu är inne i ett mycket intensivt skede.
Som en del i Rio-processen arrangerar jag, tillsammans med miljöminister Lena Ek, den internationella konferensen Stockholm+40 om ungefär en
månad. Inom ramen för högnivåpanelen för global hållbarhet som FN:s generalsekreterare tillsatte har jag också under en längre tid arbetat med
hållbarhetsfrågor och hur världssamfundet kan förenas kring åtgärder för att bemöta de kriser och utmaningar vi står inför.
Barn och ungdomars roll brukar ofta komma upp i diskussioner om hållbar utveckling eftersom det är ni som får ta konsekvenserna av de beslut
som fattas idag. En ungdomsdelegat i klimatförhandlingarna för ett par år sedan fångade problematiken i en mening. Hon frågade ordföranden för
förhandlingarna hur gammal han skulle vara 2050, och möttes med rungande applåder. För svaret talade sitt tydliga språk: ordföranden medgav att
han skulle vara 110 år och inte skulle behöva ta konsekvenserna av en misslyckad klimatpolitik.
De beslut vi fattar idag kommer ha långtgående konsekvenser för nästkommande generationer och därför måste politiker, företag och
organisationer ha detta som utgångspunkt. Men för mig räcker det inte att skapa en bättre värld för de som är unga idag - det handlar om att
inkludera unga människor i förändringsarbetet. Både i Sverige och i världen måste vi bli bättre på att ta tillvara ungas potential och idéer i politiken,
i näringslivet och i samhället. Stockholm-30 är ett utmärkt initiativ för just detta.
Jag tänkte ta tillfället att här idag berätta om mitt arbete i FN:s panel för global hållbarhet. Genom mitt deltagande i Hållbarhetspanelen har jag
under en längre tid arbetat med hur världssamfundet kan förenas kring åtgärder för att bemöta de kriser och utmaningar vi står inför.
Hållbarhetspanelens uppgift var att ta fram en ny vision för hållbar tillväxt och välstånd och föreslå sätt på hur detta bör genomföras. En mycket
ambitiös uppgift minst sagt, men mycket angeläget inte minst inför Rio-konferensen.
Vi döpte vår rapport till "A Future Worth Choosing" och mycket av rapportens budskap ligger i själva titeln. Vår utgångspunkt för hållbar
utveckling är alla de miljontals val som varje dag görs av individer, företag och regeringar. Vår gemensamma framtid ligger i alla dessa val. Den
utmaning vi står inför handlar om att göra hållbara val möjliga. I slutrapporten har vi enats om en gemensam vision och 56 konkreta
rekommendationer om hur hållbar utveckling ska uppnås.
En viktig utgångspunkt för mig i alla frågor som rör hållbar utveckling är att sätta människan i centrum och utgå från varje människas rättigheter
och behov. Jag har särskilt lyft fram ungas möjligheter och potential att bidra till en hållbar utveckling. Vad är till exempel hållbar utveckling för en
ung tjej på landsbygden i Kongo? Har hon möjligheter att påverka utvecklingen i sitt samhälle? Kan hon ställa sina lokalpolitiker till svars om
vattnet i byn förorenas på grund av undermålig miljölagstiftning? Har hon möjlighet att utbilda sig och starta eget företag?
En huvudfråga för mig i panelarbetet har därför varit att tydligt visa på vikten av demokrati och respekt för mänskliga rättigheter för att skapa ett
hållbart samhälle. Jag är mycket glad och stolt över att den vision vi presenterar i slutrapporten utgår ifrån ett demokratiperspektiv. Vi lyfter
särskilt fram vikten av ungas deltagande och rekommenderar regeringar att främja ungdomars deltagande i beslutsfattande på alla nivåer.
En annan nyckelfråga för mig har varit att lyfta fram näringslivets roll som drivkraft för hållbar utveckling. Allt fler företag inser att hållbara
affärsmodeller lönar sig, men regeringar har också ett viktigt ansvar att utforma incitament som uppmuntrar till hållbara investeringar. I rapporten
lägger vi fram en rad rekommendationer om ekonomiska styrmedel, såsom utfasning av subventioner på fossila bränslen och hållbarhetskriterier
vid offentlig upphandling. Vi måste bli bättre på att inkludera näringslivet för att möta dagens komplexa problem - och panelen rekommenderar
regeringar och företag att gå samman i strategiska partnerskap för att genomföra långsiktiga lösningar. Vi lyfter också fram ungdomars potential att
bidra på arbetsmarknaden och i näringslivet och rekommenderar regeringar och företag att gå samman i partnerskap för att erbjuda yrkesträning
och ge stöd till unga entreprenörer.
Ett genomgående huvudbudskap i rapporten är att hållbar utveckling är bara möjlig om alla aktörer bidrar - regeringar kan inte själva förhandla
fram hållbar utveckling. Företag är och måste vara motorn för att skapa inkluderande och hållbar tillväxt. Vi behöver ökat samarbete och
partnerskap mellan regeringar, företag och civilsamhället.
De frågor som jag drivit i GSP återspelas också i regeringens prioriteringar inför Rio+20, som jag tänkte prata om nu.
Min och regeringens ambition är att Sverige är med och bidrar till att Rio+20 levererar ett antal konkreta överenskommelser som kan ge ny rörelse
i det globala hållbarhetsarbetet. Rio-konferensen är en unik möjlighet att skapa ett förnyat och starkare politiskt stöd för hållbar utveckling.
Vikten av demokrati, mänskliga rättigheter, jämställdhet och utbildning för hållbar utveckling måste lyftas fram i Rio. Det är genom människors
insikt och kunskap om nödvändigheten av en hållbar utveckling och möjligheten att göra sin röst hörd som förändringar kan ske i samhällen. Till
frågor om påverkan och deltagande hör även vikten av att inkludera alla aktörer i samhället - civilsamhällesorganisationer och ungdomar är två
viktiga grupper. Min och regeringens uppfattning är att Rio+20 ska ta tillvara på ungas synsätt, förslag på lösningar och angreppssätt för att nå en
hållbar utveckling.
Näringslivet är en annan grupp som i betydligt högre utsträckning måste involveras i arbetet för hållbar utveckling. Den privata sektorn har en unik
kapacitet att snabbt lösa problem och samtidigt resurser att skala upp dessa lösningar. Rio+20 behöver bana väg för nya samarbetsformer mellan
regeringar, företag och organisationer som ligger i framkant.
Nära kopplat till detta ligger frågan om rätt prissättning, om värdering av ekosystemtjänster samt ekonomiska styrmedel. Att synliggöra
miljömässiga och sociala kostnader men även förtjänster är kanske det snabbaste sättet att få ekonomiska aktörer att fatta beslut som går i en
hållbar riktning. Regeringen vill att Rio resulterar i ett åtagande om utfasning av fossila subventioner. Nya indikatorer för att mäta hållbar
utveckling som kompletterar BNP måste också tas fram.
Energi, vatten och sanitet är några av konferensens nyckelfrågor. Tillgång till och hållbart nyttjande av energi, vatten och sanitet måste bli
verklighet för alla människor, särskilt för kvinnor och barn. Detta är en förutsättning för många andra nödvändigheter som hälsa och tillgång till
mat, men även för jordbruket och näringslivet och är därmed en förutsättning för en hållbar och inkluderande tillväxt. Regeringen vill att Rio visar
vägen för hur rätten till vatten kan omsättas i praktiken. FN:s generalsekreterares initiativ Energy for All är ett spännande sätt att ta sig an
energifrågan och bör också lyftas fram i Rio.
År 2030 beräknas två tredjedelar av jordens befolkning leva i städer. En stor del av energiförbrukningen, miljöproblem och sociala problem
kommer följaktligen att koncentreras till just städer. När vi åker hem från Rio vill jag kunna säga att konferensen banade väg för ett integrerat
synsätt på hållbara städer - att Rio la grunden för konkreta insatser inom allt ifrån integrerad stadsplanering med energi- och resurseffektiv teknik
till att stärka fattiga människors delaktighet, sysselsättning och tillgång till välfärdstjänster som hälsa och utbildning. Sverige leder i New York
tillsammans med Singapore en så kallad vängrupp inför Rio-konferensen kring hållbara städer.
År 2030 kommer samtidigt en tredjedel av världens befolkning att leva på landsbygden och där kommer även en stor majoritet av de allra fattigaste
bo. Från regeringens sida vill vi därför betona just det hållbara jordbrukets, skogsbrukets och fiskets roll för en hållbar utveckling. De är centrala
källor till försörjning och sysselsättning för många fattiga människor. Just därför måste de nyttjas uthålligt och ansvarsfullt.
Ett annat viktigt frågekomplex är konsumtion och produktion: Ett mer effektivt användande av resurser i produktion och konsumtion är en
förutsättning för en hållbar utveckling. Vi utgår från att Rio-konferensen antar det 10-åriga ramverket för hållbar konsumtion och produktion.
Vi måste i Rio också granska det institutionella ramverk som är skapat för att driva hållbarhetsarbetet framåt. Idag präglas institutionerna av
stuprörstänkande. Det nuvarande ramverket måste både reformeras och stärkas. Målet måste vara att integrera de tre dimensionerna av hållbar
utveckling på alla nivåer. Regeringen vill även se ökade synergier mellan miljökonventionerna och att miljöfrågorna stärks på alla nivåer av FNsystemets arbete.
Colombia lanserade under hösten ett förslag om hållbarhetsmål. Tanken på globala mål för hållbarhet har sedan dess vunnit allt bredare stöd.
Sverige samarbetar med Colombia för att hjälpa dem att sprida tanken på hållbarhetsmål - bland annat genom att medfinansiera möten. Regeringen
ser hållbarhetsmål som den mest strategiska överenskommelse vi kan göra i Rio - en överenskommelse som kan sätta dagordningen för arbetet med
hållbar utveckling liksom för det internationella utvecklingssamarbetet under en rad år framöver. Regeringen har därför framgångsrikt arbetat
inom EU för att öka öppenheten för hållbarhetsmål. Arbetet med hållbarhetsmål måste koordineras med översynen av millenniemålen. Efter 2015
vill vi se ett samlat ramverk som omfattar de tre dimensionerna av hållbar utveckling med mål som omfattar alla länder.
Rio-konferensen kommer även att anta ett slutdokument. Ett första utkast på detta dokument, det så kallade Zero Draft, cirkulerades i januari och
den första informella förhandlingsrundan av dokumentet har precis avslutats i New York. Ett ytterligare förhandlingstillfälle är inplanerat till
månadsskiftet april-maj innan förhandlingarna i Rio tar vid i juni.
Sverige arbetar på olika sätt genom EU för att påverka dokumentet och har hittills fått gehör för de flesta av våra prioriteringar. Eftersom FNförhandlingarna bara inletts är det för tidigt att säga vilket genomslag detta får på slutdokumentet.
Regeringen anser att en hög ambitionsnivå måste kombineras med realistiska förväntningar på konferensen. Idag är det internationella
förhandlingsklimatet svårare än för tio år sedan i och med att centrala länder, såsom USA, är tveksamma till globala lösningar och åtaganden som i
alltför hög utsträckning upplevs begränsande för landets utveckling. Det finns även en misstänksamhet kring temat grön ekonomi och en stor
känslighet i balansen mellan de olika dimensionerna av hållbar utveckling. Många europeiska länder tenderar att lägga vikten vid miljömässiga
frågor, medan andra länder ser social och ekonomisk utveckling som överordnade vid konferensen.
Det är i detta sammanhang särskilt viktigt att ta tillvara de teman där momentum finns och där konsensus är möjlig. Regeringen bedömer att ett
sådant ämne är tanken att inleda en process för att ta fram hållbarhetsmål.
Som en del av processen inför Rio+20 arrangerar jag tillsammans med miljöminister Lena Ek den internationella konferensen Stockholm+40 den
23-25 april. Konferensen hålls dels till minne av FN:s konferens om den mänskliga miljön som Sverige stod värd för 1972, dels som ett viktigt inspel
till Rio. Ministrar, forskare, representanter från företag, civila samhället och inte minst ungdomsorganisationer kommer att diskutera aktuella
frågor på hållbarhetsagendan.
Stockholm+40 blir ett tillfälle att lyfta fram konkreta lösningar på de utmaningar som Rio brottas med och en möjlighet att involvera de
nyckelaktörer som ett genomförande av Rio-konferensens resultat måste bygga på.
Det är viktigt att komma ihåg att Rio+20 inte är slutpunkten för hållbarhetsarbetet, utan förhoppningsvis ett avstamp som ger strävan mot hållbar
utveckling ny energi och riktning.
Under vintern och våren besöker jag gymnasieskolor runtom i Sverige för att prata om just Rio+20 och hållbar utveckling. Det jag genomgående
möts av är ett stort intresse för de här väldigt viktiga men också ganska svåra frågorna. Diskussionerna som jag har haft med eleverna har varit
oerhört spännande och varierande - med både tuff kritik och komplimanger, men framförallt finns det ett så fantastiskt engagemang. Det ger mig
verkligen hopp och framförallt ger det mig energi att jobba vidare.
Avslutningsvis vill jag göra reklam för en tävling just för gymnasieelever som jag har utlyst. Tävlingen går ut på att skriva ett tal om hållbar
utveckling och om frågorna som kommer att diskuteras på Rio+20. Den som skriver det bästa talet får följa med mig och den svenska delegationen
till Rio i juni. Ni kan hitta tävlingen på ud.se/rio+20 eller på Facebook (gruppen heter "Vinn resa till Rio"), men jag har också med mig ett gäng
fliers. Det skulle vara jättekul om ni ville hjälpa mig att sprida tävlingen i era nätverk.
Nu ser jag fram emot att höra era tankar och åsikter om Sveriges hållbarhetsarbete!
Tal
Istanbul Bilgi University, Turkiet 22 mars 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons anförande "Opportunities and challenges - Europe" vid Istanbul
Bilgi University, Turkiet (eng)
(Hosted by Platform for Global Challenges)
Det talade ordet gäller.
Turkey and the EU share the same fundamental values. Principles of democracy, market economy and individual freedom are deeply integrated in
our societies. We belong together. This is why Sweden is actively supporting Turkish EU membership. Support for this policy is strong - 7 out of 8
parties in the Swedish Parliament are behind it.
The case for EU-Turkey integration is stronger than ever, politically as well as economically. Let me give you Sweden's view on why that is so.
The global financial crisis, the effects of which are still very present in parts of Europe, has clearly demonstrated the need for global cooperation
and solutions. The crisis has understandably turned the energy of the EU's leaders inwards. However, it is my firm belief that the true recipe for
growth and stability for Europe lies in remaining open to the outside world.
The EU is the world's biggest integrated economy. The last round of enlargement, bringing roughly 100 million new EU citizens, has contributed in
a major way towards energising the European economy. Turkey's membership will be even more important. Enlargement - strengthening the rule of
law and common standards all over the continent - is an important part of Europe's aim for global competitiveness.
From a Swedish perspective, the dynamism and potential of the Turkish economy is obvious. Turkey is one of the fastest growing markets in both
the OECD and the G20. With a well-educated, young population (with an average age of 28) and a more liberal business climate than ever before,
Turkey is not only a unique investment platform and large emerging market. It is also the ideal stepping stone for many Swedish and European
companies for reaching out to the Middle East, Africa and Central Asia.
Sweden and the Nordic Model may have valuable lessons for Turkey. Our model is partly based on a flexible labour market combined with strong
social safety nets. Labour unions play an important role in encouraging flexibility and openness.
Another core aspect of the Nordic Model is women's participation in the labour market. The employment rate for women aged 15 to 64 in Sweden
has risen over the years to 70 per cent, compared with 74 per cent for men. I am convinced that if Turkey were to adopt similar provisions to
encourage women in the labour market, a huge potential would be unleashed.
The potential of Turkey, however, may be fully realised only within the European Union.
Europe is by far Turkey's number one trading partner, accounting for 43 per cent of its total trade, and supplying more than half of the foreign
companies active in Turkey. These EU companies are vital to the technology transfer now in progress. For Turkey to complete its economic
development and have competitive industries at a global level, this technology transfer needs to be boosted even more.
This is why we need to move forward towards the final goal - Turkish EU membership. Turkish enterprises will want access to the EU's internal
market in areas not currently covered by the customs union, such as services. Turkish enterprises deserve a level playing field in Europe where
barriers - including visa requirements - are removed.
Politically, the case for Turkey's membership is equally strong. This is evident in our efforts to support democracy and development in the
southern neighbourhood. The EU is now remodeling its relationship with the countries concerned, focusing on the three "M"s: money, mobility and
markets. Turkey on the other hand is already a key player in the region, not least as a forerunner of democratisation, free trade and a liberalised
economy in the Islamic world.
Also, Turkey is emerging as an important donor of development assistance. Obviously we need to join forces. If Turkey combines its 'soft power'
with that of the EU, and if we cooperate on the ground to support the same reform-minded people, we have greater chances of success. This is just
one area in which foreign policy cooperation between the EU and Turkey needs to intensify. One could also mention Turkey's importance to the
energy infrastructure of Europe, or the migration flows affecting our southern borders, where increased cooperation is urgently needed.
Turkey's internal reform process is also fundamentally tied to the EU accession process. Turkish democracy has matured over the last decade.
With the guidance of the EU institutions and pre-accession assistance, a judicial reform strategy is being implemented. Even the most sensitive
issues are now aired openly. Minority rights are beginning to be addressed. Constitutional reform is being prepared in an inclusive way. If this is
done correctly, based on individual rights and on the European Convention on Human Rights, Turkey will take a giant leap towards fulfilling the
EU's political criteria.
This is not to say that everything is perfect. Anyone reading the latest EU Progress Report can find the critical points regarding freedom of
expression, the rule of law and minorities. This, however, proves the value of the EU process. EU benchmarks point out a clear direction for
Turkish reform policy, and give objective feedback, which might otherwise be lacking in a very polarised political landscape.
It is deeply regrettable that these economic and political gains are held up by shortsighted policies in some corners of Europe. Blocking accession
negotiations for purely bilateral reasons, unrelated to the EU acquis, cannot be accepted. It is worth emphasising that I represent the overwhelming
majority of EU Member States in favour of Turkish membership. What is more, all 27 have agreed to the Negotiation Framework aiming for full
membership.
My advice is therefore to continue working hard on the EU reform agenda. There is much to do. Nobody can actually prevent Turkey from
reforming, whether chapters are blocked or not. The EU Delegation in Turkey is the largest in the world. It is here to assist you in your work.
I sincerely hope that the next time I come to Turkey, we on the EU side have overcome our differences and offered you a number of negotiation
chapters to be opened. Meanwhile, Turkey can continue to push on with reforms and to prepare for the day when negotiations can speed up again.
This includes chapters on key aspects of the internal market like procurement, competition and social policy. We also need to move forward
together on the visa issue, which I know deeply affects the everyday life of Turkish citizens, not least students.
During the last year, with the developments of the Arab awakening, I am happy that we have stood together to support all these brave women, men
and children who fought for dignity, freedom and a better future for all. We need each other.
Steps toward a closer relationship between the EU and Turkey are now being taken under the 'positive agenda'. As a complement to the established
framework of formal membership negotiations, the positive agenda will enable us to deepen our practical cooperation in fields such as foreign
policy, energy, justice/home affairs, and the customs union.
Hopefully, when more favourable political conditions prevail, formal membership negotiations can be concluded. Meanwhile, Sweden and Turkey
will work as partners to ensure continued momentum in Turkey-EU integration.
Thank you.
Tal
Global Human Development Forum i Istanbul, Turkiet 22 mars 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal om innovativ finansiering vid Global Human Development
Forum (eng)
Det talade ordet gäller.
Dear friends.
It is with great pleasure and enthusiasm that I stand before you today. Sweden's partnership with the UNDP has a long tradition and we are one of
the organisation's main financial contributors. For me, as Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation, it's always nice to be able to
say that Sweden is one of the largest providers of bilateral and multilateral aid worldwide.
Yet, in the bigger picture, Sweden as well as other donor countries are minor players when it comes to development financing. Already by 2007,
only 17 per cent of the developed world's financial flows to the developing world took the form of government aid. The other 83 per cent was made
up of private capital investment, remittances and other sources.
Fundamentally, this is a very positive development. The time when foreign aid enjoyed a quasi-monopoly as a source of external financing for
developing countries is long gone. Financial globalisation since the mid-1980s has translated into a surge in capital to developing countries, notably
in foreign direct investments and portfolio flows. In addition, new actors and new donors - be they private, such as the Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation, or countries, such as China and India - are all contributing to a fundamental change in the landscape of international aid.
Dear friends.
Now we have to ask ourselves: how do we make aid relevant today and in the future? How do we respond and adapt to this new 'aidscape'? My
answer is that aid has to be catalytic. It has to pave the way for the multitude of sources of finance that are available in this new setting.
I'm not alone in this thinking. At the High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Busan last year, the engagement of the private sector in development
cooperation was at the centre of deliberations. That meeting marks a mind shift in how the role of the private sector is perceived. There is now
broad agreement that the private sector is one of the main players in effective development cooperation and that aid has to be catalytic in
mobilising resources for development.
In my mind this is what innovative financing is all about - a catalytic use of aid. And there are many exciting ideas on how we can work innovatively
in this sense. In Sweden our work on loans and guarantees is perhaps where we have come furthest. The key words here are risk-sharing and
leverage. Why is the level of investments in poorer developing countries not higher? One important reason is that the weighing of possible profits
against perceived risks does not come out in favour of the former. Here aid can do a lot to lessen or share the risk.
Dear friends.
I will now give you three good examples of innovative financing, beginning with a personal favourite from Uganda. A few years back, Uganda's
national pension funds were unable to invest in productive activities because of strict rules on risk-taking. At the same time, Uganda's
telecommunications infrastructure experienced a large funding gap. Sweden offered a guarantee, taking on part of the risk of a telecom investment
which allowed the pension fund to open up its resources for investment.
After a couple of years of successful expansion, the telecom manager put up a sad face when he met his Swedish colleagues. "I'm sorry to say it," he
said, "but we don't need your help any more" - the expansion had been successful and had generated money for further investments. Small measures
can yield large dividends.
A second exciting example is the work on access to electricity for rural households in Bangladesh. A small Swedish grant reduced the cost of solar
home systems so that a microfinance institution was willing to take the risk of lending money to poor rural households. The households were then
able to invest in solar power at a lower cost than the cost of their traditional fuels. In this way clean and reliable electricity will be accessed by over
100,000 poor households, six times more than had the grant been used in traditional ways.
My third and final example is the emergence of 'challenge funds', such as the Africa Enterprise Challenge Fund supported by a large grant from Sida.
It offers an open and transparent competition for funds for practical projects that are both commercially viable and will have a broad
developmental impact on the rural poor. It is able to support cross-border, regional and pan-continental projects, as well as national ones.
Together with another major donor we are planning a similar challenge fund in the field of sustainable energy. Here we will use aid to stimulate
innovation and to steer resources towards sustainable solutions. At the same we are formulating a clear desired result that gives us a reference point
for evaluations. Innovative financing can be truly exciting, but we have to be on our toes and always be ready to think outside the box of traditional
development aid.
Dear friends.
I am painting quite a sunny picture, and there is indeed much to be positive about. However, we must not get carried away. We must not shy away
from the drawbacks associated with a number of the solutions that are labelled as innovative.
The most striking example of this is the tax on financial transactions. The costs in terms of slower growth that such a tax will incur are considerable.
If our aim is to generate aid resources, there are other less damaging ways. From my perspective, a tax with such a negative effect on the economy
cannot be considered innovative. Furthermore, a financial transaction tax and the discussion of innovative financing in general must never be used
as an excuse for not fulfilling ODA commitments.
Let me come back to one of the main themes of the Busan meeting - the partnership with the private sector in the drive for development. This is a
much wider issue than financing. The creation of inclusive business, for example, where poor women and men have the opportunity to participate
in, contribute to and benefit from growth, is essential. Here, too, we must be innovative in finding ways to make value chains include poor people as
producers, distributers and consumers.
As reflected in the background paper to this seminar, we face a complex reality with multiple sources of finance and multiple roles. This
underscores the importance of bringing forward the broad partnership established in Busan. We need to join our efforts and work together in order
to achieve sustainable development results for our partner countries.
Dear friends.
During the last year I have been a member of the UN Secretary-General's Global Sustainability Panel. Given our discussion here today, I'd like to
mention two sets of recommendations in our report that I see as particularly important.
First, we must recognise that democratic governance and human rights lay the very foundation for a sustainable future. People who are empowered
with knowledge have better opportunities to claim their rights and choose sustainability. Increased transparency and accountability will reward
governments and businesses that pursue sustainable policies and products.
Second, again, we must recognise that only a thriving private sector can be the main engine for sustainable and inclusive growth. And here, at least
as important as financing is setting the right conditions for sustainable investment and innovation - including predictable investment conditions,
pricing environmental externalities and phasing out fossil fuel subsidies. Governments have a key role in setting the right incentives to catalyse the
use of the market. I hope that Rio+20, the UN conference on sustainable development this June, will bring us closer to making this a reality.
I hope that my remarks will contribute to a fruitful and informed debate today.
Thank you.
Tal
Rosenbads konferenscenter, Regeringskansliet 5 mars 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande vid upptaktsmöte till konferensen Stockholm+40 Forum for
Sustainable Development 5 mars 2012
Det talade ordet gäller
Panelmedlemmar, mina damer och herrar.
Tack för att så många har kommit hit. Det här upptaktsmötet och det vi ska diskutera idag utgör i alla fall utåt sett en startpunkt för vårt arbete inför
Rio+20 i sommar. Men skenet bedrar. För inom Regeringskansliet och på våra departement har förberedelserna inför Rio+20 pågått ända sen i
somras. Jag vet att detsamma gäller i civilsamhället, näringslivet och den akademiska världen. Men egentligen måste man gå mycket längre tillbaka
än bara ett år. För Sverige har ju varit en av de mest aktiva förespråkarna av hållbar utveckling sedan såväl 20 som 40 år tillbaka.
Jag vill börja med att sätta Stockholm +40 i ett större sammanhang. I sommar hålls Rio+20, FN:s konferens om hållbar utveckling - ett unikt
tillfälle att skapa ett förnyat och ett starkare politiskt stöd för hållbar utveckling. Regeringens ambition är att Sverige ska bidra till en konferens
som levererar konkreta överenskommelser som kan ge nytt momentum till det globala hållbarhetsarbetet.
För att den globala utvecklingen ska bli hållbar måste den innebära en ekonomisk utveckling som möjliggör för alla människor att lyfta sig ur
fattigdom, en social utveckling som gör att alla människors rättigheter respekteras, och en miljömässig hållbarhet som innebär att vi inte utarmar
jordens resurser.
Jag ser fram emot att vi i Sverige nu skapar en egen internationell arena för att ta upp hållbarhetsfrågorna inför Rio+20. Jag är särskilt glad att det
sker genom ett nära samarbete mellan UD och Miljödepartementet. Stockholm +40 kommer att ge oss möjlighet att bli än mer konkreta om hur vi
faktiskt måste göra för att nå hållbar utveckling
Jag har precis avslutat ett uppdrag i FNs högnivåpanel för global hållbarhet. En av panelens viktigaste slutsatser är att hållbar utveckling är bara
möjlig om alla aktörer bidrar. Regeringar och organisationer kan inte ensamma åstadkomma de stora förändringar som krävs. Näringslivet måste
vara motorn för hållbar tillväxt, forskare och innovatörer har nyckelroller att spela och kvinnor och ungdomars potential måste tillvaratas på alla
arenor.
Lena tog tidigare upp bakgrunden till Stockholm +40 och den viktiga historia vi har att bygga vidare på. I Stockholmskonferensen 1972 deltog
framför allt delegater från regeringar och internationella organisationer. Men vår tids globala utmaningar kräver ett större engagemang än så.
Till Stockholm+40 vill vi därför få med oss alla aktörer och genom att bjuda in regeringar, företag, forskare, organisationer och unga människor
kommer vi att kunna visa vilken fantastisk förändringskraft som finns då aktörer går samman i strategiska partnerskap. Jag vill att alla som deltar i
Stockholm+40 ska lämna konferensen med nya relationer sinsemellan, ny inspiration och nya idéer om hur de kan spela sin roll i vårt gemensamma
ansvar för att främja hållbarhet.
Stockholm+40 kommer inte att vara lösningen på alla våra utmaningar. Men jag tror och hoppas att konferensen kommer att bidra med praktiska
exempel på hur hållbar utveckling kan främjas inom de tre temana hållbar innovation, produktion och livsstil, och ge svar på frågor som:
Hur kan vi bidra till att innovationer utvecklas och sprids till nya marknader och fattiga människor som för närvarande stängs ute?
Hur kan vi stödja näringslivet i att ta ansvar för att produktionen skapar utveckling utan att miljön skadas?
Hur kan vi bidra till att världens växande städer gör det möjligt för människor att leva hållbart?
Avslutningsvis vill jag lyfta fram tre exempel som vi kan inspireras av och bygga vidare på:
För att nå fattiga områden och grupper som hittills stängts ute från marknader behövs innovationer och nya affärsmodeller. Här ger utvecklingen
inom informations- och kommunikationsteknologi helt nya möjligheter. I Kenya till exempel finns nu ett system för mikroförsäkringar som
hanteras genom mobiltelefoner. Bönder som köper utsäde kan samtidigt försäkra sig mot missväxt. Vid dåliga väderförhållanden betalas ersättning
ut via mobiltelefoner genom så kallad "M-PESA mobile-money transfer". Stockholm +40 ska bidra till ökad insikt om hur innovationer och
affärsutveckling kan nå nya marknader.
Ett bra exempel på hur samverkan mellan näringsliv och andra aktörer kan ge hög utväxling är WWF:s arbete med företag för att snabbt förändra
och skapa mer hållbar produktion inom bl.a. bomullssektorn. Inom "Better Cotton Initiative" samverkar WWF med stora företag för att minska
användningen av vatten och kemikalier samt förbättra de ekonomiska och sociala villkoren för små och stora bomullsproducenter globalt.
Stockholm +40 ska möjliggöra dialog mellan aktörer inom näringslivet liksom med regeringar och andra intressenter om hur näringslivet bäst kan
bidra till hållbar utveckling.
När en allt större del av världens befolkning bor i städer krävs att stadsutveckling sker på ett hållbart sätt. Genom organisationen "Cities Alliance"
samverkar civilsamhälle, regeringar och lokala myndigheter för att förbättra slumområden, öka lokalt inflytande och skapa nationella
stadsutvecklingsplaner. Stockholm+40 ska bidra till ökad kunskap om hur grundläggande ramverk och infrastruktur i samhället, till exempel
hållbar stadsutveckling, kan främja hållbar livsstil.
Jag ser fram emot att höra panelens tankar och förslag inför Stockholm +40 idag.
Tal
Stockholm, Norrmalmstorg 2 mars 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Manifestation mot våldet i Syrien
Det talade ordet gäller.
Idag samlas vi för att minnas 7 500 döda medmänniskor i Syrien. Sedan protesterna inleddes för snart ett år sedan har flera hundra barn fallit offer
för den syriska regimens besinningslösa våld.
Idag finns rädda, utsatta, skadade människor - och många traumatiserade barn - i städer som många av oss har lärt känna genom medierapportering,
i ett land inte så långt från oss. Jag tänker på Homs. jag tänker på Idlib Hama. Jag tänker på Daraa.
I huvudstaden Damaskus förändras nu säkerhetsläget. Demonstrationer möts av skottlossning. Från Aleppo kommer rapporter om oroligheter och
självmordsbombningar.
Vi som är här delar en sorg med de familjer och anhöriga som har mist sina fäder, mödrar, vänner, och igen - med alla de familjer som har sett de
oskyldiga barnen dö - av bombattacker, granater, krypskyttar och gevärssalvor.
Vi som är här delar en oro för att våldet ska öka och sprida sig. Att det ska skapa motsättningar mellan folk i Syrien, i regionen och i världen.
Vi som är här delar en vanmakt över att inte kunna göra mer. Över att se något som skulle kunna undvikas.
Blodet, hatet, hämnden och de hundratals döda barnen hade kunnat undvikas. Ansvaret vilar helt och hållet på Assad. Därför delar vi idag också en
avsky gentemot hans regim och dess handlingar.
Men en politisk väg, en fredens väg, är fortfarande möjlig.
Förenta Nationernas råd för mänskliga rättigheter antog i veckan en resolution som grovt fördömer de omfattande brott mot de mänskliga
rättigheterna som nu pågår.
Ryssland och Kina, som har stoppat resolutioner i FN:s säkerhetsråd, förnekar de uppenbara övergrepp som nu sker. Det fruktansvärda våldet, de
belägrade städerna och ett allt värre humanitärt lidande kan inte röstas bort. Ryssland och Kina har syriskt blod på sina händer.
Men vi är många som ser. Över hela världen. Vi får rapporter tack vare modiga bloggare, släktingar och journalister som riskerar sina liv. Vi är djupt
tacksamma för de som berättar och vi hedrar särskilt de journalister som vägrar att tystna. Trots dödsfall och skadade kollegor.
Idag är vi många som samlas här i Stockholm - inom ramen för International Young Democrat Union - för att manifestera att det finns en politisk
och fredlig väg att välja.
Vi samlas för att stötta våra medmänniskor i Syrien. Vi samlas för att hedra deras mod och gemensamt stå upp för mänskliga rättigheter och frihet.
Vänner, kanske samlas vi också för att vi känner inte bara sorg, oro och avsky. Vi känner också vanmakt. Vanmakt att inte kunna göra mer. Som
biståndsminister i Sveriges regering vill jag berätta vad vi gör:
Vi håller vår ambassad i Damaskus öppen så länge det är säkerhetsmässigt försvarbart
Vår utrikesminister Carl Bildt deltog i fredags i det gemensamma möte som Arabförbundet och FN arrangerade i Tunis
Tidigare i veckan var Carl själv närvarande när FN s råd för mänskliga rättigheter höll debatt om läget i Syrien
Inom EU har ytterligare sanktioner införts för att försvåra för regimen och skapa påtryckningar för en fredlig väg ut ur den fördjupade krisen.
Sverige är en stor och engagerad humanitär aktör. Vi ser nu hur det ökade våldet inte bara direkt påverkar de som har skadats och dödats. Det kan
också leda till stora flyktingströmmar och ökad risk för mer våld och större umbäranden.
Det finns en stor risk för att våldet ska öka och utvecklas till en konflikt enligt religiösa och etniska skiljelinjer. En konflikt som riskerar att sprida
sig över hela regionen. I klartext betyder det att fler människor riskerar att komma i fara och drabbas oförskyllt av våld. Att fler liv går till spillo, att
fler barn berövas livet.
Inte nog med att Assad - regimen skjuter på sitt eget folk, dödar oskyldiga barn och skapar ett fruktansvärt lidande - man bryter också mot
internationell humanitär rätt genom att förvägra humanitära organisationer tillträde.
Jag är oroad och förtvivlad över att FN och andra hjälporganisationer inte får tillträde till sårade, skadade, belägrade och utsatta människor. De
behöver skydd, mat, vatten och inte minst hälsovård och mediciner. FN:s humanitära samordnare Valerie Amos vägras tillträde till landet. Det är
bortom all anständighet.
Vi hedrar de som har offrat sina egna liv för vår gemensamma frihet. Vi minns de oskyldiga barnen. Och våra tankar är med alla de oroliga, utsatta
och skadade som vi idag ger vårt stöd.
Vi lovar dessa människor att vårt stöd är där. Vi håller Assad och hans regim ansvariga för det som nu sker. Hans legitimitet är borta men han kan
fortfarande ta sitt medmänskliga ansvar. Han kan välja att upphöra med våldet, sluta döda sitt eget folk och istället välja fred och politiska
lösningar.
Vi kommer fortsatt arbeta - inom FN, med Arabförbundet och andra aktörer och med EU:s gemensamma politik - för att underlätta för alla parter
att organisera sig för att få ett slut på denna fruktansvärda situation, utan vapen men med ord, medmänsklighet och fredlig handling.
Det är vi skyldiga de modiga syriska män och kvinnor som offrar sig för friheten.
Tal
City Conference Centre Stockholm (Norra Latin) 24 februari 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal vid lanseringen av GSP-rapporten "A Future Worth
Choosing"
Det talade ordet gäller.
Det är verkligen roligt att se så många här idag, det visar på det stora intresse och engagemang för hållbarhetsfrågorna som finns i Sverige - bland
organisationer, företag, studenter och forskare. Som svensk minister får jag ofta höra att Sverige är ett föregångsland vad gäller hållbar utveckling.
Ett färskt exempel är att Sverige blivit inbjuden att delta i G20s arbetsgrupp om utvecklingsfrågor med motiveringen att vi har så god kunskap på
utvecklings - och hållbarhetsområdet.
Detta goda rykte handlar ju självfallet om vad hela Sverige gör - som politiker har vi ett viktigt förtroende att förvalta - men hållbar utveckling blir
bara möjligt om alla aktörer engagerar sig och bidrar till hållbara idéer och lösningar. Vi ska vara stolta över vårt goda rykte men vi kan också bli
bättre och det ska bli mycket spännande att diskutera dessa frågor med er här idag.
Bakgrunden till den rapport som jag ska presentera här idag börjar faktiskt med Sverige och den kommission om klimat och utveckling som jag var
ordförande för. Klimatkommissionen presenterade sina slutsatser 2009 där man slog fast att man inte kunde se klimatfrågorna separerade från
andra utvecklingsfrågor. En huvudrekommendation från kommissionen var att FNs generalsekreterare skulle tillsätta en högnivågrupp för att
analysera klimatfrågorna i ett bredare perspektiv. Resultatet blev "Högnivåpanelen för global hållbarhet" med fokus inte endast på klimatfrågorna
utan på hållbar utveckling i alla dess tre dimensioner.
Om hållbarhetspanelen
FNs generalsekreterare tillsatte panelen i augusti 2010 - bilden är ett gruppfoto från vårt tredje möte i Helsingfors i maj förra året. Två
panelordförande har lett arbetet, Finlands president Tarja Halonen och Sydafrikas president Jacob Zuma. Panelen samlar ledare från alla delar av
världen med nuvarande eller tidigare stats - och regeringschefer, ministrar och representanter från privata sektorn och civilsamhället. På bilden ser
vi t.ex. Susan Rice - USAs FN - ambassadör, Jim Balsillie - grundare av Blackberry, Luisa Dias Diogo - tidigare premiärminister i Mocambique och
Gro Harlem Brundtland som för 25 år sedan satte hållbar utveckling på den internationella agendan med rapporten "Our Common Future".
Panelens uppgift har varit att ta fram en ny vision för hållbar tillväxt och välstånd och föreslå sätt på hur detta bör genomföras. En mycket ambitiös
uppgift minst sagt. Samtidigt är det avgörande att vi hittar en internationell samsyn kring dessa frågor för att skapa en pragmatisk väg framåt i
arbetet för en hållbar utveckling. Detta är angeläget inte minst med tanke på FNs konferens för hållbar utveckling som äger rum i Rio de Janeiro i
juni i år.
Utgångspunkter för panelens arbete
En viktig utgångspunkt för mig i alla frågor som rör hållbar utveckling är att sätta människan i centrum och utgå från varje människas rättigheter
och behov. Vad är hållbar utveckling för den här kongolesiska kvinnan som vi ser på bilden? Har hon möjligheter att påverka utvecklingen i sitt
samhälle? Kan hon ställa sina lokalpolitiker till svars om vattnet i byn förorenas p.g.a. undermålig miljölagstiftning? Har hennes barn tillgång till
skola och finns det arbetsmöjligheter för de vuxna barnen?
Varje människas rätt att forma sitt liv och påverka utvecklingen i sin by, sin stad och sitt land en grundläggande förutsättning för hållbar utveckling.
En huvudfråga för mig i panelarbetet har därför varit att tydligt visa på vikten av demokrati och respekt för mänskliga rättigheter för att skapa ett
hållbart samhälle. Jag är övertygad om att öppna demokratiska samhällen där alla medborgare kan göra sina röster hörda och politiker kan ställas
till svars- i sådana samhällen finns en större förändringskapacitet som bättre kan bemöta de stora hållbarhetsutmaningar vi står inför.
En annan nyckelfråga för mig har varit att lyfta fram näringslivets roll som drivkraft för hållbar utveckling. Välfungerande marknader banar väg för
ökad tillväxt och minskad fattigdom men också för nya innovationer och smarta lösningar på hur vi bemöter dagens utmaningar. Allt fler företag
inser att hållbara affärsmodeller lönar sig men regeringar har också ett viktigt ansvar att utforma incitament som uppmuntrar till hållbara
investeringar. Vi måste bli bättre på att inkludera näringslivet för att möta dagens komplexa problem - många gånger är strategiska partnerskap
mellan offentliga och privata aktörer ett bra alternativ för att genomföra långsiktiga lösningar.
För mig har det också varit viktigt att panelen tar fasta på ungdomars potential att bidra till hållbar utveckling. Dagens ungdomar har bättre hälsa
och högre utbildningsnivå än någon tidigare generation. De är redo för vuxenlivet - för att delta i samhället, på arbetsmarknaden, som
entreprenörer och opinionsbildare. Vi måste göra det möjligt för världens unga att ta del i alla delar av samhället och ta vara på deras idéer och
drivkraft - då kan vi nå det som forskarna brukar benämna "demografisk utdelning".
Arbetsprocessen
Att arbeta i en sådan här politisk panel - där de flesta av oss är nuvarande eller tidigare ledande politiker - har självfallet varit en stor utmaning
många gånger men som jag ser det är detta också en stor tillgång. Vi måste få ihop visionstänkande med praktisk politik. Resultatet av arbetet i
panelen kan vi panelmedlemmar nu ta med oss i vårt fortsatta politiska arbete.
Panelen har sammanlagt haft sex möten, vi har mött ett stort antal organisationer och vi har deltagit i olika typer av konferenser som t.ex. World
Economic Forum i Davos. I våras bjöd jag också in panelen till Stockholm för att delta i det Nobelsymposium som arrangerades av Kungliga
Vetenskapsakademien i Stockholm. 20 - talet nobelpristagare lämnade över sitt bidrag "Stockholm Memorandum" till panelen som vi haft med oss i
det fortsatta arbetet.
Panelens slutsatser
Vad har vi då kommit fram till i panelen? Har vi lyckats hitta en samsyn för hur vi bör skapa en hållbar värld?
Självklart har alla panelmedlemmar olika perspektiv och utgångspunkter. Hade vi fått skriva rapporten var och en för sig hade formuleringarna
skilt sig åt. Men trots detta har vi lyckats nå en samsyn och enats om en gemensam vision om hur vi uppnår hållbar utveckling. Rapporten har precis
överlämnats till FNs generalsekreterare.
Vi döpte vår rapport "A Future Worth Choosing" och mycket av rapportens budskap ligger i själva titeln. Vår utgångspunkt för hållbar utveckling är
alla de miljontals val som varje dag görs av individer, företag och regeringar. Vår gemensamma framtid ligger i alla dessa val. Den utmaning vi står
inför handlar om att göra hållbara val möjliga.
I panelens vision slår vi därför fast att hållbar utveckling i grunden handlar om människors möjligheter att påverka sin framtid, försvara sina
rättigheter och kunna framföra sina åsikter. Demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter är därför grundläggande förutsättningar för att kunna skapa ett
hållbart samhälle. Att detta erkänns av en panel med ledare från alla delar av världen ser jag som en viktig framgång i kampen för demokrati som
förs i många länder idag.
Visionen lyfter också fram vikten av att alla aktörer bidrar till hållbar utveckling - inte bara regeringar och organisationer - utan även näringslivet.
Visionen konstaterar att marknader och entreprenörskap är och måste vara drivande krafter för hållbar utveckling. Genom koalitioner och
partnerskap kan nytänkande aktörer gå före vilket kan skapa en enorm hävstångseffekt då andra ser lönsamheten med de hållbara alternativen.
Tillsammans med visionen har vi också enats om 56 konkreta rekommendationer om hur hållbar utveckling ska uppnås. Jag kommer att lyfta fram
några av de viktigaste här. Det handlar om hur vi kan stärka människors egenmakt, hur vi skapar en hållbar ekonomi och vilka institutionella
åtgärder som krävs.
Rapporten ägnar ett kapitel åt att fokusera på vilka åtgärder som behövs för att människor får möjlighet att göra hållbara val och jag skulle vilja
nämna några av våra huvudrekommendationer.
Viktiga rekommendationer i kapitlet om människors egenmakt
"Regeringar bör respektera, skydda och främja mänskliga rättigheter inklusive rätten att ta del i sitt lands styre, direkt eller genom fritt valda
ombud som fastställs i FNs deklaration om mänskliga rättigheter från 1948." Detta är självklart inget nytt men det är viktigt att dessa frågor kopplas
till hållbarhetsagendan och det är en framgång att dessa kärnvärden erkänns av hela panelen.
"Regeringar bör skynda på genomförandet av åtaganden om jämställdhet och kvinnors rättigheter, inklusive rätten till egendom, lika tillgång till
krediter och finansiella tjänster, lika möjligheter att delta i politiska processer och tillgång till sexuella och reproduktiv hälsa och rättigheter." Vi
uppnår aldrig hållbar utveckling om vi exkluderar halva jordens befolkning - diskriminering av kvinnor är dessutom mycket dålig ekonomisk
politik.
"Regeringar, privata sektorn och civilsamhället bör samverka och ingå partnerskap för att erbjuda yrkesträning och ge stöd till unga
entreprenörer". De stora ungdomskullar vi ser idag har en enorm potential att bidra till samhället. För att skapa goda möjligheter för dagens unga
måste offentliga och privata aktörer samverka.
Rapporten inkluderar också ett kapitel om hur vi skapar en hållbar ekonomi och jag skulle vilja lyfta fram ett par av dessa rekommendationer.
Rekommendationer från ekonomiavsnittet
"Regeringar bör etablera prissignaler som värderar hållbarhet. I synnerhet kan regeringar: ta fram prissättningsinstrument som inkluderar externa
miljökostnader, såsom handel med utsläppsrätter och koldioxidskatt, till år 2020." Prissättningsmekanismer som t.ex. koldioxidskatt har vi goda
erfarenhet av i Sverige som vi kan dela med oss av.
"Regeringar bör utveckla hållbarhetskriterier för kostnadseffektiv offentlig upphandling." Med hållbar offentlig upphandling ökar vi efterfrågan på
produkter och tjänster som produceras på ett hållbart sätt. Även här ligger Sverige i framkant och har redan lagstiftning på området.
"Regeringar bör främja inkluderandet av långsiktiga hållbarhetskriterier i investeringar och transaktioner som görs av företag". ISO - standarder
och Global Compact har visat på goda exempel - nu behöver användandet av standarder skalas upp.
"Regeringar och företag bör bygga strategiska partnerskap för att implementera investeringar för hållbar utveckling". Detta med partnerskap är
centralt om vi vill åstadkomma förändring på marken - vi måste bli bättre på att ta tillvara på näringslivets kompetens och möjligheter att bidra till
hållbar utveckling.
Slutligen tar rapporten upp vilken typ av samhällsstyrning och vilka institutioner som behövs för att främja hållbar utvecklingen. Jag ska nämna
några av de viktigaste rekommendationerna.
Rekommendationer från institutionskapitlet
"Regeringar bör garantera god samhällsstyrning - med demokrati, mänskliga rättigheter rättsstatens principer - och främja ungdomars deltagande i
beslutsprocesser på alla nivåer".
Panelen slår fast att dessa principer är själva basen för hållbar utveckling.
"Regeringar bör enas om att utveckla universella hållbarhetsmål som inkluderar alla tre dimensioner av hållbar utveckling. En expertmekanism bör
etableras för att ta fram dessa mål innan de slutligen kan antas av FNs medlemsstater". Jag hoppas att detta förslag får starkt genomslag under FNs
konferens om hållbar utveckling i Rio - hållbarhetsmål har stor potential att samla politisk kraft och fokusera inriktningen på hållbarhetsarbetet.
"FNs generalsekreterare bör leda ett samarbete mellan relevanta internationella organisationer - inklusive FN - organ, internationella finansiella
institutioner som Världsbanken och IMF, privata sektorn och andra aktörer - för att regelbundet ta fram en 'Global Sustainability Development
Outlook Report' som sammanför befintlig information till en integrerad analys om hållbar utveckling". Det handlar alltså om att utnyttja all den
kunskap som redan finns för att få ett helhetsperspektiv på hållbarhetsfrågorna. På så sätt främjas också dialog och samarbete mellan institutioner.
"Regeringar bör överväga inrättandet av ett hållbarhetsråd för att stärka integreringen av de tre dimensionerna av hållbar utveckling. Ett sådant råd
skulle kunna ligga under generalförsamlingen och ersätta kommissionen för hållbar utveckling". I det övervägande som bör göras gäller att komma
ihåg risken för överlappningar med FNs ekonomiska och sociala råd - ECOSOC. Att utnyttja öppnandet av FNs generalförsamling där majoriteten av
världens stats - och regeringschefer deltar är ett intressant alternativ som skulle sätta hållbarhetsfrågorna högt på agendan utan att en ny institution
behöver inrättas.
Hur kan man då sammanfatta det budskap som panelen vill förmedla med den här rapporten? Vi slår fast att Brundtlands analys är lika relevant idag
som för 25 år sedan - hållbar utveckling endast är möjlig då vi har med alla tre dimensionerna - ekonomisk, social och miljömässig utveckling. Men
vad hållbarhetspanelen har fokuserat på är hur ska det göras och av vem?
Ett genomgående huvudbudskap i rapporten är att hållbar utveckling är bara möjlig om alla aktörer bidrar- regeringar kan inte själva förhandla
fram hållbar utveckling. Företag är och måste vara motorn för att skapa inkluderande och hållbar tillväxt. Vi behöver ökat samarbete och
partnerskap mellan regeringar, företag och civilsamhället.
Kort sagt: Brundtland definierade de tre dimensionerna av hållbar utveckling och hållbarhetspanelen har identifierat vad aktörerna - regeringar,
företag och civilsamhället - behöver göra för att förverkliga visionen.
Att panelen enats om en gemensam vision och dessa 56 rekommendationer ser jag som en viktig framgång för att stärka den internationella
samsynen om hur vi tar oss an de stora globala utmaningarna idag. Rapporten blir ett viktigt inspel till de politiska processer som vi nu har framför
oss såsom FNs konferens om hållbar utveckling i Rio i juni 2012 och hur vi tar vidare millennieutvecklingsmålen och det institutionella ramverket
efter 2015. Inte minst här i Sverige har vi mycket att göra och jag ser fram emot era reflektioner och synpunkter på hur vi nu tar arbetet vidare här
hemma.
Tack!
Tal
Utrikespolitiska institutet 14 februari 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Tal av Gunilla Carlsson om rapporten "European Foreign Policy Scorecard 2012"
Det talade ordet gäller
Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends.
I'd like to begin by thanking the Swedish Institute of International Affairs for inviting me here today. It's a rare treat in my schedule to get to discuss
and debate something as interesting and current as Europe's place in the world. And with such an esteemed panel!
I would also like to thank the European Council on Foreign Relations for a fascinating and timely report. The European Foreign Policy Scorecard
for 2012 should be required reading for anyone with an interest in European and global affairs. By looking beyond the actions of particular
institutions or member states, and instead assessing the collective performance of all European Union actors, the Scorecard reveals many of the
long-term trends and political undercurrents shaping the world today as well as tomorrow.
The report comes at a time when the European Union is facing its greatest crisis ever. Let us be honest, it's not an encouraging read, and given what
we see happening in Europe it would be surprising if it was. Three of the headlines in the introduction, just to give you an example, illustrate this
quite clearly:
From solution to problem
The renationalization of European foreign policy
From 2010 to 2012: the erosion of the acquis diplomatique
As a true believer in the historically unique project of peace and prosperity that is the European Union, it is discouraging to witness the current state
of European affairs. But this is exactly why this report and its findings are so important. Because it is only when we identify and recognize our own
failings and weaknesses that we can truly begin to better ourselves.
However, all is not doom and gloom. Especially not if you happen to be the Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation. The
report gives quite a lot of love to Sweden, which of course is very timely given that today is Valentine's Day.
In the report, EU member states are categorized as being either "leaders", "slackers" or "supporters" of common and constructive policies. Sweden
is identified as a "leader" on a total of 11 components of European foreign policy which, as the report points out, is more than Italy and Spain
combined.
Some of the areas that Sweden is recognized as doing extra well in are "Climate change", "Development aid and global health", "Famine in the horn
of Africa" and "Sudan and the DRC. These are all areas that I have the privilege of working with on a regular basis in close cooperation with my
fellow minister Carl Bildt.
Apparently you don't have to be a big country to have a big impact. But however flattering that may be, it is also unfortunately beside the point.
Because what the ECFR Scorecard practically shouts out to all of us is that Europe is losing its place in the world.
A perfect storm - made up of an unprecedented financial crisis, a short sighted and populist renationalization of politics and quite frankly, a lack of
true leadership - is wreaking havoc on the community of the European Union. This storm is drowning out our collective voice and depriving us of
our collective strength. Europe is losing its place in a world that in my view is in great need of our values of peace, prosperity and individual
freedoms and rights. As the report states: "A coherent and effective foreign policy is not a luxury or an afterthought of the European project; it is
central to its prosperity and future."
However, I am neither without hope nor confidence when it comes to Europe. Yes, we have many different and sometimes conflicting interests
among the member states. We argue and we fight. But as the motto says, we are also "United in Diversity". Our differences make us what we are. We
have been through tough times before, and every time the European Union has come out stronger. We will do so this time too.
Thank you.
Tal
Sida, Stockholm 20 januari 2012
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Tal på Sida av Gunilla Carlsson: Vad händer med svenskt bistånd efter Busan?
Det talade ordet gäller.
Mina vänner.
Till att börja med: stort tack till alla som bidrog till vår medverkan och våra framgångar i Busan. Tjänstemän från UD, tjänstemän från Sida,
riksdagsledamöter, representanter från civilsamhälle och företrädare för näringslivet - kloka män och kvinnor från olika delar av samhället som
bidrog med unika idéer, synpunkter och erfarenheter. Det är precis så det ska vara.
Jag ska vara uppriktig - mina förväntningar på Busan var inte särskilt höga. Situationen inför Busan var en helt annan än inför Accra. Det var svårt
att mobilisera intresse inom EU och den gemensamma EU-positionen hade inte rört sig särskilt många steg framåt efter Accra. Men, med den
bakgrunden blev jag faktiskt positivt överraskad vid mötet och i bästa fall kan Busan vara en startpunkt för ett nytt bistånd. Som funkar.
Jag är som bekant politiker, vilket innebär att jag gillar att prata. Men jag vill ännu hellre höra era frågor och funderingar och diskutera vad som ska
hända efter Busan. Därför kommer jag att göra något tämligen originellt: jag ska försöka fatta mig kort. Jag kommer nu att besvara fyra frågor:
1. Varför var Busan viktigt?
2. Vilka ambitioner åkte jag dit med?
3. Vad blev resultatet av Busan?
4. Vad är post-Busan för mig?
Fråga 1: varför var Busan viktigt?
Busan var viktigt av tre anledningar:
1. Det var en väckarklocka för en biståndsindustri som har somnat till. Busan visade oss med stor tydlighet att vi måste förstå och anpassa oss till
världen som den ser ut idag, vi måste förnya oss och vi måste bli relevanta.
2. Det var ett efterlängtat farväl till ett gammelbistånd som handlade mer om form och teori än praktik och resultat.
3. Det var det första tillfället då vi på allvar släppte in näringslivet - en oumbärlig förutsättning för utveckling - i vår slutna och isolerade
biståndsvärld.
Fråga 2: vilka ambitioner åkte jag dit med?
Jag åkte till Busan med tre ambitioner:
1. Att resultat ska tas på allvar och att biståndsdiskussionen ska handla om det som den faktiskt ska handla om: hur hjälper vi, på riktigt, fattiga
människor att lyfta sig ur fattigdom? Det är en skam för alla oss som jobbar i den svenska biståndsindustrin att vi har sysslat med detta i 50 år
UTAN att sätta resultat i fokus.
2. Att få folk att förstå betydelsen av transparens. För så här enkelt är det: utan transparens finns inget ansvarstagande och utan ansvarstagande
sker ingen förändring. Jag är stolt över att Sverige, med openaid.se som vårt flaggskepp, är ett av länderna som har drivit frågan om transparens
allra hårdast. Transparensen inom EU:s bistånd diskuteras nu men den kampen har bara börjat, och jag kommer inte ge upp.
3. Att få fram budskapet att vi - som en av världens mest ambitiösa, generösa och seriösa biståndsgivare - har förstått att det aldrig kommer ske
någon utveckling utan tillväxt. Näringslivet måste släppas fram och välkomnas in i alla de sammanhang där man för en allvarlig diskussion om
bistånd och utveckling.
Fråga 3: vad blev resultatet av Busan?
1. Vad gäller resultatagendan gick vi framåt med stormsteg i Busan. Snart ska vi ha en regional workshop i Zambia tillsammans med ett antal
afrikanska länder för att diskutera hur resultatagendan ska tas vidare. Samtidigt jobbar vi stenhårt på hemmaplan för att ersätta våra trötta, tradiga
samarbetsstrategier med effektiva, smarta resultatstrategier som verkligen tar fasta på vad som gör skillnad på marken.
2. Tack vare starka påtryckningar från Sverige gjorde vi även stora framsteg inom frågan om transparens. Ett stort antal länder, inklusive USA,
valde att ansluta sig till IATI (International Aid Transparency Initiative). I samma anda lanserades Open Aid Partnership av World Bank Institute,
med stöd av Sverige.
3. Vad gäller näringslivets roll för utveckling utgör Busan definitivt en vändpunkt. Busan är första gången som näringslivet, den statliga sektorn och
multilaterala organisationer ställer sig bakom en deklaration om hur den privata sektorn ska engageras liksom en plan för framtida arbete. Det finns
nu en allmän förståelse för att den privata sektorn måste engageras om vi ens ska ha en chans att nå millenniemålen.
Men allt är inte guld och gröna skogar. Långt därifrån. Busan är en grundsten för vårt kommande arbete, men vi ska inte inbilla oss att det är mer än
så. Framtiden kommer nämligen inte att bedöma oss efter vad det står i ett outcome document, utan efter vad vi faktiskt levererar i praktik och
politik.
Vad gäller resultatagendan känner jag mig faktiskt ganska lugn. Vi är inte ensamma i biståndsvärlden om att mena allvar med att vi nu - tre år innan
millenniemålen ska vara uppfyllda - måste se resultat.
Jag är mycket taggad och har gott självförtroende vad gäller transparensen. Den har onekligen sina fiender men vi kommer att lyckas, sakta men
säkert.
Däremot är jag genuint oroad för frågan om kopplingen mellan näringsliv och utveckling, där det idag verkar råda en ganska stor
begreppsförvirring. Jag blir särskilt beklämd när annars kloka och sansade människor inom biståndsindustrin medvetet och illvilligt målar upp
nidbilder av näringslivets roll i det svenska utvecklingssamarbetet, exempelvis att det egentligen skulle handla om att främja svenska företag.
Därför är jag väldigt glad att jag inom kort ska presentera min vision för hur vi ska ta tillvara på företagens, företagarnas och företagsamhetens
enorma innovationskraft, kompetens och resurser. För vi kan skriva deklarationer, agendor och avtal med varandra till tidens ände, men utan
näringslivets medverkan kommer de aldrig bli värda mer än pappret de är skrivna på.
Fråga 4. Vad är post-Busan för mig?
För att besvara den här frågan ska jag läsa några stycken ur en artikel för er. Artikeln är daterad den 11 januari 2012 och kommer från tanzaniska
The Guardian. Rubriken är "Danish project to empower 100 Tanzanian women". Jag läser:
"About 10 000 women in developing countries including Tanzania will benefit from basic business skills in order to control small business, thanks
to the Danish government."
"The Danish International Development Agency (Danida) has partnered with US Department of State and Goldman Sachs to promote growth in
Tanzania by giving women entrepreneurs access to education and loans."
"Studies show that eighteen months after graduation, nearly 80 percent have increased revenues and more than 60 percent have added new
employees."
"Robert Zoellick, president of the World Bank Group, said initiatives such as the new public-private partnership help unleash the potential of
women entrepreneurs and will make a real difference in the lives of women and their families in developing countries."
Det här är post-Busan för mig - nya aktörer, spännande samarbeten och ett kunskapsbaserat bistånd som bevisligen gör skillnad och skapar resultat.
Nu har jag tyvärr inte varit i Tanzania på ett tag, men däremot var jag ganska nyligen i Zambia och Mocambique. Och nästa gång jag åker dit så vill
jag se rubriken "Swedish project to empower 1000 women in Zambia and Mocambique".
Jag vet att vi har en hel del liknande spännande projekt på gång och jag är mycket imponerad av Sidas arbete hitintills. Men nu lyfter vi oss till nästa
nivå. För mig är post-Busan slutet på "Business as usual" och början på ett effektivt, öppet och verklighetsanpassat bistånd som ger resultat i fattiga
och ofria människors liv.
Nu jag ser fram emot att höra era frågor och tankar. Tack för att ni lyssnade!
2011
Tal
Utrikespolitiska Institutet 9 december 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande Utrikespolitiska Institutet vid Valerie Amos besök
Ers excellens, mina damer och herrar, kära vänner!
I mars 2006 - bara ett par månader innan jag utsågs till minister med ansvar för internationellt utvecklingssamarbete - hölls ett sammanträde här i
Stockholm. De fyra nordiska länderna Danmark, Finland, Norge och Sverige sammanträdde med FN:s landenhet för Somalia för att på nytt gå
igenom den förvärrade humanitära krisen i Somalia. Landets södra och centrala delar hade drabbats av en allvarlig torka. Miljontals människor på
Afrikas horn drabbades, och tiotusenstals dog.
Tragiskt nog var situationen på Afrikas horn 2006 mycket likartad den situation som råder där i dag. Det blir plågsamt tydligt när man läser
anteckningarna från det sammanträde som jag just nämnde. Men i år är krisen ännu värre. År 2006 drabbades drygt två miljoner av krisen i
Somalia. I år drabbades fyra miljoner, vilket motsvarar 50 procent av den somaliska befolkningen. Utmaningarna för att skapa fred, säkerhet och
utveckling på Afrikas horn förblir omfattande och akuta.
Ers Excellens, mina damer och herrar!
Jag har besökt Afrikas horn två gånger sedan krisen tilltog i somras. En iakttagelse är att vi tenderar att likställa Afrikas horn med Somalia. Vad
beror det på? Vi får inte glömma bort att torkan har drabbat alla länder i nordöstra Afrika. Kenya och Etiopien stod emellertid bättre rustade, och
torkan trappades inte upp till en storskalig hungersnöd.
Trots detta har båda dessa länder tagit emot ett stort antal flyktingar från Somalia och behöver bistånd. Eritrea har först på senare tid begärt hjälp
utifrån för att kartlägga torkans konsekvenser. I Somalia har torkan resulterat i hungersnöd, och de bördigaste områdena har drabbats hårdast.
Detta beror på en långvarig konflikt, bristande säkerhet och, framför allt, avsaknad av politisk vilja.
I Somalia mötte jag desperata mödrar i lägren för internflyktingar, och jag såg undernärda barn, som kanske inte är i livet i dag. Det som jag såg
gjorde mig ännu mer beslutsam. Vi måste göra allt i vår makt för att bryta den onda cirkeln av återkommande humanitära kriser i regionen.
Ers Excellens, mina damer och herrar!
En annan iakttagelse är att även om Somalia är en av världens farligaste platser, och trots att det är mycket svårt att arbeta där, kommer humanitärt
bistånd fram till människor i nöd. Vi kan tacka biståndsarbetarna för detta. De gör ett beundransvärt arbete. Det utökade humanitära biståndet till
Somalia har hjälpt tre regioner att ta sig ur hungersnöden. Även om de humanitära behoven fortfarande är enorma är det humanitära biståndet
effektivt.
En tredje iakttagelse är att ekonomiska bidrag inte är tillräckligt. De allvarliga humanitära katastrofer som inträffat på senare tid, inte minst i Haiti
och Pakistan, har visat att det är avgörande att samordna humanitärt bistånd för att utnyttja medlen så effektivt som möjligt. Om vi undviker fatala
klyftor och fördärvligt dubbelarbete när det gäller insatser kan vi ge ett mer effektivt bistånd. Genom att gemensamt bedöma situationer och behov,
samt enas om gemensamma prioriteringar och utveckla gemensamma strategier, kan vi rädda fler liv. Det är av denna anledning som Sverige är det
näst största givarlandet i OCHA - vi vet att samordning räddar liv.
Det är mycket glädjande att Valerie Amos och hennes stab är här i Sverige. Era ansträngningar och framgångar är mycket imponerande. Vi kommer
att fortsätta vårt samarbete för att få världens humanitära aktörer att förstå värdet av bättre planering och samordning av humanitärt bistånd.
Ers Excellens, mina damer och herrar!
För att bryta den onda cirkeln av torka, hungersnöd och lidande måste vi vidta politiska åtgärder. Om man ser bortom den omedelbara humanitära
insatsen är en sorglig slutsats att torkan i denna region inträffar allt oftare. Men erfarenheterna från Etiopien och Kenya har visat att torka inte
behöver vara lika med hungersnöd.
Vi får inte rygga tillbaka inför det faktum att hungersnöd nästan alltid beror på otillräckliga politiska åtgärder. Konflikt, skyhöga livsmedelspriser
och olämpliga prioriteringar när det gäller att återställa livsmedelsförsörjningen har allvarligt förvärrat torkans effekter. Vi måste därför, samtidigt
som vi försöker rädda liv, fortsätta att söka efter sätt att förhindra en upprepning av detta oerhörda lidande. Det är absolut nödvändigt att man gör
ansträngningar för att nå stabilitet och fred.
För att skapa en bestående och positiv utveckling måste vi förstå den demografiska förändringen i länderna på Afrikas horn och vilka
socioekonomiska följder den får. Snabb urbanisering, en allt yngre befolkning och avsaknad av arbetstillfällen är en livsfarlig blandning. Vi måste
också ta itu med effekterna av klimatförändringarna för livsuppehället. Snar återhämtning och byggandet av samhällen med återhämtningsförmåga
står i centrum för dessa ansträngningar, och vi måste öka vårt åtagande i detta avseende.
Ekonomiska och politiska lösningar behövs, och här kan och kommer världssamfundet att spela en avgörande roll. Men det största ansvaret ligger
hos de drabbade länderna själva. Afrikanskt ledarskap, både nationellt och regionalt, är nu det viktigaste för att finna långsiktiga lösningar. Folket
på Afrikas horn kommer aldrig att undkomma torkans konsekvenser så länge deras ledare flyr från sitt ansvar.
Ers Excellens, mina damer och herrar!
I januari kommer FN:s landenhet för Somalia att besöka Stockholm igen. Och vi diskuterar ännu en gång en humanitär kris på Afrikas horn som
drabbar miljontals människor, precis som vi gjorde när det gällde Etiopien på 1980 - talet, Somalia på 1990 - talet och Somalia återigen för några år
sedan.
Detta gör mig både arg och beslutsam, för jag vet att kriser som den här som människorna på Afrikas horn nu upplever inte behöver inträffa. Fred,
stabilitet och livsmedelstrygghet kan bli verklighet för folket i Somalia också. Detta kommer givetvis att ta tid och kräva mycket hårt arbete. Men
det är möjligt att förebygga liknande kriser framöver om alla parter är beslutsamma och skärper sig.
Tack så mycket.
Tal
Stockholm 5 december 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal vid Swedish Baltic Sea Water Awards priscermoni (eng)
Måndagen den 5 december mottog Teknologie doktor Jorma Kämäräinen Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award 2011.
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlsson var på plats för att dela ut priset under en ceremoni på Utrikesdepartementet.
Good afternoon,
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
As we are all aware, the Baltic Sea is under great pressure from pollution and excessive nutrient loads pouring
into it. Enormous efforts are needed to continue restoring the good health of the Baltic Sea. Much has been
accomplished in recent years in terms of investments in new infrastructure to reduce the inflow of phosphorus,
nitrogen and organic material to the Baltic Sea. The Southwest Wastewater Treatment plant in St Petersburg,
inaugurated in 2005, and the Kaliningrad Wastewater Treatment Plant, scheduled to be completed in late
2012, are two important examples.
One other example is the work to protect the marine environment of the Baltic Sea
from pollution from ships - undertaken by today's winner of the Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award, Doctor
Jorma Kämäräinen from the Marine Environment Protection unit at the Finnish Transport Safety Agency.
Behind any sustainable development lie the ideas, innovation and hard work of people. This prize is one way of
promoting such good examples. The importance of innovation and stakeholder collaboration between
different people, such as young people, business people, researchers and decision-makers, is also the theme of
the international conference 'Stockholm +40 - Partnership Forum for Sustainable Development', to be hosted
by the Swedish Government on 23-25 April next year. The meeting will serve as an input to the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Rio +20.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
The amount of sewage produced onboard a ship depends on its type. Clearly, the largest amounts of
wastewater are produced by passenger ships such as ferries and cruise liners. Ferries usually leave the sewage
ashore daily and the storage of sewage onboard does not create substantial problems. However, in most cases,
the sewage from cruise liners is discharged into the sea, presumably after treatment on board. Currently, the
onboard treatment process does not target the removal of nutrients, as their content in the discharged sewage
has, until now, not been regulated. This means that treated sewage containing some nitrogen and phosphorus is
still discharged into the sea, thereby increasing the nutrient loads in the sensitive marine environment.
As we are all aware, the marine environment is highly sensitive to excessive loads of phosphorus and nitrogen.
Phosphorus is directly responsible for the widespread occurrence of blue-green algae, which form foulsmelling masses and make the water unfit for swimming. Nutrients are immediately available for uptake by
planktonic algae, adding to the severe eutrophication of the Baltic Sea. In the Gulf of Finland, where maritime
traffic has increased rapidly, the annual phosphorus load from ships is now almost the same as from the four
largest Finnish coastal cities along the Gulf - Espoo, Hamina, Kotka and Porvoo.
Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen has been awarded this year's Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award in appreciation of his
outstanding overall work to protect the marine environment of the Baltic Sea from pollution from ships and, in
particular, in recognition of his leadership in introducing a ban on discharges of untreated sewage from
passenger ships operating in the Baltic Sea.
Let me quote from the jury's citation:
The Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award goes to Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen for his diligent and untiring efforts to
protect the Baltic marine environment from pollution and discharges from ships. Under his guidance and
leadership, sewage discharge and airborne pollution have been substantially limited or prohibited. Among
Doctor Kämäräinen's numerous achievements, the jury wishes to single out the designation of the Baltic as a
Particularly Sensitive Sea Area by the International Maritime Organisation as a contribution of special note.
Since 2006, Doctor Kämäräinen has acted as Chairman of the special HELCOM expert group which developed
a proposal to amend the IMO's MARPOL Convention, the International Convention for the Prevention of
Pollution from Ships, to make it possible to apply more stringent sewage regulations in the Baltic Sea. Not only
has he coordinated the work of the nine Baltic Sea countries to prepare extensive documentation as required
by the IMO, he has also greatly facilitated negotiations among the countries regarding the final content and
date of the submission to the IMO.
Moreover, Doctor Kämäräinen has taken the leading role in negotiating the proposal in the IMO, and more
specifically in the Marine Environment Protection Committee, comprising almost 170 nations. Thanks to his
reputation and recognition in this organisation, it was made possible to first approve and then adopt the
proposal in 2011 in a record time of two years, resulting in the designation, on 15 July 2011, of the Baltic Sea as
a Special Area under Annex IV of MARPOL. This Special Area status means that discharges of untreated
sewage from passenger ships in the whole sea area will be prohibited.
Please welcome Doctor Jorma Kämäräinen to the stage.
On behalf of the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, it is my pleasure to thank you for your important
achievements for a cleaner Baltic Sea, and to present you with this glass sculpture as a sign that you are the
winner of the 2011 Swedish Baltic Sea Water Award.
Thank you.
Relaterat
Pressmeddelande: Finsk
forskare får Swedish
Baltick Sea Water Award
Externa länkar
More about the award
Tal
Etnografiska muséet 22 november 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal om Sveriges engagemang i Afghanistan (eng)
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlsson höll ett anvförande vid Svenska Afghanistankommitténs internationella
konferens vid Etnografiska muséet i Stockholm.
Your Excellency, distinguished guests, dear friends.
Almost exactly one year ago, at this very conference, I gave a speech on Afghanistan. Some of you might have been here and I certainly see a lot of
familiar faces. I'm very happy to speak to all of you today.
Since I gave my speech a year ago, much has happened. Not only in Afghanistan of course, but in the region and in the world. We have seen
dramatic change, for both good and bad. However, much remains the same.
I am not here today to paint you a rosy picture of Afghanistan. Or to tell you that everything is great. Or that our development assistance is making
all the difference.
If we hide from reality, if we don't face facts - whether it's to feel better or to give a false sense of hope - we won't be doing Afghanistan or ourselves
any favours. Because the people of Afghanistan live their lives in that very reality. And if we don't see it, then we can't help them.
Neither am I here today to give you a long description or an in-depth analysis of the situation in Afghanistan. Because who knows Afghanistan better
than you Your Excellency, working every day to improve your country's education system? Or who knows it better than the SAC, helping the
people of Afghanistan for over 30 years? Well certainly not me, and to pretend otherwise would quite frankly be a waste of everyone's time.
Your Excellency, dear friends.
Now you know why I'm not here. So why am I here then? I have three reasons.
1. To listen, learn and understand
After many years of international military intervention, we are quickly approaching the point when the security of Afghanistan will be in the hands
of the Afghan people themselves. Already next year many countries, including Sweden, will begin to scale down their military presence. Come 2014,
the Afghan army and police force will be responsible for bringing peace and security to one of the most war-torn countries on earth. This will not be
an easy burden to bear, to put it mildly. That's why it's so important that we in the international community continue to support the strengthening of
Afghan security and rule-of-law.
Will we succeed in this? Can we succeed? My answer is that we must. And let's not forget: War can come suddenly. But so can peace.
Your Excellency, dear friends.
Afghanistan is the second largest receiver of Swedish development assistance. For over eight years, we have had a significant military presence in
Mazar-i-Sharif. In 2010 we opened up our new embassy in Kabul. Thousands of Swedish men and women, civilian and military, have worked
selflessly and at great risk, sometimes even making the ultimate sacrifice, to improve the lives of the Afghan people.
The Swedish government will soon decide on a revised and prolonged strategy for development assistance to Afghanistan, where an increase in our
support to development efforts is foreseen. This should be seen in a wider context, where we gradually move from international to Afghan lead,
from predominantly military to civilian engagement.
I am extremely proud of Sweden's commitment to Afghanistan. But I am not saying this to brag. On the contrary, I wish we had done and could do
more. Because despite all my intentions and ambitions, the fact is this - in the big pond of Afghanistan, Sweden is still a small fish. We have to accept
our limitations. We can't do everything, we can't save everybody. Not in Afghanistan. Nor anywhere else.
But we can certainly make a difference, and the tireless work and amazing efforts of the SAC show that better than anything. And I want Sweden to
make as much of a difference as possible.
Now more than ever, in this time of transition, we have to put the perspective and the needs of the Afghan people first. Because they know what has
to be done. And they usually know how to do it better than the bureaucrats and the officials. If and only if we listen to the perspective of the people
that we are trying to help will our aid be as effective and as relevant as it can be. Every euro and krona that we give, every minute and hour that we
work - we have to make them count.
That's what I mean when I say that I am here to listen, learn and understand. I want to know what we are not seeing. I want to know what works and
what doesn't. How can we best help make a better future for Afghanistan? For the coming years, my ambition is to much more actively employ the
knowledge, insights and contacts of the Afghanistan diaspora in Sweden. It would be professional misconduct to not take full advantage of such an
invaluable resource.
Your Excellency, dear friends.
2. The second reason I'm here today
...is to answer the following question: What is Sweden's role in Afghanistan?
Sweden's role in Afghanistan is to help create conditions that will enable poor people to improve their lives. This is the ultimate objective of any and
all Swedish development cooperation, whether it be in Afghanistan or in Tanzania.
Overall, our bilateral development assistance to Afghanistan will mainly target women, children and young people. They are especially vulnerable
to war and strife and often, if not always, the first to suffer the effects of poverty. Also, Sweden has a long tradition and vast experience of working
with these groups.
Since I have a limited amount of time and you still have a long day ahead of you, I will concentrate not on the means but on the ends of our
development assistance to Afghanistan. Simply put, what do we want to accomplish? And I will start with the national level, where Sweden will be
active mainly in two sectors:
1. Democracy, human rights and equality.
2. Education.
When it comes to the first sector - democracy, human rights and equality - Sweden has three goals:
1. Strengthened democratic institutions and systems for public financial regulation and increased transparency of state administration.
2. Strengthened possibilities of women and girls to enjoy their basic human rights and to influence community development.
3. Increased strength and number of viable civil society actors and free and independent media.
In the second sector - education - Sweden also has three goals:
1. Increased access to quality primary education with focus on girls.
2. More qualified teachers.
3. Increased literacy among women age 15-24.
On the regional level, which in our case is northern Afghanistan and the provinces of Balkh, Samangan, Sar-e-Pul and Jowzjan, Sweden has two main
goals:
1. Increased capacity of local administrations at the province and district level to offer citizens basic community services in a democratic and legal
manner.
2. A growing private business sector that contributes to employment and livelihood, especially for women and young people.
Your Excellency, dear friends.
When it comes to equality between men and women, let me say this: A country in which half the population is oppressed or deprived of it's basic
human rights and freedoms - for whatever reasons be they religious or traditional - is only half a country. Equality isn't a Swedish or a Western
value, it's universal. On that point, I will never waver.
When it comes to young people, I must resort to a real cliché: they are the future. Because young people, no matter where you are in the world, all
carry the potential of peace and welfare within them. And we believe that we best can help the young people of Afghanistan by channeling our
support into the education sector. That's where all good things come from, and therefore Sweden will always be education's most fervent
proponent.
Sweden will also be very active in the fight against corruption, both on a national and regional level. We all know the devastating effects of
corruption. Some would even say that in the case of Afghanistan it's a greater obstacle to development than the war. I'm not naïve, it will take a
tremendous effort to eradicate corruption. But that doesn't mean that I have to accept it. In this regard, I will not be alone in my demands on the
Afghan government to increase their efforts.
These will be the main target groups, sectors and goals for Sweden's bilateral development assistance to Afghanistan for the coming years. We
believe that this is how and where we can do the most good, given our capacity, the security situation and the needs of the Afghan people. But we will
of course not be alone in our efforts to help Afghanistan.
A key component of Sweden's engagement with Afghanistan goes through the European Union. A considerable portion of our assistance is
channeled through the EU budget and coordinated with the other 26 member states. In addition to this Sweden has taken the initiative to launch a
comprehensive partnership agreement between the EU and Afghanistan, the mandate for which was approved by the Ministers only last week. This
shows our determination and our confidence in the future of Afghanistan.
Your Excellency, dear friends.
3. The third and final reason I am here today
...is to talk about hope.
And when I say hope I don't mean the false kind that I mentioned in the beginning. I mean real hope, based on real progress and a true belief in a
better future.
As a result of Afghan efforts and support by the international community, Afghanistan has made progress in a number of areas. Consequently, the
country has moved up several steps in the UNDP Human Development Index during the last few years. Let me give you some numbers:
o Before 2001, less than a million children went to school. Today, that figure is almost seven million.
o From 2001 to 2011, the number of girls in school has gone from very few to almost 2,5 million.
o In 2001, nine percent of the population had access to some form of health care. Today it's 85 percent.
o Under the Taliban, there were approximately 40 000 telephone lines in the country. Today, there are over 500 000 lines and more than 13
million cell phone users.
These are the kind of numbers that give me hope and reason to believe in a better future. Because I know that behind the statistics there are boys
and girls and men and women whose lives have improved, even if only ever so slightly. We are making progress. In small increments, I admit, and
too slowly, yes, but it's progress nonetheless.
One could argue that these numbers are superficial, or isolated islands of good news in a sea of bad developments. Yes - if the violence increases, if
militant and criminal Islamist groups gain in strength and if the government is pushed back - then much of the progress that has been made is at risk
of being undone. Sweden of course supports the peace process and the efforts toward national reconciliation, but this must be done without
compromising on fundamental values, freedoms and rights, including women's rights and equality.
However, even if the worst scenario would come to pass, it would never be a reason to give up. In this context, I will allow myself to paraphrase
John F Kennedy, and say that "we do this not because it's easy, but because it's hard". That's why the Afghan people need our help, and that is why
we will give it. Sweden will stay committed to Afghanistan as long as we can help even one girl learn to read and write, be treated with dignity and
respect and see the future just a little bit brighter.
Your Excellency, dear friends.
Thank you to SAC for arranging this conference and thank you for inviting me. Thank you all for your kind attention and for your commitment to
the people of Afghanistan.
Tal
Fotografiska museet, Stockholm. 26 oktober 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlsson anförande 26 oktober vid lanseringen av State
of The World Population 2011.
Talande ordet gäller.
(Moderator Alexandra Pascalidou, FN-förbundet Linda Nordin, föregående talare Purnima)
Kära vänner.
Sverige och UNFPA har sedan länge ett väldigt nära och givande samarbete. Därför är jag extra stolt att idag få lansera State of the World
Population 2011 tillsammans med UNFPA och FN-förbundet.
Årets rapport innebär att våra skolböcker måste skrivas om. När jag gick i skolan fick jag lära mig att vi var fyra och halv miljard människor på
jorden. Den 31 oktober, om allt går vägen, föds världsmedborgare nummer sju miljarder.
Sju miljarder är en siffra som inte går att greppa. I UNFPA:s faktablad kan vi läsa att sju miljarder människor visserligen skulle få plats på Öland men å andra sidan skulle det nog bli ganska trångt på stranden.
För att verkligen förstå vad sju miljarder människor innebär måste vi flytta fokus från siffran i sig till länder, städer, samhällen och individen. Vi
måste se och utgå ifrån den samlade bilden av vilka resurser vi har och använder, var vi flyttar och hur länge vi lever. I slutändan handlar det om
hur vi förhåller oss till våra medmänniskor, vare sig det är min granne eller en person på andra sidan jorden som jag aldrig kommer att träffa.
Mina vänner.
Jag har tre huvudbudskap som jag vill dela med er idag:
1. Kvinnors rätt att bestämma över sin egen kropp, sexualitet och reproduktion måste vara utgångspunkten när vi talar om befolkningstillväxt.
2. När unga män och kvinnor kan påverka sina liv genom demokratiska processer och när deras mänskliga rättigheter respekteras kan de också
vara viktiga aktörer för hållbar utveckling.
3. Snabb befolkningstillväxt tär på vår jord men människan kan hitta sätt att hållbart nyttja våra gemensamma resurser.
När vi talar om befolkningsfrågor måste människan vara i fokus. Om mindre än en vecka föds ett barn och vi blir sju miljarder människor. Vår
gemensamma uppgift är att ge det barnet förutsättningar att leva i fred och frihet och att kunna utforma sitt eget liv. Det är individens rättigheter
och drivkrafter som skapar hållbar utveckling.
Kära vänner.
Varje kvinna ska själv bestämma om, när och hur många barn hon vill ha. Detta kräver tillgång till preventivmedel, sexualupplysning, rådgivning
och säkra och lagliga aborter.
Idag saknar över 200 miljoner kvinnor tillgång till preventivmedel och hälften av alla aborter som görs är osäkra. Att säkerställa att kvinnor har
rätt att bestämma över sin kropp, sin sexualitet och sin reproduktion är en prioritet för svenskt utvecklingssamarbete och en förutsättning för
hållbar utveckling.
Visst låter detta helt självklart? Men faktum är att Sverige är ganska ensamt om att på allvar stå upp för den här frågan. Den splittrar EU och världen
och Sveriges röst behövs. Jag är därför glasklar med att Sverige ska stå längst fram när det gäller sexuell och reproduktiv hälsa och rättigheter och
att säkerställa kvinnors rätt att själva bestämma över sina liv.
Mina vänner.
Barnet som föds den 31 oktober kommer att växa upp tillsammans med historiens största ungdomsgeneration. Nästan hälften av jordens befolkning
är under 25 år och ett stort hopp sätts till deras möjligheter att lyfta familjer, lokalsamhällen och länder ur fattigdom. Erfarenheter från de asiatiska
tigerekonomierna visar att en betydande del av tillväxten kan kopplas till att unga människor kom in på arbetsmarknaden.
Helt avgörande för unga människors möjligheter att bidra till en hållbar utveckling är att de kan delta i demokratiska processer och att deras
mänskliga rättigheter respekteras.
Om unga kvinnor och män förvägras sina fri- och rättigheter - om ingen tar hänsyn till deras behov - kommer fattigdomen att bestå. Om unga
människor inte känner sig välkomna och inkluderade i politiken, näringslivet och det civila samhället kan det i värsta fall leda till kravaller, ökad
kriminalitet och politisk oro.
Den finansiella krisen har försvårat detta arbete. Enligt ILO ökade den globala ungdomsarbetslösheten mellan 2007 och 2009 och trenden håller i
sig. Ungdomsarbetslösheten för kvinnor är högre än för män och arbetsvillkoren för kvinnor är dessutom ofta sämre.
Miljontals unga människor kommer vilja komma in på arbetsmarknaden varje månad under flera decennier framöver. De bästa förutsättningarna
för att skapa arbetstillfällen och sysselsättning för dem finns i den privata sektorn.
Utvecklingssamarbetets fokus på ungas sysselsättning måste därför ske i nära samarbete med näringslivet. Ett bra exempel är Svenska Institutets
innovativa program "She Entrepreneurs", som handlar om att stödja kvinnors ekonomiska och sociala entreprenörskap i Mellanöstern. "She
Entrepreneurs" använder IT för att förbättra kommunikationen och informationen till och mellan kvinnor, bl.a. i form av ett mentorprogram. Att
stödja kvinnliga entreprenörer främjar både demokratiuppbyggnad och utveckling av den privata sektorn i regionen.
Unga kvinnor och män som växer upp idag måste även ha tillgång till utbildning. Men alltför många unga människor får inte fullfölja sin utbildning.
Detta gäller framförallt flickor och unga kvinnor.
Varje år blir runt 16 miljoner kvinnor under 20 år mammor. En graviditet i tidig ålder försämrar möjligheten till utbildning, att hitta ett arbete och
att delta i politiken och i samhällslivet. För en ung kvinna kan ett års extra studier innebära upp till 20 procent högre lön.
Att förebygga tonårsgraviditeter är därför en investering inte bara i kvinnors hälsa och rättigheter utan även i ekonomisk tillväxt. De kvinnor som
utbildar sig och lever ett mer jämställt liv väljer ofta att föda färre barn, vilket leder till långsammare befolkningstillväxt och stärker länders
långsiktiga ekonomiska förutsättningar.
Kära vänner.
Vårt oktoberbarn föds till en värld där vi använder mer resurser än jorden har att erbjuda. För ett fattigt land kan befolkningstillväxten bidra till att
lokala miljöproblem som bristfälliga sanitetslösningar och vattenförsörjning förvärras.
Människor har genom århundraden utvecklat arbetssätt och metoder för att hållbart nyttja resurser som skog, mark och vatten. Idag måste vi
utveckla jordbruksmetoder som fungerar även i torrare förhållanden genom att till exempel hitta grödor med bättre härdighet, ett ökat
näringsinnehåll och ger en högre avkastning. Det behövs enkla men effektiva sätt att bevattna grödorna och ge djuren bete trots torka eller
översvämningar. Tekniken behöver utvecklas men främst behöver människor kunskap och resurser för att lyckas. Detta gäller inte minst
kvinnorna, som ofta är de som sköter lejonparten av jordbruket.
Minst lika viktigt i det här sammanhanget är satsningar på att stärka kvinnors ägande- och nyttjanderätt till land. Om kvinnor hade lika stor tillgång
till jordbrukets resurser som män skulle produktionen på jordbruken där kvinnor arbetar öka med upp till 30 procent.
Mina vänner.
Att vi inom några dagar blir sju miljarder människor på jorden innebär utmaningar. Men det skapar också möjligheter. I förordet till årets State of
the World Population skriver UNFPA:s chef Dr. Babatunde Osotimehin att vi är sju miljarder människor med sju miljarder möjligheter. Jag
instämmer till fullo.
Det innebär inte att vi ska blunda för de utmaningar och problem som kan uppstå när en befolkning ökar för snabbt. Men vi ska förstå
komplexiteten och komma ihåg att en ökad befolkning inte består av siffror utan av människor, och att det i varje människa ryms en oändlig
potential för utveckling och framsteg.
Tack.
Tal
7 oktober 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Taking international development into the 21st century - Results, transparency
and accountability
The focus of the agenda for change in Swedish international development cooperation is on results, transparency
and accountability. International discussions on aid are now more dynamic than ever before. This is welcome,
because it is through dialogue and debate that we can learn and improve and, in the end, better help those in
need.
If we cannot transparently and systematically report on how our aid budget is spent, and what is achieved in the form of results, the credibility of
development cooperation itself will be undermined. Mutual accountability is only possible if transparency is our guiding star and results our
foremost ambition. Consequently, results are, by definition, at the very heart of aid effectiveness..
A myth is being propagated that the focus on results has gone too far and that the results agenda encourages a focus on quick, short-term wins.
Some even refer sarcastically to "obsessive measurement disorder". It would be more accurate to recognise that today's focus on results by
countries such as Sweden and the UK is a reaction to what could be called 40 years of "obsessive neglect of results" or "obsessive aversion to
evaluation."
Insisting on results and value for money in development cooperation should not translate into avoiding difficult questions and/or working in
difficult contexts. The Swedish Government has increasingly focused development cooperation on "fragile and conflict states". Yet these are, for
obvious reasons, the hardest places of all to make aid work.
As Sweden's minister for international development cooperation, I have made results, transparency and accountability the focus of my agenda for
change in Swedish international development cooperation. Today, international discussions on aid are more dynamic than ever before. I welcome
this, because it is through dialogue and debate that we can learn and improve and, in the end, better help those in need.
Foreign aid is one of many sources of development finance. By 2007, only 17 per cent of the developed world's financial flows to the developing
world was in the form of government aid. The other 83 per cent was comprised of private capital investment, remittances and other sources. This is
fundamentally a good thing. It means that the time when foreign aid enjoyed a quasi monopoly as a source of external finance for developing
countries is long gone. The financial globalization since the mid 19802s has translated as a surge in capital flows to developing countries, notably in
foreign direct investments and portfolio flows. In addition, new actors and new donors, be they private, such as the Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation, or countries, such as China and India, are all contributing to a fundamental change in the landscape of international aid.
Today's international aid architecture, however, does not reflect this new reality. Arguably, both bilateral and multilateral agencies reflect the
challenges of the developing world as perceived by donors 20 or 30 years ago, and what was thought at the time to be the best way to contribute to
development. Now, the ways in which we organise, prioritise and measure the outcome of development cooperation have to change and adapt to the
world of the 21st century.
If we cannot transparently and systematically report on how our aid budget is spent, and what is achieved in the form of results, the credibility of
development cooperation itself will be undermined. Mutual accountability is only possible if transparency is our guiding star and results our
foremost ambition. Consequently, results are, by definition, at the very heart of aid effectiveness. The aid effectiveness discussion is probably as
old as development cooperation itself. But it has never been more relevant.
Insisting on a results-oriented aid agenda is therefore an essential and very natural priority for the Swedish Government. Since I took office in
October 2006 we have strengthened our focus on results with the aim of achieving more effective and higher quality development cooperation. Our
ambition is to provide aid that makes a real difference in the global effort to combat poverty and oppression. Clear guidelines and structures for
dealing with results can help our development partners, as well as our own staff, to keep the objectives of each aid contribution clearly in focus. I am
proud that Sida, the Swedish Agency for International Development Cooperation, is now at the forefront of developing ways of measuring and
following up results, as well as ensuring transparency and accountability.
A key issue is of course how we actually use the results. In this, there are three things I believe to be essential:
"We need to become better at learning from evaluations and audits
"We need to improve our use of evidence-based research
"We need to constantly ask ourselves what works and what does not
And we need to act upon that information. I am convinced that we as donors can do far better when it comes to putting the conclusions of
evaluations into practice. We must at all costs avoid the situation where evaluation becomes a mere formality or something that must be done and
ticked off at the end of a project.
Focus on results is not just something that is demanded by the Swedish Government and Swedish tax payers but, even more importantly, by our
partners in developing countries. They rightly demand concrete outcomes. They do not simply want reports of money disbursed. An important part
of our development cooperation is therefore to develop and improve our partners' systems for managing results.
This work is intimately linked to the need for continuous efforts to improve transparency. Providing clear and accessible information to all is not
just an act of courtesy towards our taxpayers. Access to data concerning ongoing development projects enables the people we are working together
with in our partner countries to ensure that both we as donors and their own officials and politicians can be held accountable. That is why I
introduced a transparency guarantee into Swedish development cooperation. With the launch on April 4 of the website www.openaid.se, all
documents and public information in this area are now successively made available online. Currently the site contains information on 90 000 aid
contributions and 40 000 documents.
Measurement and evidence of what works and what does not work in development is one of our most powerful weapons in the battle against global
poverty. At the same time, the focus on results has come under criticism. A myth is being propagated that the focus on results has gone too far and
that the results agenda encourages a focus on quick, short-term wins. Some even refer sarcastically to "obsessive measurement disorder". It would
be more accurate to recognise that today's focus on results by countries such as Sweden and the UK is a reaction to what could be called 40 years of
"obsessive neglect of results" or "obsessive aversion to evaluation."
Let us be honest about the lack of clarity on how a lot of donor money has been used. Huge administrative overhead costs, complex and
bureaucratic meetings, exorbitant consultancy fees and sometimes very few concrete results for the people that we intended to assist. For far too
long hard questions about the actual outcomes and results of activities labelled with buzz-words such as "technical assistance" and "capacity
building" were simply not asked. Any donor who takes democracy building seriously cannot be satisfied with this lack of clarity.
Consequently, we shouldn't be surprised that not everybody is comfortable seeing the phrases "development cooperation" and "value for money"
used in the same sentence. There is no denying that the so called development industrial complex is a reality. I can even understand that those who
have grown accustomed to administrating and earning a living from traditional development cooperation don't approve of the results agenda.
However, that does not mean that I accept it.
The fear of an insistence on results often arises from confusion over what "results" are. An often cited concern is that aid bureaucracies pressed to
produce "results" will increasingly resort to supporting projects that offer easily measured "wins" (bednets delivered, books distributed etc), while
not giving enough priority to "system issues" and "institution building." Focusing on results must mean focusing on both quantitative and qualitative
results.
I am well aware of the fact that an increased focus on results implies many challenges. There are a number of issues that need to be better defined
and discussed more thoroughly. However, difficulties to work with the results agenda cannot in itself be used as an excuse to not follow up and
report on results. A solid and well structured approach to results and results reporting is a prerequisite for more effective aid contributions to
poverty reduction.
Insisting on results and value for money in development cooperation should not translate into avoiding difficult questions and/or working in
difficult contexts. The Swedish Government has increasingly focused development cooperation on "fragile and conflict states". Yet these are, for
obvious reasons, the hardest places of all to make aid work. Clearly, the results agenda does not mean that we shy away from working in difficult
environments or with complicated thematic issues. Instead, it means that we constantly need to follow up on what we are doing and to work actively
with defining risk and making risk analysis. This is my agenda and I will continue to pursue it vigorously.
Tal
Centre for European Reform, Manchester 5 oktober 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons anförande om EU:s framtida utrikespolitiska utmaningar (eng)
CHECK AGAINS DELIVERY
Ladies and Gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, dear friends.
It is an honour and a great pleasure to be here with you today.
I don't think I exaggerate when I say that we live in troubled times.
On the horn of Africa and in the plains of Pakistan, we see how the devastating effects of droughts and floods are compounded by poverty, conflict
and lack of respect for human rights, with large scale humanitarian crises as a result.
In September, I travelled to Kenya and Somalia. What I saw reinforced my conviction that humanitarian aid in and of itself cannot resolve a
humanitarian crisis. What is needed are long-term political solutions. And with all due respect to Mr. Bob Geldof, humanitarian aid must become
much more than just a band-aid.
In Russia, Belarus and large parts Central Asia, democracy is now less the rule and more the exception. Murderous drug cartels terrorize both
peoples and governments in Mexico and the countries of Central America. The intensifying race for fossil fuels in the Arctic escalates the risk of
conflict.
Globally, our common failure to tackle climate change hangs over us like the sword of Damocles. Or rather, it hangs over the heads of our children
and grandchildren.
The list of worldly woes is long. Of course, there is one that overshadows them all: the economic and financial crisis. It is a plague on all our houses,
and not least on the houses of Europe. Italy, Portugal and Spain are on the brink. Greece is falling as we speak.
Ladies and Gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, dear friends.
In this darkness I also see points of light.
In Libya, Egypt and Tunisia, revolutions fuelled by a desire for freedom and dignity are taking place right before our eyes. Dictators and repression
are out. Democracy and liberty are in.
Yes, they have a long way to go and there are many bumps on the road to free elections, rule of law and freedom of speech. But we will support them
and eventually, they will get there. My thoughts and hopes also go to the brave people of Syria, Yemen and elsewhere, fighting for democracy and
human rights.
Another point of light is of course Africa. Six of the world's ten fastest growing economies are African countries. Enterprise is booming, the middle
classes are expanding and democracy is spreading. In our relations with Africa, we are irreversibly moving beyond aid and into trade.
Finally, The European Union. Yes my friends, even now with all our troubles, the EU is most definitely a very bright point of light.
We are 27 countries united in one union. We have gone through war and conflict, crises of fuel and economy, the fall of the Berlin wall and an everchanging and still ongoing process of globalization. Through it all, the European Union has always come out stronger on the other side. And if we
stick together, we will again.
Because in the end, we are a family. A European family, united by common values and a love of peace and freedom.
Just like a real family, there are as many wills in the EU as there are members. If not more! We fight, we bicker and we argue. At times the debate
will get so heated that someone runs out the door in a huff, promising never to return. And sometimes, a member will do wrong.
It will happen in a family, and it will happen in the EU. When a wrong is committed, we have a right to be angry and we have a right to demand
change. But we also have an obligation to forgive and to help.
Why? Because we will always be stronger together than we are divided.
Ladies and Gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, dear friends.
Europe and the European Union need the UK. We need you to be a positive force and a constructive partner, like you have always been. And given
the many challenges we face in- and outside Europe, we need you now more than ever.
No country can face or avoid these challenges alone. They are too daunting, too complex and too large. So we must face them together. Like the
Union and like the family that we are.
The crisis in the eurozone is at the top of our agenda. Our two countries are both outside the euro. But our economies, trade and welfare are utterly
dependent on the stability of the eurozone. To paraphrase, the eurozone is too big to fail.
Sweden is not in favour of a two-speed Europe. We believe that Europe, and the EU, should be one.
Sweden wants to be at the core of European cooperation. Therefore, the tendencies toward a divided Europe have us worried. If this divide is
allowed to grow, it will undermine the collective strength of the Union and weaken us as individual countries.
The world is changing. It won't be long before China has the world's largest economy. Today, China exports as much in six hours as they did for the
whole year of 1978.
The rise of the East and the evolving security situation is something we need to follow closely. The US economy is in bad shape and the American
people are tired of fighting wars halfway across the world.
It is extremely important that we exit Afghanistan in an orderly fashion. Our focus must now shift to how we can support Afghanistan in a long-term
development perspective.
We owe this. Not only to the people of Afghanistan, but to the brave men and women of Sweden and the United Kingdom who have been injured or
lost their lives bringing peace and security to a war-torn country. We will honour them by nurturing the resilient seed of hope that they have
planted, and their sacrifice has watered.
Ladies and Gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, dear friends.
I said that the world is changing. Nowhere is this more true than in Africa.
How do we best support a continent that at the same time experiences one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern history and one of the fastest
economic developments we have ever seen?
To begin with, our two countries share a healthy scepticism to the agricultural policies of the EU - policies that are downright damaging to African
farmers. We must do more, together, to change these policies in a positive way.
Also, we need to rethink and revise our development assistance quite radically. Not only in Africa, but everywhere. The UK and Sweden are at the
forefront of international development reform.
I have been the minister for international development cooperation for five years now. My Right Honourable and dear friend Secretary Mitchell
has held the same position since 2010. When speaking of family and of development cooperation, I do like to see myself as a big sister to Andrew.
And as such, I am very proud of the fantastic work he has done in this short time.
I think that we inspire each other very much in our respective efforts to reform development cooperation. And hopefully we inspire other countries
as well. Because as we both know, there is a lot of hard work left to do before international development cooperation is truly efficient, transparent
and relevant.
Ladies and Gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, dear friends.
Looking east, the horizon darkens. The phrase "Russian democracy" is at risk of becoming an oxymoron. The trial of Julia Timoshenko is only one
of many signs that Ukraine is slipping back to an authoritarian rule. In Belarus, a dictator reigns supreme.
It is not acceptable that so many people, right on our borders, live without true democracy, freedom of speech and the right to dissent. The UK and
Sweden share this view, and we must work together to increase the focus of the EU on this region
To the southeast we find another shared interest, namely Turkey. I believe that in the long run, allowing Turkey to join the EU will be seen as
important to our Union as the fall of the Berlin wall. Sweden appreciates the support of the UK.
Finally, we look again to the Middle East and North Africa.
The development in Egypt is absolutely critical. If things go wrong there it will affect the whole region. The EU must assist Egypt in the transition to
democracy.
Naturally, the Palestinian issue troubles us maybe most of all. After the UN General Assembly, tensions are rising not only in the region, but also
between the US and Europe and even within the EU.
The situation is highly volatile and there is a great need for the EU to pull together and find a common, sensible and relevant position on Palestine.
In this respect and many more, the transatlantic link is vital to international peace and security. We must do everything we can to reinforce it.
Ladies and Gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, dear friends.
In this time of financial and economic crises, my government is committed to one principle more than any other: taking responsibility.
We must take responsibility for the economy, our jobs and our welfare. We must do this by reining in spending that we cannot afford. At the same
time, we must use the means that we have as efficiently as possible.
This is as true for my particular field of expertise, international development cooperation, as it is for the European Union. I think that you all agree
with me on this.
However, I also believe that the EU must do more. It must do more to stop climate change, increase economic growth and competitiveness,
promote science and technology, reduce crime across our borders and spread peace and freedom in the world.
But more importantly than just doing more, the European Union must do more things right. The European Union must become transparent,
efficient and responsible. Every single citizen must be able to see and understand the value in being a member of the EU.
We must stand tall and speak up for democracy and human rights in China, Zimbabwe, Burma and everywhere else. Trade is important, but freedom
is essential.
We must reduce carbon dioxide emissions, wean ourselves of fossil fuels and move together towards sustainable development. One country won't
make a difference, but 27 will.
In all this and more, I see the UK and the Conservative Party as my closest allies. One can be critical and constructive at the same time, and
sometimes you even have to tear something down before you can begin to build. The important thing is that we build it together.
My dear friends.
We have a choice. Either we solve our shared and global challenges together, or we shy away into short term politics and populism.
I know what Sweden and the Moderate Party will do. I hope the UK and the Conservative Party will join us.
Because this is a critical time. There are forces that will try to use this moment as an opportunity to turn the European Union into something it was
never meant to be. Sweden and the United Kingdom have a responsibility to make the European Union into what we want it to be - a vital,
democratic and prosperous union of independent countries, serving to the benefit of its citizens and as a role model of peace, freedom and
cooperation to the rest of the world.
Thank you.
Tal
UN Mini-Summit om Afrikas horn 28 september 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande biståndsminister Gunilla Carlsson - UN Mini-Summit om Afrikas horn
Det talande ordet gäller.
The Horn of Africa is currently suffering from one of the worst humanitarian disasters in decades. More than 13 million people need emergency
assistance. Conflict, soaring food prices and inadequate food resilience priorities have worsened the effects of the drought. Children are paying the
highest price with malnutrition, and diarrhoea and other diseases which are spreading.
Famines are almost invariably the end result of flawed policies. Prevention of similar crises in the future is within reach if all parties.....and get their
act together.
At the UN mini summit on Somalia yesterday, the international community gave strong support to the roadmap. It is now up to the TFG to show
real commitment and to implement it. The international community should then support their efforts to achieve peace, security and long-term
development.
We all need to ensure that people who are suffering and are on the brink have access to food, shelter, water and sanitation, but we should also step
up our health interventions as diseases begin to spread. We need to deliver seeds and tools in order to secure the next harvest.
The security situation in Somalia and the lack of access to affected areas is still a matter of huge concern.
So is the overall deficit in funding, now and in the coming months.
Together with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Mr Antonio Guterres, I visited Dollo and Mogadishu towards the end of Ramadan and at
the time of Eid el-Fitr. I want to share with you my strong feelings of sadness and concern for all the women, children and men we met. But also
gratitude to all humanitarian actors, at international level as well as local organisations and individuals that are now trying to solve a disastrous
situation.
Sweden is taking its responsibility and has contributed some USD 116 million; we hope other donors will follow suit. Sweden congratulates OCHA
and Valerie Amos on the leadership they have demonstrated. We are impressed by the solidarity of new donors and I ask that we all use our scarce
aid resources in an effective and disciplined way within the coordination of the UN so that needs can be met with our joint efforts in order to
produce results.
This is a humanitarian crisis which affects us all. The main burden is shouldered by the countries in the region. One example is Kenyans helping
Kenyans, which raised millions of dollars in the space of a few weeks. I also want to congratulate Kenya on the high-level meeting recently held.
African leadership is now key to finding long-term solutions. I would particularly like to recognise Kenya's and Ethiopia's efforts to help Somali
refugees.
You deserve our support and we owe it to ourselves to help the suffering children.
Tal
The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Global Forum 2011 i Stockholm 23 augusti 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Avslutningsanförande av Gunilla Carlsson vid the International Center for Notfor-Profit Law Global Forum 2011 (på engelska)
Det talade ordet gäller
Ladies and gentlemen,
To begin, I would like to express my gratitude to ICNL (The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law) for organising this event in Sweden and for
inviting me to be here with you. Thank you.
The Global Forum is a unique platform where leading thinkers, practitioners and policy makers from different sectors of society can discuss the
most pressing legal issues facing civil society. Today, from more than 80 countries, 200 representatives from civil society, governments,
parliaments, the judiciary, the business sector and international institutions are meeting here to develop new tools and concrete solutions to the
challenges facing civil society. The work you do is not only important - it is crucial. And I am honoured to be among you.
I would like to address four issues today: Human rights, the importance of civil society, the shrinking space for civil society and finally, the
responsibility of governments and our foreign and development policies.
First. Human rights. In recent decades, we have seen a positive global trend of increased respect for human rights and dozens of states replacing
dictatorship with democratically elected governments. However, we have also seen a number of worrying backlashes, such as an increase in attacks
on democracy and human rights defenders and journalists, and growing restrictions on press freedom. Also, discrimination and violence against
women, girls and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) people are still commonplace in many parts of the world and, unfortunately,
increasing. I am especially concerned about the oppressive attacks against those who fight for the right to be free from gender or sexuality-based
discrimination.
Each violation of a person's rights is a violation of humanity. In this context, I must of course mention Syria. I am appalled at the brutal repression
of the population and civil society by Syrian authorities and security forces. Political prisoners and democracy and human rights defenders must be
released without delay.
For this reason, and for many others, the fight for human rights must continue. And we must never allow ourselves to tire or despair. Because
freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association are key to democratisation. Consequently, they are of the highest priority in
Swedish foreign policy and international development cooperation.
Second. A vibrant, pluralistic and democratic civil society is pivotal to poverty reduction, democratic development and increased respect for
human rights. Civil society organisations can act as proponents of innovative ideas, hold those in power accountable for their policies and actions,
organise services that benefit citizens and be a counterweight to and force for democratisation vis-à-vis the state.
We know that increased accountability generally means that states become better at delivering what citizens expect. And to be relevant and
sustainable in the long run, democracies must deliver a functioning public administration, infrastructure and basic social services. They must
engage citizens, create an enabling environment for free and independent media and civil society, ensure that the democratic political system
works, and implement democratic decisions.
Third. Civil society organisations in many countries now find it increasingly difficult to operate freely. This is a highly disturbing development.
Since 2006, measures restricting the rights of civil society have been introduced in more than 50 countries, for example in Belarus, Burma, Syria,
Russia, Nicaragua and Venezuela. In other countries, such as Cambodia, draft laws are being prepared that, if adopted, would threaten to restrict
civil society. This would be a worrying development.
In my travels around the world, I have met many people who stand up and fight for democratic values and human rights, fully aware of the risk of
being exposed to controls, surveillance, persecution and harassment, death threats, physical assaults, torture, arbitrary detention and even murder.
Several of you, and many more who can't be here, have had such experiences. Your strength and courage is an example and an inspiration to us all.
Also, I am dismayed to hear how civil society activities are constrained by legal or administrative barriers, such as high minimum thresholds for
members or assets, onerous registration procedures, arbitrary termination criteria, prohibitions on areas of activity, invasive supervision and
barriers to cross-border funding and communication. These kinds of measures may not be violent or threatening, but they are nonetheless very
effective.
In light of this, Sweden attaches great importance to the work of the Special Rapporteurs and other special procedures of the Human Rights
Council. Sweden was actively involved in the creation of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Assembly and Association in 2010,
and it has filled a major gap in human rights protection.
In addition to the different measures and restrictions I mentioned earlier, civil society organisations also face many internal difficulties, such as
long-term sustainability, capacity weaknesses and lack of financial sustainability, internal democracy and coordination.
Civil society faces many challenges, but one thing is absolutely clear: people and organisations working for democratisation and human rights must
be able to carry out their activities freely and without intimidation from the authorities or other actors. Here, we cannot and must not allow any
exceptions.
Fourth and finally. As governments, we must create an enabling environment for civil society and for free and independent media in our own
countries. The Swedish Government, for example, has written a communication to parliament on a whole-of-government approach to supporting
and cooperating with civil society actors. Coherent domestic, foreign and development policies are important. We must also contribute to enabling
environments in other countries both through political dialogue and development cooperation. This is a responsibility we have to ourselves, to our
citizens and to all people suffering from poverty, strife and oppression.
To be effective and make a difference, our development cooperation and foreign policies must be coherent nationally, within the EU and
multilaterally. The work carried out in the Community of Democracies Working Group on Enabling and Protecting Civil Society is a good example.
This effort has contributed to very real and concrete results in several countries over the last two years. I want to thank Canada for leading this
working group, and in particular the international CSOs contributing constructively to this effort, ICNL, World Movement for Democracy,
CIVICUS and Article 19.
I believe that for development cooperation to be effective, we must put freedom and human rights first and focus on the individual as a key actor
for change. This entails supporting embattled civil society organisations' access to legal advice, appeals, monitoring of court cases, hospital charges,
travel expenses for visits of imprisoned activists and compensation for destroyed or confiscated property, such as mobile phones and computers.
It can also mean capacity building for CSOs, working for free and independent media, providing equal access to the legal system, and strengthening
women's rights and political participation with the purpose of creating an enabling environment for civil society. To illustrate how important this
kind of work is to us, I wish to mention that more than one third of Swedish bilateral development cooperation, or 5.6 billion Swedish kronor, goes
to and through civil society. Of that amount, more than 2 billion kronor per year goes to democracy support and human rights assistance.
Ladies and gentlemen,
During the Global Forum, you have participated in workshops on themes of great importance, including Backlash against Civil Society, Democratic
Transitions, Survival Techniques for CSOs, Self-Regulation Initiatives and Promoting Constructive Engagement with the Diplomatic Community
and International Organisations. I would very much like to listen to your discussions, thoughts and findings from these workshop.
Democracy is about change. Human rights are about freedom. And the role of civil society in this is crucial. I will continue to do my utmost to make
it possible for civil society organisations and other pro-democracy actors to conduct their activities openly and freely.
Thank you.
Kontakt
Sebastian Tham
Pressekreterare hos biståndsministern
072-212 74 72
e-post till Sebastian Tham
Tal
World Water Week Stockholm 22 augusti 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal vid World Water Week (eng)
World Water Week 2011 on 22 August. Theme: ''Water in an Urbanising World
Ladies and gentlemen,
In a short time, the global urban population has risen to more than 3 billion. If the current trend continues, by
2050 there will be twice as many, or close to 6.3 billion city-dwellers. More than one billion of these will face
water-shortages.
I am therefore very pleased that the Stockholm International Water Institute has chosen 'Water in an
Urbanising World' as the theme for World Water Week 2011. Urbanisation and sustainable water resource
management are also Swedish priorities ahead of the UN Conference on Sustainable Development that will
take place in Rio de Janeiro in June 2012.
Today, I would like to talk about the importance of water in improving the quality of life of the urban poor and
what I believe is needed for sustainable urbanisation.
The proportion of poor people is increasing more in urban areas than in rural areas. Informal settlements in
cities, which are home to approximately 830 million people, often lack fundamental services such as clean
water and basic sanitation, making it even more difficult to break the vicious circle of poverty. Together, poor
water quality and sanitation are the second largest cause of child mortality and also contribute to high levels of
maternal mortality. Women and girls require particular attention as they often have the primary responsibility
for collecting household water supplies. Furthermore, the lack of school latrines is an important factor in the
dropout rate for girls.
At the same time, the middle classes are expanding in cities, which in turn leads to increased water
consumption. Now more than ever, we need new technologies and policy solutions for sustainable waterrelated consumption and production, including in developing countries.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Since August last year I have been a member of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's High-Level Panel on
Global Sustainability. Our task is to formulate a new vision for global sustainability and prosperity and propose
new ways to put this into practice. These recommendations will hopefully provide valuable input to ongoing
international processes on sustainable development, such as the Rio Conference.
My basic premise for global sustainability is a people-centred approach: sustainable development must
consider the rights, needs and influence of everyone. Recently, I was in Nairobi - the most populated city in
East Africa with 2.5 million inhabitants. For a single mother living in an informal settlement in the outskirts of
Nairobi, sustainable development is about making her voice heard in the local community, having decent
work, a good education for her children, improved infrastructure for water and sanitation and lit streets that
will improve her security.
One of my priorities on the Panel is how to utilize the great potential of young people to shape and promote
sustainable development. It is imperative to take their perspectives and innovative ideas into account in order
to vitalise political processes, business development and sustainable development in society. Young people
must be encouraged to use their entrepreneurial talents, and this could be achieved by improving their access
to relevant forms of education and to financial services.
Sweden's work to support the development of sustainable cities in developing countries includes democracy
support and measures to promote the participation of poor people and marginalised groups in the management
of water resources and sanitation solutions. During my stay in Kenya, I visited Katwekera village in the Kibera
slum. In 2005, Katwekera lacked basic water and sanitation services, with about 150 people sharing one
latrine. What the villagers did was to democratically elect leaders, who then took part in a capacity-building
programme to enable them to effectively participate in planning, implementing and managing water and
sanitation projects. Today, not only has the sanitation situation improved, but so has access to renewable
cheap energy, thanks to the village bio-centre with toilets that generate biogas.
Katwekera village shows that sustainable development must start with the people. One of my priorities on the
UN Panel is therefore democratic governance. Many developing countries have national plans for
management of their water resources, but there is often a gap between plans and implementation. Open
societies, citizens' participation in political processes, transparency and accountability lay the foundation for
empowering young people, men and women to claim their rights and enable policy-makers to take informed
decisions.
Sweden can support developing countries in the transition towards a green economy thanks to our own
experience of environmentally friendly technology and urban development. We aim to increase our
programme of collaboration with the private sector to contribute to poverty reduction and improve the
environmental impact. One example of a recently supported Swedish invention is a self-sanitising,
biodegradable single-use bag for human waste called Peepoo, which is being sold by women with microenterprises in Kenya.
This example shows how we, in partnership with the private sector, can support transformation to a
sustainable society, which is also a priority for me on the Panel on Global Sustainability. Innovation and
investments are indispensable for creating sustainable development and new green jobs. It must be profitable
Relaterat
Pressmeddelande: Gunilla
Carlsson talar vid
invigningen av World
Water Week
for businesses, capital markets and individuals to make environmentally sound decisions that take social
aspects into account.
To conclude, I would like to stress that increased access to clean water supplies and sanitation is an important
catalytic force for development in general. The costs of not acting far exceed the costs of well-functioning,
sustainable water resource management. In light of this, it is of vital importance that efficient use of, and
equitable access to, water and sanitation in urban areas figure prominently at the Rio Conference next year.
Thank you.
Tal
Hotel Intercontinental, Nairobi, 11 juli 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Kenya's Constitutional Transition: Opportunities And Challenges (Copy)
Det talade ordet gäller
Honourable Minister Orengo,
Excellencies,
Distinguished Participants,
It is with great pleasure that I open this conference on reform process in Kenya.
Last time I visited Kenya was as head of a European Union Ministerial Troika in December 2009. During this year and a half, I am pleased to note
significant progress on implementing reforms agreed upon in the National Accord. The successful referendum and the subsequent promulgation of
a new Constitution almost a year ago represents a new beginning in Kenya. A clear responsibility has been given to the Government to implement
broad reforms. I congratulate all of you who were part of this defining moment.
A momentum has been created. Political leadership and commitment are important to sustain it. Fight against impunity and corruption are pivotal
for the reform process. I have been encouraged by the vibrant and encouraging Kenyan public debate. Aspects of transparency and integrity have
been raised. The debate has reminded many of the importance of constitutionalism and an active civil society.
The first general election under the new Constitution is rapidly approaching. Crucial legislation is yet to be passed. As stated by His Excellency Kofi
Annan, whose work Sweden firmly supports, expectations on the Constitution are justifiably high. It will be a challenge for the Government to meet
- and to manage - those expectations. There is a need for thorough civic education on the new constitutional provisions, focusing on electoral
reforms, human rights, gender equality and devolution. Sweden is supporting these endeavours in various ways.
A few weeks ago, I had the opportunity to meet a delegation of Kenyan female senior politicians in Stockholm. We discussed the political situation
and gender equality in Kenya. Yesterday at a dinner, we continued our discussions on how to promote women leaders. Gender equality is a
fundamental aspect of Swedish development cooperation. As part of Sweden's efforts to promote democracy and human rights, our prioritized
areas include strengthening political participation by women and counteracting traditional power structures. It also includes ensuring that all
human beings, women, men and children alike, regardless of sexual orientation, are considered equal and enjoy the same access to political,
economic and social rights. These are issues I am advocating as member of the United Nations' Panel on Global Sustainability.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
When visiting Kenya in 2009, I mentioned the advancement of democracy and human rights in Africa. Today, we have seen the urge for freedom,
fuelled by decades of widespread corruption and economic hardship, resulting in the demise of some authoritarian regimes in North Africa. What
implications this will have for the political landscape in Africa and beyond is, I believe, too soon to tell. Access to global information flows, social
media, education and reduced poverty have fundamentally altered old power relations. What becomes clear is that democratic principles, such as
transparency, accountability and non-discrimination, will continue to gain momentum throughout the world.
Last week, I participated in the launch of Sweden's annual reports on the human rights situation in over 180 countries. It is part of Sweden's efforts
to raise awareness of and promote human rights. All the reports are available online. In Kenya, extra-judicial killings are deeply worrying. Action is
needed to hold responsible those who are guilty. The recent ruling by the High Court in Nakuru on death penalty represents great progress for
Kenya. Establishing a culture of accountability throughout the public sector is necessary to restore trust.
The African countries make up the largest regional block of State Parties to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Cooperation by states is crucial.
Sweden is wholeheartedly dedicated to support its work. I would like to urge the Government of Kenya to fully cooperate with the ICC. That
includes guaranteeing the safety of witnesses and their families.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Since independence 48 years ago, Kenya and Sweden have excellent relations. It is encouraging to see the progress which has taken place during the
past 10-15 years with regards to democracy, human rights and economic growth. Sweden's bilateral development cooperation in Kenya amounts to
almost 5 billion Kenyan Shillings annually. Our main sectors are democratic governance and human rights, natural resources and environment, and
urban development.
Sweden's overarching goal in development cooperation is to contribute to poverty reduction and improved living conditions. Sweden has recently
launched the so called "OpenAid", an initiative which gives the public full access to information about all of my government's international
development cooperation. This initiative will improve transparency, promote ownership and hopefully help fight corruption in the development
sector.
Economic growth is an important factor in development. Under the Swedish Policy for Global Development, a number of tools have been
established to deepen the relationship between development and the private sector. I am well aware that Kenya is a commercial and vibrant hub in
Africa. More than 50 Swedish-related companies are established in Kenya. The trade volume between our two countries has grown by more than 42
percent over the past five years. The Swedish Trade Council here in Nairobi promotes Swedish companies in East, West and Central Africa. In
addition, Swedfund, the Swedish Development Finance Institution, has recently established its first overseas office here. A Swedish framework for
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has been developed in Kenya and is about to be launched on a global scale.
Kenya's importance as a regional actor is significant not only commercially and politically, but also in the field of humanitarian relief. I am referring
to the almost half a million refugees living in Kenya, as well as the current severe drought.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me once again emphasise Sweden's long-term commitment to Kenya. Although many challenges remain until Kenya has fully reformed, I am
pleased to note the progress that has been achieved. I also want to express my appreciation for this conference and the opportunities it provides for
discussions on the way forward. We will nurture our deep and longstanding relationship with Kenya and continue supporting and encouraging the
reform process in Kenya.
On a concluding note I wish to use quote by the former Swedish Secretary General of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjöld, which I find
inspirational: "The pursuit of peace and progress cannot end in a few years in either victory or defeat. The pursuit of peace and progress, with its
trials and its errors, its successes and its setbacks, can never be relaxed and never abandoned.".
Thank you!
Tal
Almedalen 7 juli 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsministerns tal vid lanseringen av 2010 års MR-rapporter
Jag är glad att se så många här idag, då det vittnar om ett engagemang för de mänskliga rättigheter som vi alla omfattas av, men som fortfarande
kränks på många håll i världen.
***
Även om vi på global nivå sett en positiv utveckling av efterlevnaden av de mänskliga rättigheterna de senaste decennierna då dussintals stater har
ersatt diktatur med demokratiskt valda regeringar, har bakslag samtidigt skett på senare år:
- Vi ser en ökning av attacker på MR-försvarare, och journalister och växande begränsningar i pressfriheten.
- Ett tilltagande problem är att civilsamhällesorganisationer i många länder får allt svårare att verka fritt. Sedan 2006 har restriktioner för det civila
samhället möjlighet att agera införts eller planeras införa i över femtio länder, bland annat i Etiopien, Egypten, Ryssland, Nicaragua, Kambodja.
Utöver detta finns det flera länder som redan har en restriktiv lagstiftning eller för en repressiv politik.
- Vi ser att diskriminering och olika former av grovt våld mot kvinnor, flickor och homosexuella, bisexuella och transpersoner fortfarande är
vanligt förekommande på många håll.
Varje enskild kränkning av en människas rättigheter är en kränkning av mänskligheten. Kampen för mänskliga rättigheter är därför ständigt aktuell.
Som biståndsminister har jag träffat många personer vars frihetslängtan och moraliska övertygelse gör att de är beredda att stå upp för
demokratiska värderingar och mänskliga rättigheter även om det innebär
stora risker. Försvarare av mänskliga rättigheter lever ofta farligt eftersom de framför kritik mot sina regeringars politik och åtgärder. Runtom i
dagens värld utsätts människor som höjer sina röster till försvar för de mänskliga rättigheterna för kontroll, övervakning, förföljelse och
trakasserier, dödshot, fysiska övergrepp, tortyr, godtyckliga frihetsberövanden och mord.
Människor som arbetar för mänskliga rättigheter ska ha rätt att utföra sin verksamhet fritt och utan hot från myndigheter eller andra aktörer. Både
FN, EU, Europarådet och Afrikanska Unionen har antagit deklarationer för att öka skyddet för dem som försvarar mänskliga rättigheter.
De folkliga upproren i Mellanöstern och Nordafrika bär vittnesbörd om människors frihetslängtan och inneboende strävan att uppnå respekt för
mänskliga rättigheter och demokrati. Frihetsrevolutionen i EU:s södra grannskap tjänar som en påminnelse till oss alla att mänskliga rättigheter är
universella rättigheter.
Jag ska inte sticka under stol med att det ibland gör mig illa till mods att det finns de som antyder att det finns en motsättning mellan demokrati och
utveckling, eller mellan mänskliga rättigheter och fattigdomsbekämpning.
"Det är väl självklart," säger en del, "att om du måste välja mellan mat till din familj och rätten att rösta kommer du att prioritera mat på bordet."
Detta resonemang är naturligtvis rent nonsens. Det finns ingen anledning att tro att materiellt välbefinnande och politiska rättigheter utesluter
varandra. Alla tillgängliga bevis pekar på motsatsen.
Detta är precis den typ av argument som i alla tider framförts av enväldiga ledare och diktatorer som vill hålla fast vid makten och ber om vårt stöd i
stabilitetens namn. "Ja", kommer de att tala om för oss biståndsgivare, "vi har ingen demokrati i västerländsk mening, men vårt samhälle är ännu
inte redo. Ni måste ge oss tid att utvecklas. Först måste vi se till att vårt folk har mat."
Den andra försvarslinjen för att motivera begränsningar av de medborgerliga rättigheterna bygger ofta på hänvisningar till att skyddet av
grundläggande mänskliga rättigheter är ett rent "västerländskt" koncept, illa anpassat till den krassa verkligheten i landet i fråga.
Vad som ofta slår mig är den uppenbara tendensen hos vissa i väst - inte minst bland biståndsgivare - att acceptera detta resonemang. Och som säger
att vi måste vara försiktiga med att alltför offensivt betona vikten av respekt för mänskliga rättigheter i utvecklingsländer. En sådan inställning kan
vara kontraproduktiv, säger man, och vi bör undvika att uppfattas som att vi blandar oss i andra länders angelägenheter genom att predika de
mänskliga rättigheternas okuvlighet. Ofta påpekas att vi på grund av Europas koloniala förflutna har begränsad trovärdighet när det gäller
mänskliga rättigheter.
Låt mig vara mycket tydlig om detta. Jag har aldrig stött på en enda människorättsförsvarare i Afrika som har uppmanat Sverige att vi borde tona
ner vårt engagemang för mänskliga rättigheter eller som påstått att yttrandefriheten eller mötesfriheten är europeiska begrepp, främmande för den
afrikanska kontinenten.
Vi har en tydlig moralisk skyldighet att stå på de individers sida som förföljs för sina politiska åsikter. Vi får aldrig godta den falska logik som
präglar argumentationen hos de regeringar som skickar modiga män och kvinnor i fängelse för sina politiska åsikter.
Att stå upp för universella rättigheter innebär att stå på de förtrycktas, inte förtryckarnas sida - på de förföljdas, inte förföljarnas sida. Men det
betyder också att vi alltid måste vara beredda att stödja dem som trotsar förtryckarna genom att stå upp för sina rättigheter. Det betyder att vi står
på de modigas sida och har ett ansvar att synliggöra deras kamp.
Engagemanget för mänskliga rättigheter har många namn. Det är ett förpliktigande engagemang som heter:
Aung San Suu Kyi (Burma), som heter
Liu Xiaobo och Hu Jia (Kina),
Kasha Jacqueline Nabagesera (Uganda),
Sima Samar (Afghanistan),
Hossein Mousavi och Mehdi Kahroubi (Iran),
Mikita Likhavid (Vitryssland),
Guillermo Fariñas (Kuba),
Haytham Al-Maleh (Syrien),
Birtukan Mideksa (Etiopien),
och som heter
Dawit Isaak (Sverige/Eritrea).
Vi har en skyldighet att stödja dem som riskerar sitt arbete, sin hälsa och till och med sina liv i kampen för värderingar som vi delar och tar för givet.
De pågående frihetsrevolutionerna i Nordafrika och Mellanöstern är en stark uppmaning till regeringar och biståndsgivare världen över att stödja
kampen för demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter. Vad vi sett under detta första halvår av 2011 - tjugo år efter att frihetens vindar kulminerade i
Europa och tjugo år efter att världens första webbplats skapades - är ett resultat av modiga människors initiativ, med begränsat eller inget externt
stöd. I Tunisien och Egypten har man lyckats bli av med sina auktoritära regimer med relativt fredliga medel. Detta förtjänar vår beundran och
respekt.
***
Medan frihetsropen med krav på politisk och ekonomisk förändring fortsätter att eka från Mellanösterns gator och torg finns andra frihetsrop som
riskerar att hamna i skymundan.
Jag tänker inte minst på de rättighetsfrågor där Sveriges röst måste ljuda särskilt starkt, för att så många andra är tysta. Det handlar till exempel om
homo- och bisexuella samt transpersoners (hbt) mänskliga rättigheter.
I juni antog FN:s råd för mänskliga rättigheter en historisk resolution som uttrycker stor oro för våld mot och diskriminering av homosexuella,
bisexuella och transpersoner. Det var ett viktigt steg, som innebär att Högkommissarien för mänskliga rättigheter under året kommer att
dokumentera diskriminerande lagar, praxis och våldshandlingar som sker mot hbt-personer i hela världen, för att kunna rapportera till
människorättsrådet i mars nästa år.
På senare tid har vi noterat en negativ och oroande tendens om hets, hot och våld mot homosexuella, bisexuella och transpersoner i flera länder,
inte minst i Afrika.
Samkönade sexuella relationer är fortfarande olagliga i ett 70-tal länder, däribland i flera av Sveriges samarbetsländer. Det finns ett stort motstånd
hos många stater att se att frågor rörande sexuell läggning eller könsöverskridande identitet eller uttryck har med mänskliga rättigheter att göra.
Diskriminering av människor på grund av sexuell läggning eller könsöverskridande identitet eller uttryck står i strid med den grundläggande
principen om alla människors lika värde och rättigheter. I stora delar av världen inklusive i många utvecklingsländer utsätts hbt-personer för
brutalt förtryck, vilket är oacceptabelt.
Ett högaktuellt exempel där övergrepp mot hbt-personer skett är Uganda. Hbt-aktivisterna i Uganda efterfrågar och behöver vårt uttryckliga stöd.
Sverige har varit ett av de första länder aktivister i Uganda vänder sig till för beskydd och stöd, eftersom vi är så tydliga. Vi ska inte tystna. Sverige
kommer att fortsätta att verka aktivt för att alla länder ska avkriminalisera homosexualitet och att lagligt skydd mot diskriminering på grund av
sexuell läggning eller könsidentitet ska införas.
***
De MR-rapporter som lanseras idag ger en viktig indikation på läget för de mänskliga rättigheterna i enskilda länder. Bedömningen av MRsituationen i ett land är en central utgångspunkt när det gäller utformningen av vårt utvecklingssamarbete med landet i fråga. Vi kan inte ha ett
partnerskap för utveckling med stater som år ut och år in systematiskt kränker mänskliga rättigheter, som ser mellan fingrarna på sådana
kränkningar eller som helt saknar den politiska viljan att åstadkomma demokratisk förändring. Då måste vi antingen avbryta vårt bistånd eller söka
andra kanaler för vårt stöd.
Sverige ska vara en tydlig röst i världen för de mänskliga rättigheterna och reagera mot diskriminering, förtryck och övergrepp. Allt svenskt
utvecklingssamarbete ska vara rättighetsbaserat. Stater ska garantera individer deras rättigheter och stärka människors kunskap om och
möjligheter att hävda sina rättigheter. Grundläggande principer i arbetet ska vara icke-diskriminering, människors deltagande, öppenhet och insyn
liksom ansvarstagande och ansvarsutkrävande.
***
Ibland får jag frågan om vad jag tycker är bra bistånd. Exempel på bra bistånd är de insatser som sätter friheten främst och individen i centrum som
förändringsaktör. Och som lyckas bygga vidare på och stärka människors egen drivkraft, förmåga och egna röst.
Sådant bistånd kan vara utbildning av människorätts- och yttrandefrihetsorganisationer som arbetar för fria medier i syfte att främja värden som
opartiskhet, tolerans, och människorättsfrågor i medierapportering under pågående transitionsprocesser. Det kan vara stöd till program som
stärker fattiga och utsatta kvinnors rättigheter och tillgång till rättsväsendet, till exempel genom att tillhandahålla juridisk rådgivning. Det kan vara
stöd till utsatta civilsamhällesorganisationers tillgång till juridiska biträden, överklaganden, övervakning av domstolsprocesser, sjukhuskostnader,
resekostnader för fängelsebesök och ersättning för förstörd eller konfiskerad egendom, som t ex mobiler och datorer. Det kan vara stöd till
skapande av mötesplatser, utbyten och moralisk uppbackning till hbt-personer i fattiga länder. Till exempel.
Det svenska biståndet kompromissar inte med människovärdet och det svenska biståndet kompromissar inte med friheten. Vi har 35 miljarder
kronor och en kristallklar värdegrund till vårt förfogande för att bekämpa fattigdom och förtryck, för att främja frihet och försoning.
Alla ni som kränker de mänskliga rättigheterna - som diskriminerar och förtrycker eller som sanktionerar eller blundar för diskriminering och
förtryck - ni har anledning att vara rädda för svenskt bistånd. För det svenska biståndet vilar på en kompromisslös övertygelse om att varje
människas fri- och rättigheter måste respekteras. Inte litegrann, utan fullt ut - inte ibland, utan alltid.
Tal
Birzeit University, Ramallah 21 juni 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Building a Palestinian State
Dear friends,
Let me start by saying how glad I am to be back in Palestine, for the first time since my visit in 2007. I am particularly pleased to return to Birzeit
University and to speak with you - the young population of Palestine. This spring we have witnessed an unforeseen change in the role of young
people in politics, and community development, throughout the region. The clear message and loud voice of the Arab youth - calling for
democracy, freedom, dignity and human rights - have indeed attracted the world's attention. I believe I am not the only one to find this
development welcome and inspiring. A vibrant civil society, where people are free to express their aspirations and opinions, is a key element in any
democratic state.
In Palestine, the regional wave of social and political demands has turned into calls for political unity and a fresh start. At this crucial time in
history, you - the young Palestinians - knew how to make your voices heard. The message you passed on is that when Palestinians work together,
towards the same goal, you will manage to build the future you are dreaming of.
I believe that every open and tolerant society has to build on the rule of law and respect for human rights. These are values that need to be
protected and upheld by an accountable state, based on stable and transparent institutions. In this sense, I welcome the efforts and impressive
progress made in the Palestinian state-building project. Sweden and the EU, as well as the World Bank and the IMF, have all acknowledged and
commended this progress. Service delivery, particularly in health and education, compares favourably to other countries in the region as well as to
other middle income countries. I share the positive assessment that Palestinian institutions now qualify above the threshold of a functioning state.
This development is particularly important to me since Sweden, as one of Palestine's major partners, is focusing its development cooperation on the
field of state-building. Our support amounts yearly to more than a 100 million US dollars. Continued institution-building and the existence of a
political peace process, based on international law, have been the basic assumptions of our development cooperation. A peace process, aiming for a
permanent solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the creation of a Palestinian state. Contributing towards building a state - respecting
human rights, the rule of law, embracing freedom of expression and capable to meet the population's basic socio-economic needs - is a priority for
us. We also support the important work carried out by organisations within civil society and we have a major humanitarian engagement,
particularly through the work of UNRWA. Swedish contributions further aim to support an inclusive democracy, with the broad participation of
women and young people.
The Arab Spring has indeed showed the potential force of an inclusive democracy. Skilled in the use of social media, the young population in the
region has introduced a new model of political mobilisation. Transcending physical distance and forced separation, it could well serve a purpose in a
divided nation, such as Palestine. True democracy, however, cannot be built solely on participation through social media. It needs to be
underpinned by meetings, assemblies and physical representation. Even a new state needs to be built with old tools. That is one of the reasons why
Sweden and the EU have repeatedly called for the opening of the closed Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem. The people in the West Bank,
Gaza and East Jerusalem have been forcibly separated for much too long. We need to contribute towards the creation of social and political arenas
so that all Palestinians can meet, and exercise your democratic rights.
It is obvious that progress in the state-building process needs to be paired with political efforts, leading to lasting and tangible results. To this end,
Sweden and the EU continue to urge the parties to return to negotiations, aiming for a just and lasting solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We
are eager to reach the stage where Israel and an independent, democratic and viable state of Palestine live side-by-side, in peace, security and
mutual recognition. We firmly believe that the basis for negotiations should be the 1967 borders and the possibility to resolve the status of
Jerusalem as the future capital of two states. We further encourage those who work for peace through dialogue and deeper contacts between the
Israeli and Palestinian populations.
If the efforts to restart peace negotiations fail and if the Israeli occupation continues, we will be forced to reassess the assumptions of our
development assistance. In a rapidly changing political context, flexibility must always guide our development support. If we want to ensure that all
Palestinians benefit from national development, we need to include those living in East Jerusalem and Area C. But how do we contribute to
improved living conditions amid ongoing house demolitions and family evictions? How do we ensure their access to education, work and health
care, when they are very much out of reach for the PA's state-building efforts? This is not only a humanitarian issue - a viable Palestinian state
needs to cover all of the Palestinian territory, including Area C.
Looking at the Palestinian landscape today, I worry about the regional differences that have grown from the physical separation and political
division between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. We want to assist in building a state that provides equal rights and possibilities for all,
independently of where they live. Access to basic services needs to be harmonised between the West Bank and Gaza, but also to include East
Jerusalem and Area C. In this field, civil society organisations continue to play a crucial role, reaching out to the populations where the PA's efforts
cannot go. The tireless work as watchdogs, providers of social services and educators in the area of human rights is invaluable. Foreign assistance
and civil society organisations, however, cannot replace the assigned role of an effective and well-functioning state.
It is therefore worrying to see that Palestinian economic growth continues to largely build and depend on foreign assistance. The high
unemployment rate, particularly among young people like yourselves, is a concern and a warning sign. The good reputation of your education
system is enhanced by the importance you give to your studies. The young and educated population is without doubt one of the greatest advantages
of the future Palestine. But even if higher education is valuable in itself, it must first and foremost be an asset that leads to employment. When you
enter the labour market you will all contribute towards sustainable growth and reduced aid dependency. In this sense, we want to contribute to a
vibrant private sector and a dynamic economic environment that is friendly to foreign investment. This is a difficult task since the Palestinian
economy - largely due to Israeli restrictions on access and movement - does not react to economic measures in a traditional way. It is, however, my
firm belief that the stable institutions and state structures, together with largely unexploited markets, have great potential for further development.
Another area susceptible to growth is the tourism industry. Few cities in the world can offer a visit of such historical and religious importance as
East Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Jericho. In this context, I am pleased to tell you that the improved security situation means that we no longer need
to advise against tourism in the West Bank.
The population in Gaza, however, has to a lesser extent been part of the recent progress. During my visit to Gaza yesterday, I was deeply saddened
to see the ruins of private houses and the shattered remains of what used to be a healthy private sector. Alarming levels of unemployment, together
with shortages of teachers, schools and study material are major challenges that urgently need to be addressed. The conflict's devastating effects on
the natural and human environment are horrifying. The lack of drinking water and the severe deficiencies in the wastewater infrastructure pose a
constant threat to the inhabitants of Gaza. We are well aware that the crucial question of fresh water supply also affects Palestinians living in the
West Bank. As a traditional Swedish priority, we try to contribute towards a cleaner environment, fit for human habitation, and towards an
adequate and appropriate water supply. It is clear to us that the situation in Gaza cannot be resolved as long as its isolation is maintained.
That is why Sweden and the EU continue to call for an urgent and fundamental change of policy towards Gaza. We reiterate our call for an
immediate, sustained and unconditional opening of crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods and persons to and from Gaza,
including goods from the West Bank. We shall not forget that there are legitimate Israeli security concerns. They must be addressed, and rocket
attacks from Gaza must stop. But the ongoing policy of closure of Gaza is unacceptable and politically counterproductive.
There are challenges ahead for Palestine's new government. Keeping the unity and trying to align the structures in the West Bank and in Gaza will be
demanding. Meeting the expectations and socio-economic demands of the population might be even more difficult, not only for the PA but for all
governments concerned. Trying to restart the economic engine and create sustainable economic growth will be a major and difficult task as long as
the Israeli restrictions remain.
However, I do believe that the progress achieved by the PA in its state-building efforts, together with the reconciliation agreement, has provided a
new and favourable context for the creation of a democratic Palestinian state. And I want to point out that Sweden's commitment to the Palestinians
remains as strong as ever. The young and educated population, growing unexplored markets, and political will and confidence, are all reasons to
believe that things will change for the better. You have, under difficult circumstances, successfully built the foundation for a functioning state. That
is indeed an impressive achievement.
Focusing on the future, I am looking forward to seeing free and fair elections in Palestine again. I hope they will include all the young and motivated
persons who recently made their aspirations and voices heard. The coming elections will be an important event where the progress made in the
state-building process needs to be consolidated and confirmed. We hope to contribute further to building a Palestinian state, and that this, together
with credible and result-oriented peace negotiations, will lead us to our common goal: a two-state solution and the creation of a sovereign and
democratic Palestinian state.
Tal
Biståndsmyndigheten Sida 9 juni 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons tal på Sida vid lanseringen av World Development Report
(engelska)
CHECK AGAINS DELIVERY
I would like to thank Director General Charlotte Gornitzka and Sida for hosting today's seminar addressing the challenges to development in
environments affected by violence, conflict and fragility.
I am particularly pleased to be invited along with my distinguished colleague EU Commissioner Andris Piebalgs, who is visiting Stockholm today.
The European Union accounts for 30 per cent of the world's GDP but 60 per cent of the world's overseas development assistance. We work together
closely, both in the field and at headquarters. As Andris Piebalgs mentioned, it is important that the EU and its Member States focus development
assistance in areas where we can provide the greatest added value. Division of labour and complementarity are key to achieving the greatest impact.
I would like to take this opportunity to recognise the contribution of our Sida colleagues in the field who work closely with the EU delegations in
order to ensure this. A large part of the day-to-day implementation of our EU policies is carried out by Commission and Sida staff.
Due to the shift in focus over the last few years, Sweden today is involved in as many countries in conflict and post-conflict situations as 'traditional'
recipients of development assistance. This is a deliberate shift. One reason is the fact that one third of the world's population live in conflict-affected
areas. Another fact is that poor people living in dysfunctional states lose out twice - once because they are poor, and once because of the insecurity
and conflicts that affect them.
For this reason, I took a political decision soon after I became minister to group these countries into a specific conflict and post-conflict category.
This was one way of ensuring that we would increase our own knowledge about these countries and align our efforts.
Sida, of course, plays a crucial role in this ambition. With its new organisation and increased presence in the field, Sida is well placed to do the job.
As we all know, it is easier to draw up policies in Stockholm or Brussels than it is to implement them in the field. This requires qualified staff capable
of making difficult decisions, sometimes under very demanding circumstances.
In this complex environment, we need to work together to be able to make a difference. As a small country, Sweden has to draw on, for example, the
EU's presence in the field. We are grateful for this collaboration and look forward to exploring it further. There is always room for improvement
and learning from past successes and failures.
I have made results, transparency and accountability the focus of my agenda for change in Swedish international development cooperation. But
working under difficult circumstances in conflict-affected areas is part of the challenge. Some people say that this is contrary to the results agenda
that I have been focusing on. I disagree. It may be more difficult to ensure transparency, effectiveness and results under these circumstances, but
we cannot shy away from working in these areas or demanding the best for their populations.
I believe that under these circumstances, transparency and effectiveness may even be more important. There is, and will always be, an inherent risk
in working in conflict-affected countries. Besides risk management, speed and determination are needed, as well as solid cooperation and presence
on the ground.
As I said earlier, we are continuously looking at ways to improve the delivery of our assistance. Recognising that fragility and conflicts cannot be
treated as exceptions, but rather putting these circumstances and their consequences at the heart of the aid effectiveness agenda, we have looked at
ways to address these issues more systematically.
Our biggest challenge will be to break the repeated cycles of violence - in the last decade, 90 per cent of violence was manifested in countries with a
history of conflict.
We need to be knowledgeable and flexible in these situations. We need to identify peace dividends. Strengthening institutions and the judiciary is
also key because peace without development is peace that may not last.
I firmly believe that democratic societies and democratic governance are fundamental to sustainable development and poverty reduction. They
empower citizens to claim their rights and make the state accountable. Transparency will enhance people's ability to monitor what is actually
delivered or rendered.
The importance of civil society for increased accountability and participation in decision-making cannot be underestimated.
Women are affected by, and can influence, armed conflict. They are important actors but also particularly vulnerable. Women must be involved in
all aspects of a peace process.
Change starts with the individual. Young people are key actors of change. They have a special interest in looking ahead, embracing new ideas and
adapting to changing realities. But they will only be as capable and responsible as we allow them to be. We have to include them in all our work. As
we have seen in recent developments in North Africa, young people are the drivers of change.
Approaching 2015, it is encouraging that some of the Millennium Development Goals are being achieved. Infant and child mortality has dropped,
and more girls are attending school. But we are deeply concerned that some MDGs are lagging behind.
In fragile, violence and conflict-affected low-income countries, progress is virtually non-existent. So far, none of these countries has achieved a
single Millennium Development Goal. As the World Development Report points out, one quarter of the world's population - that is, 1.5 billion
people - live in such circumstances, and the needs are enormous.
Unfortunately, these countries are not likely to graduate out of poverty for many years yet, which means they will occupy an increasing part of our
development portfolio.
As a Minister, I am strongly committed to ensuring that Swedish development assistance, whether bilateral or through multilateral agencies,
reaches those most in need of our help - for example, poor and vulnerable women and children trapped in a violent environment - and that is has the
greatest positive impact, stretching every invested krona, euro or dollar as far as possible. This is the reason for the substantial reforms over the
last few years. It has not been easy, but it has delivered results.
Corruption obviously undermines what we intend to achieve. My view is that all efforts to curb corruption will improve our chances of achieving
our goals and at the same time increase public support for our work in high-risk environments.
However, in these contexts, corruption is just one of the many risks we face. Rebuilding something that has been destroyed takes time. In the case
of countries affected by violence and conflict, it may take several decades of efforts, gains and setbacks before we achieve peace, stability and
normal development.
As Andris Piebalgs just pointed out, we work closely together to make Europe an effective provider of assistance where it is needed. The EU has all
the tools necessary to not only respond to conflicts but also to prevent relapses.
I have great hopes for the European External Action Service. It provides a new opportunity to ensure that development policy and political
processes go hand in hand. I believe this will make the EU a stronger and more relevant partner in the world.
Finally, I hope that your discussions this afternoon will be fruitful and rewarding.
Thank you.
Tal
Utrikespolitiska Institutet 1 juni 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons anförande, "A Palestinian State", vid Utrikespolitiska Institutet
Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,
It is a pleasure for me to join you here today and address the issue of Palestinian statehood. Firstly, I would like to express my appreciation for the
progress in the state-building efforts of the Palestinian leadership. What some years ago was seen as a highly ambitious plan for national
development has, through hard work, been turned into a stable structure of commended state institutions. This progress has been acknowledged,
not only by Sweden and the EU, but also by the World Bank and IMF, concluding that Palestinian institutions now qualify above the threshold of a
functioning state. That is a real achievement.
Sweden enjoys a long history and excellent relationship with the Palestinians and a Swedish honorary consulate was established in Jerusalem to take
care of Swedish religious emigrants, as early as 1903. At the opposite end, Sweden today is home to more than 30 000 Palestinians, some of whom
are among us here today.
Sweden's commitment to Palestine is further enhanced by the fact that we are one of Palestine's largest partners when it comes to development
cooperation. Our support amounts yearly to some 700 million Swedish crowns and is focused in the field of state-building. A basic presumption for
our development assistance has been the existence of a political peace process, based on international law. A peace process aiming for a permanent
solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict and the creation of a Palestinian state. Contributing towards building a state, characterised by good
governance and fight against corruption, is priority for us. Swedish contributions aim to strengthen and foster an inclusive democracy, not the least
with participation of women and youth, the rule of law and human rights. We also support the important work carried out by organisations within
civil society and have a large humanitarian engagement, i. e. through the work of UNRWA.
I look forward to further strengthening our partnership for state-building as I plan to visit Palestine shortly. My visit will assess our current
cooperation and how we can make it even better.
While we are happy to note that Palestinian state-building is advancing, we deeply regret the current stalemate in the political peace process.
Sweden and the EU have repeatedly called on the parties to return to negotiations, aiming for a just and lasting solution where Israel and an
independent, democratic and viable state of Palestine live side by side, in peace and security and mutual recognition. We firmly believe that the
basis for negotiations should be the 1967 borders, and the possibility to resolve the status of Jerusalem as the future capital of two states. Sweden
and the EU are ready to recognise a Palestinian state when appropriate.
The current stalemate, however, is forcing us to reassess the basic assumptions of our development cooperation, including the constraints and
responsibilities of continued occupation. How can we guarantee the successful implementation of development assistance in the absence of a
genuine and credible peace process? International development assistance needs to be flexible enough to adapt, and it needs to go hand in hand with
political efforts.
Looking at the Palestinian landscape today, I worry about the regional differences that have grown from the physical separation and political
division between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. In our efforts to contribute to building a Palestinian state we must assure that all
Palestinians benefit from national development. We want to help build a state that guarantees equal rights and possibilities for all, independently of
where they live. In these terms, Sweden and the EU have welcomed the recent reconciliation agreement between the Palestinian parties, signed in
Cairo this month. We believe that reconciliation is a requisite to deepening democracy and that it will assist in integrating all Palestinians in statebuilding efforts. Access to basic services such as health and education needs to be guaranteed and harmonised between the West Bank and Gaza, but
also to include East Jerusalem and area C, which are under Israeli administration.
Civil society organisations continue to play a crucial role in this field, reaching out to the populations beyond the PA's administrative control. Their
tireless work as watchdogs, providers of social services and educators in the area of human rights is invaluable. However, it cannot replace the
assigned role of an effective and well-functioning state.
In this sense, I would particularly want to highlight the vulnerable situation for the population in East Jerusalem and area C, the areas under full
Israeli control. On my last visit to Palestine, in May 2007, I was appalled by the effects of continued Israeli settlements, family evictions and house
demolitions, especially with regard to children. We need to ensure that Palestinians can stay in their homes and on their land, until a final settlement
of the Israel-Palestinian conflict has been reached.
In the meantime, I am saddened to see the deteriorating situation in Gaza and the conflict's devastating effects on the natural and human
environment. An estimated 95 per cent of the water supply in Gaza has been deemed unfit for drinking. In addition, the wastewater infrastructure is
unsatisfactory and poses a constant threat to the inhabitants of Gaza. The crucial question of fresh water supply is not only limited to Gaza but also
affects Palestinians living in the West Bank. As a traditional Swedish priority, we work with the Palestinians to create a cleaner environment, fit for
human living, and towards a sufficient and appropriate water supply. During 2011 Sweden will contribute some 60 million Swedish crowns to the
infrastructure, water and energy sectors.
Sweden and the EU continue to call for an urgent and fundamental change of policy toward Gaza. We reiterate our call for an immediate, sustained
and unconditional opening of crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods, and persons to and from Gaza, including goods from the
West Bank. The ongoing Israeli policy of closure is unacceptable and politically counterproductive. In this context, we welcome Egypt's recent
decision to open the Rafah border crossing.
At the recent meeting of the major donors to Palestine the Palestinian institutions and financial management were widely commended. I fully agree
with this assessment. It is nevertheless worrying to see that economic growth largely continues to build on foreign assistance, making growth
unsustainable. The high unemployment rate, particularly among young people, is a warning sign affecting the aspirations of the next generations of
Palestinians. It is therefore of great importance to support the private sector and create a more dynamic environment that is friendly to foreign
investment. This is proving to be a difficult task since the Palestinian economy - largely due to Israeli restrictions on access and movement - does
not react to economic measures in a traditional way. It is, however, my firm belief that the stable institutions and commended state structures,
together with largely unexploited markets, have great potential for further development.
Economic development and the ability to provide for the population's basic socio-economic needs seem these days to be more important than ever.
Young citizens throughout the region have stood together to put forward legitimate democratic demands, particularly through social media. Their
voices have been heard far beyond the Middle East and North Africa. Also in Palestine new actors have emerged and come together in new ways.
But true democracy cannot be built solely on active and engaged participation through social media. It needs to be underpinned by regular
meetings, assemblies and physical representation. Even a new state needs to be built with old tools. That is one of the reasons why Sweden and the
EU have called repeatedly for the opening of the closed Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem. We all need to contribute to create social and
political arenas for the Palestinians to come together and exert their democratic rights. West Bankers, Gazans and East Jerusalemites have been
forcefully separated for much too long.
Nevertheless, I believe that the recent demands for unity presented by young and engaged Palestinians is a source of hope. Their legitimate
aspirations of a brighter and common future must be encouraged and met accordingly. The Palestinian fractions' agreement to form a technocrat
government and to organise presidential and legislative elections within a year is therefore a decisive and welcome move. It can also be seen as an
important contribution to the stalled peace process. The parties must now honour the agreement. Rocket attacks from Gaza must cease.
I do believe that the state-building efforts of the PA, together with the reconciliation agreement, have provided a new and favourable context for
the creation of a Palestinian state. Keeping the unity and trying to align the parallel structures in the West Bank and in Gaza will be a considerable
task. Meeting the high expectations and socio-economic demands of the population might be even more difficult, not only for the PA but for all
governments concerned. Trying to restart the economic engine and create sustainable economic growth will be an ever so difficult task as long as
the Israeli restrictions remain.
I nevertheless nurture great hopes for Palestine, and Sweden's commitment to the Palestinians remains as strong as ever. As a token of this we aim
to upgrade our relations in the near future. The young, motivated and well-educated population, as well as political will and confidence, together
with growing unexplored markets, are all reasons to believe that things can change for the better. The coming elections will be an important event
where this progress needs to be confirmed and consolidated. We look forward to seeing free and fair elections in Palestine again, hopefully with
broad participation throughout the territories.
With the approaching Quartet deadline for a framework agreement in September, time is running out. We hope to contribute to a further
consolidation of Palestinian institutions, and that this, together with credible and result-oriented peace negotiations, will lead us to a two-state
solution with a sovereign Palestinian state that we all long for.
Tal
SITE-konferens Challenges for Aid Effectiveness 30 maj 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsminister Carlssons anförande vid SITE-konferens om biståndseffektivitet
(på engelska)
CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY
It is with pleasure and enthusiasm that I stand before you today. The joint initiative by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and SITE to create an annual
Development Day is important. As you know, I have made results, transparency and accountability the focus of my agenda for change in Swedish
international development cooperation. Consequently, I welcome SITE's decision to make aid effectiveness the theme of today's conference. I am
certain that it will stimulate an active involvement of international and Swedish researchers and practitioners in the discussion about tomorrow's
aid.
This conference is timely since international discussions on aid are more dynamic than ever before. Today, foreign aid is one of many sources of
development finance. I noticed in the background brief for one of today's roundtable discussions that, already by 2007, only 17 per cent of the
developed world's financial flows to the developing world was in the form of government aid. The other 83 per cent was comprised of private capital
investment, remittances and other sources.
This is, of course, fundamentally a good thing. It means that the time when foreign aid enjoyed a quasi monopoly as a source of external finance for
developing countries is long gone. The financial globalization since the mid 1980's has translated as a surge in capital flows to developing countries,
notably in foreign direct investments and portfolio flows. In addition, new actors and new donors, be they private, such as the Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation, or countries, such as China and India, are all contributing to a fundamental change in the landscape of international aid.
Today's international aid architecture, however, does not reflect the new reality that I have just described. Arguably, both bilateral and multilateral
agencies reflect how the challenges of the developing world were perceived by donors 20 or 30 years ago, and what was thought at the time to be the
best way to contribute to development. Clearly, the ways in which we organise, prioritise and measure the outcome of development cooperation
have to change and adapt to the world of the 21st century.
If we cannot transparently and systematically report on how our aid budget is spent, and what is achieved in the form of results, the credibility of
development cooperation itself will be undermined. Mutual accountability is only possible if transparency is our guiding star and results our
foremost ambition. Consequently, results are, by definition, at the very heart of aid effectiveness. The aid effectiveness discussion is probably as
old as development cooperation itself. But it has never been more relevant.
Insisting on a results-oriented aid agenda is therefore an essential and very natural priority for the Swedish Government. Since I took office in
October 2006 we have strengthened our focus on results with the aim of achieving more effective and higher quality development cooperation. Our
ambition is to provide aid that makes a real difference in the global effort to combat poverty and oppression. Clear guidelines and structures for
dealing with results can help our development partners, as well as our own staff, to keep the objectives of each aid contribution clearly in focus. I am
proud to say that Sida, the Swedish Agency for International Development Cooperation, is now at the forefront of developing ways of measuring
and following up results, as well as ensuring transparency and accountability.
A key issue is how we use results;
we need to become better at learning from evaluations and audits
we need to improve our use of evidence-based research
we need to constantly ask ourselves 'what works and what does not'
And we need to act upon that information. An important part of further developing results management is to draw on the experiences and
conclusions of evaluations to a greater extent than previously. I am convinced that we as donors can do far better when it comes to putting the
conclusions of evaluations into practice. We must at all costs avoid the situation where evaluation becomes a mere formality, something that must
be done and ticked off at the end of a project.
We need to sharpen our evaluation tools. My intention is to strengthen the link between SADEV - the Swedish Agency for Development Evaluation and the implementing agencies in Swedish development cooperation to secure a high-quality evaluation of Swedish international development
cooperation.
There is international political momentum towards promoting a results focus in development cooperation. Sweden is actively participating in and
contributing to the international discussions on results management. International cooperation on the topic is central in order to reach a common
understanding of what results management implies for development cooperation.
Focus on results is not just something that is demanded by the Swedish Government and Swedish tax payers but, even more importantly, by our
partners in developing countries. They rightly demand concrete outcomes. They do not simply want reports of money disbursed. An important part
of our development cooperation is therefore to develop and improve our partners' systems for managing results.
This work is intimately linked to the need for continuous efforts to improve transparency. Providing clear and accessible information to all is not
just an act of courtesy towards our taxpayers. Access to data concerning ongoing development projects enables the people we are working together
with in our partner countries to ensure that both we as donors as well as their own officials and politicians can be held accountable. That is why I
decided to introduce a transparency guarantee into Swedish development cooperation. With the launch on April 4 of the website www.openaid.se
all documents and public information in this area are now successively made available online. Currently the site contains information on 90 000 aid
contributions and 40 000 documents.
Donor coordination is of fundamental importance if we are to improve aid efficiency. Donor fragmentation in collecting results information must be
limited. We need to become better at coordinating the follow up of results with other donors and our partners and we need to establish common
norms for how we define results. The 4th High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness to be held in Busan, South Korea, later this year will be a critical
opportunity to establish a common understanding for the necessary mind-shift. Sweden is now working in the EU to promote such commitments on
aid effectiveness, accountability and predictability.
Measurement and evidence of what works and what does not work in development is one of our most powerful weapons in the battle against global
poverty. At the same time, the focus on results has come under criticism. A myth is being propagated that the focus on results has gone too far and
that the results agenda encourages a focus on quick, short-term wins. Some even refer sarcastically to 'obsessive measurement disorder'.
But it would be more accurate to recognise that today's focus on results in countries such as Sweden and the UK is a reaction to what could with only
a slight exaggeration be called 40 years of 'obsessive neglect of results' or 'obsessive aversion to evaluation'. No dear friends, the main challenge of
development cooperation is clearly not that we have focused too much on using results information in the past.
And why not be honest about the lack of clarity about how quite a lot of donor money has been used? Huge administrative overhead costs, complex
and bureaucratic meetings, exorbitant consultancy fees and, unfortunately, at the time very little in terms of concrete results for people that we
intended to assist. I for one associate to the proverbial elephant in the room that no-one wanted to acknowledge. For far too long hard questions
about the actual outcomes and results of activities labelled with buzz-words such as 'technical assistance' and 'capacity building' were simply not
asked. For any donor taking democracy building seriously, as I do, we cannot be satisfied with this lack of clarity.
Consequently, we shouldn't be too surprised that not everybody is comfortable seeing the phrases 'development cooperation' and 'value' for money'
used in the same sentence. There is no denying that the so called development industrial complex, is a reality. In all honesty, I think we would all
have found it somewhat surprising if some of those who have grown accustomed to administrating and earning a living from traditional
development cooperation over the years would have embraced the results agenda whole-heartedly from day one.
Having said that, I am perfectly well aware of the fact that an increased focus on results implies many challenges. There are many questions and
issues that need to be better defined and discussed more thoroughly. However, difficulties to work with the results agenda cannot in itself be used as
an excuse to not follow up and report on results. A solid and well structured approach to results and results reporting is a prerequisite for more
effective aid contributions to poverty reduction.
The fear of an insistence on results often arises from confusion over what 'results' are. An often cited concern is that aid bureaucracies pressed to
produce 'results' will increasingly resort to supporting projects that offer easily measured 'wins' (bednets delivered, books distributed), while not
giving enough priority to 'system' issues' and 'institution building'. Focusing on results must mean focusing on both quantitative and qualitative
results. Nobody says that insisting on results and value for money in development cooperation should translate into avoiding working with difficult
questions and/or working in difficult contexts. The Swedish Government has increasingly focused development cooperation on 'fragile and conflict
states'. Yet these are, for obvious reasons, the hardest places of all to make aid work. Cleary, the results agenda does not mean that we shy away
from working in difficult environments or with difficult thematic issues. Instead, it means that we constantly need to follow up on what we are doing
and we also need to work actively with defining risk and making risk analysis.
I hope that my remarks will contribute to an fruitful and informed debate today, in itself an important "result" of this conference.
Thank you.
Tal
Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm 3 maj 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande av biståndsminister Carlsson vid konferensen "30 years of AIDS Memories, Achievements and Future Perspectives"
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Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen
It is a great pleasure for me, on the behalf of the Swedish Government, to welcome you all to Stockholm and to this conference organised by
Karolinska Institutet.
Allow me to particularly welcome our guests from abroad. We appreciate your presence here and are very much looking forward to your
contributions.
To be given the opportunity to take a step back and reflect on and take stock of the past is always useful and necessary. But what is most important
is, of course, how we use what we know and how we apply the lessons that we have learnt to improve our performance for the future. That is what
counts.
Thirty years is very long period of time in anyone's life - especially those who have been affected by HIV or AIDS.
For me HIV and AIDS is about human beings - those individuals who are currently affected, those who have died, and those who are at risk today
and in the future.
One key issue is full respect for, and protection of, all human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights for all people, regardless of sex, HIV
status, age, sexual orientation or gender identity, ethnicity or disability.
Although considerable progress has been made, today 7 000 people are still being infected every day and there are more than 10 million people still
lacking access to treatment and support.
More than half of all people living with HIV are women and girls, a clear indication of the important links to the promotion of gender equality and
the rights and empowerment of women and girls. This of course requires changes in power relationships between women and men, since there is no
question that existing power imbalances have a major impact on the spread of HIV.
We need also to work much more proactively with men and boys in order to be able to change values and behaviour, as well as to support their
ability to take active responsibility for their own sexuality and the rights of their partners.
Equipping women and girls with adequate knowledge and tools includes empowering them and strengthening their ability to say no to sex. Sexual
violence and other forms of gender-based violence are one of the drivers of the pandemic, and must be stopped.
Let me say a few words about a very specific and achievable task ahead of us: eliminating the vertical transmission of HIV from mothers to babies.
· Between 2001 and 2009, vertical transmission has already declined by 26 %.
· In quite a few countries, almost all women attending antenatal clinics are now receiving preventive treatment. This is happening in Rwanda,
Zambia and Botswana.
· But we need also to reach the women who are not yet coming to the clinics.
· The UNAIDS goal for 2015 is to eliminate vertical transmission of HIV and to reduce AIDS-related maternal mortality by half. I believe that this is
possible.
· It would save 400 000 children and enable the same number of women to access treatment and support.
HIV and AIDS are a global challenge that affects all countries across the world. Sweden was very quick to respond to the epidemic, both here in
Sweden and internationally.
We have been lucky here in Sweden, with relatively low rates of infection. Nonetheless, for each and every newly infected person we have failed,
and we need to continuously improve our actions here in our own country as well. Addressing and combating HIV and AIDS effectively requires
comprehensive responses. Prevention is key, and preventive measures must go hand in hand with treatment, care and support.
In addition to the specific needs of women and girls, effective responses must also address the needs of young people and key at-risk populations.
I am pleased that we are hosting a conference here in Stockholm in November addressing the situation of men who have sex with men.
I believe that Sweden should play a leading role in ensuring maximum respect and support for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual people. As I
have mentioned before, this is a matter of basic human rights and much more needs to be done in most countries in the world.
Efforts to prevent HIV and to provide treatment and support for people living with AIDS are closely linked to the work on sexual and reproductive
health and rights. For too long these agendas have been dealt with separately. It is time to ensure synergies and integration, with a very strong focus
on the actual, tangible health results - both short-term and long-term.
Looking back over 30 years of the history of AIDS, I see some very important development lessons:
1. People's survival and health is critical to development as a fundamental dimension of basic human rights, but also as a key factor in economic and
social development in the wider sense.
2. Political commitment has been crucial, most importantly in national contexts, but also through intergovernmental meetings such as the UN
General Assembly Special Session on HIV/AIDS in 2001 or the special discussion in the UN Security Council in 2000.
3. Development challenges such as HIV and AIDS are complex, and require multisectoral responses.
4. Money matters - increased international and domestic resources are still required to effectively implement programmes, but we also face issues
concerning the long-term sustainability of results.
For me, it is important to take these lessons with us as we continue our work on HIV and AIDS, but they are also important for other processes and
connected agendas. I am thinking particularly on the UN Secretary General's Panel for Sustainable Development, of which I am a member.
As you are all well aware, research - both medical and socio-economic - has a crucial role to play in the fight against HIV and AIDS.
Let me conclude by recognising that Sweden is a committed partner, and will continue to be so. We have front-line researchers, a highly committed
civil society community, the Government's own staff and our public authorities and, most encouragingly, strong interest from Swedish private
companies active in Africa.
For me, this broad engagement on the part of different stakeholders is the key to success, and my Government strongly believes in an open society,
free from discrimination, in which all individuals can attain the highest possible standard of health and wellbeing.
Thank you.
Tal
Speech at the headquarters of the League of Arab States, Cairo 6 april 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
A new era for arab west relations: Social Transformations, Media Freedom, and
Bridging the Gap in Mutual Perceptions
Speech at the headquarters of the League of Arab States, Cairo, 6 April 2011 by Gunilla Carlsson, Minister for
International Development Cooperation (engelska)
Please check against delivery.
Secretary General Moussa, excellencies, colleagues and friends,
Let me begin by recalling a special occasion that aimed to bring together the hearts and minds of Arabs and Europeans. I am referring to the
inauguration of the Swedish Institute in Alexandria in October 2000, with key-note speeches by the foreign ministers of Egypt and Sweden. Anna
Lindh - whom we remember with deep appreciation - formulated a vision:
- We must identify and overcome obstacles to mutual respect. The aim of our dialogue should be to strengthen universal values such as tolerance
and understanding, democracy and human rights.
And her colleague at the time, our host today, Amre Moussa, said:
- No country, whatever its location, can afford to be isolated from the global economy or go by itself on the path of international politics.
Those statements proved to be truly visionary. For there can be no doubt that our interdependence is ever-growing, linking us in all areas of life:
through trade, research, migration, culture and sport. And every day this interaction is documented and reinforced by the media, some of which
broadcast live, in real-time, 24 hours a day - al-Jazeera is probably the best-known example of this.
*****
As Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation I have met many individuals whose commitment to freedom leads them to stand
up for democratic values and human rights even in times of extreme difficulty and danger. Every time an individual stands up for human rights
serves as a reminder to us all that these rights are universal rights.
I will not hide from you that it sometimes makes me ill at ease to hear people hint at the existence of a contradiction between democracy and
development, or between human rights and development. "But surely," some people will tell me, "if you have to choose between food for your
family and the right to vote you will go for the food." This line of argument is of course pure nonsense. There is no reason to believe that material
wellbeing and political rights should somehow be mutually exclusive. All available evidence points to the contrary.
The second line of defence for maintaining restrictions on civil liberties will often consist of comments referring to the safeguarding of fundamental
human rights as a purely "Western" concept, ill suited to the harsh realities of the country in question.
Let me be very clear about this. I have never encountered a single human rights defender anywhere in the world who has urged me to be less vocal
about human rights or told me that free speech or freedom of assembly are European concepts, alien to their societies.
We have a clear moral obligation to be on the side of individuals who are persecuted for their political opinions. We can do this in various ways. One
ways is to make use of the tools that today unite and connect us in a globalised world.
Recent events in North Africa have shown how modern information and communication technologies - including social media - empower citizens to
make their voices heard and demand accountability from their leaders. In recent months, we have seen how ICT tools can be used:
to promote the cause of democracy and human rights;
to provide independent sources of information;
to expose corruption and abuse with a minimum of risk;
to connect citizens across the country and with their diaspora communities.
In my view, these tools are technologies of liberation, symbols of a world that has irreversibly changed. That is at least in urban areas: for those who
have access to electronic devices; for those, who can read and write.
The number of Internet users in the world doubled between 2005 and 2010, and has now passed the 2 billion mark. In Tunisia, 18.6 per cent of
young people are Facebook members, a higher proportion than in many European countries. But the digital divide between - and within - nations
looms large. In some countries, 71 per cent of the population are online, in others only 21 per cent.
ICTs are key to increased transparency worldwide. The Internet fosters freedom of speech on a global scale as the largest and potentially most
inclusive communication arena that has ever existed. Those who want to exclude their populations from this arena must be trembling with fear at
this human development.
In this age of instant communications, it is futile to try to prevent the dissemination of views and contacts by closing down the Internet, or texting,
or mobile phone calls. In order to reach out, civil society organisations and defenders of human rights need access to wireless, net-neutral systems.
My Government has therefore clearly stated that extensive closure of the Internet is, in fact, a violation of the freedom of expression and
information established in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Sweden has also launched a special initiative for democratisation and freedom of expression. This initiative provides an opportunity to rapidly
support human rights activists and agents for democratic change in new and more direct ways, not least so as to take advantage of unexpected
opportunities for democratic change.
*****
Friends,
Arabs and Europeans share not only a common history, but also, inevitably, a common destiny. And courtesy of the media, we are shaping our
destiny in full view of each other.
f mutual trust has been lost between us, it must - and can - be restored. One inspiring example of how we try to combat prejudice together is the
UNESCO-coordinated project which, I believe, was launched by you, Secretary General, in this very room in December 2004, under the heading
"The Image of Islam and Muslims in History Textbooks".
In word and deed, the Swedish Government strongly endorses these efforts, as well as the bridge-building work carried out by the UN Alliance of
Civilizations (UNAoC) and the Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue between Cultures (ALF).
It is no accident, I believe, that one of the most successful initiatives launched by the UNAoC is the Rapid Response Media Mechanism, mobilising
the power of the media to prevent or defuse intercultural tensions and offer counter-images to prejudice and misconceptions.
*****
As we meet here in the House of the Arabs, I must confess that, as a European, I am jealous of you. The EU boasts no fewer than 23 official
languages (and more may be added), but here, among the 22 flags of the Arab League member states, you can negotiate, joke and quarrel in a single
language. Likewise, one must acknowledge the enormous advantage for the Arab media to be able to use a single language and be, in principle,
understood from Morocco to Iraq. A recent example of inter-Arab media solidarity came last week, when the Libyan opposition launched Ahrar
TV, a new satellite channel, with the help of the Qatari government.
As yet, it is too early to gauge the impact of al-Jazeera in the recent developments. But we may surmise that this Doha-based TV channel has
contributed greatly to shaping public opinion among Arab peoples. They have done this by keeping the Arab public informed simultaneously of
events across the region. And, we should not forget: the live pictures and the spoken word have helped surmount the lingering barriers of illiteracy.
*****
My country saw the beginnings of a modern, participatory society only when primary school education was made compulsory - and available - by a
royal decree in 1842. Even today, ensuring genuine participation for all remains a challenge. I am thinking, in particular, of those who do not speak
the local language, those who are not citizens and therefore cannot claim their civil rights: refugees; displaced persons; migrant workers, with or
without papers.
Some societies would not function for even a single day without these millions of overseas workers. We all know that they are there, but we rarely
see them on TV, and they are hardly ever interviewed on screen.
But the media are for everyone, like all human rights. Now, as a growing number of peoples are claiming - and obtaining - the coveted freedoms of
expression, media, and association, we must ask ourselves: who cannot participate? Whose voice is not yet heard? Who cannot afford to express an
opinion in public? Who is still living in a media shadow, invisible?
Arabs and Europeans are the stewards of a noble legacy, with roots in our religious traditions: respect for the sanctity of human life, for the integrity
of every human being, and for the inalienable rights inherent in every one of us. The media can help us safeguard these principles, which are, in fact,
the cornerstones of human civilisation.
Thank you.
Tal
Rosenbad Conference Center, Stockholm 30 mars 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Gunilla Carlssons inledningstal vid expertmötet om internet och mänskliga
rättigheter (engelska)
Second Expert Meeting on Human Rights and the Internet
Stockholm 30-31 March 2011
Speech by Gunilla Carlsson, Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation
Ladies and Gentlemen, dear friends,
A warm welcome to Stockholm to all of you! I am delighted to see you all here, and pleased that we are able to offer you a little bit of spring after a
long winter. In particular, I am very pleased to welcome back to Sweden Mr Frank La Rue, the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and
Expression.
The dedicated men and women who serve as UN Special Rapporteurs and Independent Experts play a tremendously important role in providing
advice and analysis on a number of key human rights issues, and many of them show great courage in moving forward on very complex and difficult
issues.
My Government finds it is particularly encouraging that the Human Rights Council has appointed such an eminently qualified person as Frank La
Rue as Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression. We are very appreciative of the work he is doing - I will return to this shortly.
The experts who have come to Stockholm for this meeting are rather unique. You represent non-governmental organisations, think tanks,
academia, businesses and governments. Many of you are already acquainted with Sweden's efforts and commitment to human rights on the Internet
and our ambition to strengthen the enjoyment of freedom of expression online - what some have come to call the freedom to connect.
Several of you were here in June last year for the first expert meeting with Frank La Rue and Carl Bildt. That meeting served as a starting point and
was an opportunity to identify issues that needed more work . And we were pleased that Frank La Rue was ready to start broad consultations on
these issues, as the issue at hand is defined by its global relevance.
With the assistance of the Open Society Institute, Frank has carried out five regional consultations over the past six months. I am very pleased to
see representatives of all these consultations here today, and I would like to extend my appreciation to the Open Society Institute for helping to
make this possible.
As Minister for International Development Cooperation, I believe that participation from different regions and continents, and different parts of
society, is a prerequisite for real progress on topical global issues such as Internet freedom.
I understand that the five regional consultations have been very successful, and that they have provided you with useful input for the work ahead.
As we discuss these issues here in Stockholm, one of our objectives will be to provide feedback to Frank La Rue on the four specific topics indicated
in the agenda: Freedom of expression on the Internet, Privacy and data protection on the Internet, The role of Internet intermediaries, and Access
and accessibility.
Although the Special Rapporteur himself is solely responsible for his views and recommendations, I believe that our contributions will assist him in
finalising his report on Freedom of Expression and the Internet for the Human Rights Council in June. We very much look forward to the report,
and Sweden will do what it can to give the report sufficient attention and follow-up, both in the Human Rights Council and elsewhere.
Today I would like to share with you my thoughts on some of the themes on the agenda - from a development minister's point of view.
***
The Internet has indeed revolutionised our economies and societies and will continue to do so. It radically shrinks the distance between people,
businesses, the scientific community and governments all around the globe. This revolution has given us fantastic new opportunities: the Internet as
a platform for innovation and growth, but also an important platform for democracy.
Those of us who are convinced that human development depends on individual expression of new ideas clearly understand the value of a free and
open Internet.
This insight is also reflected in one of the Millennium Development Goals - Goal Eight, which sets out to make available the benefits of new
technologies in developing countries, and to increase the number of Internet users. We are concerned that even though the number of Internet
users is increasing everywhere, the poorest countries are lagging behind. Information and communication technologies are the enablers that allow
societies to prosper, that allow modern health care, education, banking, trade and communications to exist, so if developing countries are to play
their full role in the global economy, they too must have access to the technologies that define today's global reality.
In our efforts to eradicate poverty, let us therefore not forget the less well-known Goal eight target of making available the benefits of new
technologies, especially information and communications technologies (ICT). Why? Because this target carries a vision of development as
something beyond the absence of hunger - it is a vision of freedom, growth and innovation that puts every individual in the front seat of our
common human progress. We should remind ourselves of the commitment to turn this digital divide into a digital opportunity for all, particularly
for those who risk being left behind and further marginalised.
Bridging the digital divide means ensuring digital inclusion. This, in turn, requires that people have access to, and effective use of, the range of
digital media, communication platforms and devices for information management and processing.
I believe it is important to underline that access is not only a question of physical possibilities to connect to the Internet, or even access to the skills
necessary to use new technologies. It is not only about availability and affordability.
Access to, and use of, the Internet are becoming more and more significant for the full enjoyment of human rights: the right to freedom of
expression, the right to education, the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to take part in the government of a country,
the right to work, and so on.
Access to, and the creative use of the Internet, are today an inevitable priority to anyone concerned with human development, due to its integral
relationship to all of these human rights.
In addressing the issue of access, we should always keep in mind that the wide gap in access between the so-called developed and developing world is
only one of many divides - and often a symptom of underlying problems rather than the core problem.
One of the underlying problems is, of course, the inherent lack of respect for human rights that characterises some nations' approach to modern
communication technologies.
The Internet fosters freedom of speech on a global scale by being the largest and potentially most inclusive communication arena that has ever
existed. Those who want to exclude their populations from this arena must tremble with fear of human development.
Countries where regimes limit or prohibit their citizens' access to the Internet - these are the Internet's black holes. In most of these countries, it is a
criminal offence to express oneself via the Internet As the persecution of reform-minded people on the Internet is growing, our duty as human
rights defenders becomes a duty to defend a free and open Internet.
In this age of instant communications, it is futile to try to prevent the dissemination of views and contacts by closing down the Internet or mobile
phone services. Therefore, my Government has clearly stated that extensive closure of the Internet, as has occurred in Egypt and Libya, is in fact a
violation of the freedom of expression and information, established in article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the
Universal Declaration on Human Rights.
But, it will not be enough for Sweden and others to express their dismay. We need a broader agreement and understanding among governments that
freedom on the Internet is the rule, and that any Internet restrictions are exceptions and must be regulated by law. Here, governments need to do
more. Although we, too, are concerned about cyber security for example, this concern must never result in action that unlawfully infringes human
rights on the Internet.
We are also concerned, of course, about the risks to privacy rights that come with new technologies.
Sweden therefore welcomes the fact that more governments and international organisations, such as the Council of Europe, the OSCE and UNESCO
have recently engaged in the discussion on a broader agreement for freedom on the Internet with renewed energy.
***
Against this backdrop, it is evident that today's information and communication technologies provide new potential to modernise our development
efforts in a very substantial way. These tools can be used, not least, to promote the cause of democracy and human rights, providing independent
sources of information, holding leaders accountable to their citizens, serving as a means to connect citizens both from across the country and in
diaspora communities, and quickly, and relatively safely, exposing corruption. As I see it, these are liberation technologies, symbols of a world that
has irreversibly changed.
This is also why, for my Government, freedom on the Internet will remain a priority issue.
The role of information and communication technology in today's freedom struggles ranges from creation of alternative channels to governmentcontrolled media to the use of social media in monitoring human rights abuses and mobilising support for democracy. Most recently, the events in
North Africa and the Middle East have convincingly shown how access to modern information and communication technology and social media
applications can create new opportunities for citizens to mobilise, increase their influence and demand accountability from their leaders. Exploring
and investing in ICT is key for increased openness and transparency worldwide. Civil society organisations and human rights defenders need
wireless, net-neutral systems and access to be able to reach out.
We can never accept people being thrown into prison merely because they voice their opinions on the Internet. To put it frankly: the time has
passed when a people's quest for justice and welfare can be silenced by blocking their freedom of expression and their freedom of assembly.
As long as there are countries where the Internet is shut down or censored, there is scope for increased ICT support to facilitate the free flow of
information to promote domestically driven democratic change, such as:
- Spread of information on how to use existing liberation technologies, like onion routing and live video streaming;
- Training of journalists in ways to encrypt or otherwise secure their identities and the security of their information as it travels across the Internet,
to protect themselves and their information from unwarranted monitoring;
- Support to watchdog organisations and organisations monitoring and gathering information about human rights violations at critical moments of
democratic protest and transition.
We have an obligation to support those who risk their lives fighting for values that we share and take for granted. The events in North Africa
therefore represent a strong call to governments and donors working with, and truly committed to, democracy and human rights. What we see
today is a result of brave people's initiatives, with limited or no external support. In Tunisia and Egypt, people have managed to get rid of their
authoritarian regimes themselves through relatively peaceful means. This deserves our admiration and respect. But also some action.
As a complement to traditional democracy assistance, the Swedish Government has therefore launched a Special Initiative for Democratisation and
Freedom of Expression. This initiative provides an opportunity to rapidly support human rights activists and agents for democratic change in new
and more direct ways, not least so as to take advantage of unexpected opportunities for democratic change.
A few weeks ago, I met with researchers, Internet activists and ICT entrepreneurs in Stockholm for discussions on how ICT can be used to create
freedom, and how our development aid can be adapted to the reality we see today. This will result in strengthened Swedish support to digital
democratisation and democratic digitalisation.
***
Dear friends,
If we take freedom seriously, and if we take the Internet seriously, we must be aware that Internet freedom requires steps to be taken both in terms
of policy and action.
If we perceive the Internet as a global commons, it obliges us to protect its architecture for it to be a catalyst for free, open, equal and nondiscriminatory communication and exchange of information.
To protect a free and open Internet and the freedom expressed on the Internet, we need further clarification of some fundamental points:
First, we need to ask ourselves what challenges are involved in adopting human rights norms in a digital environment that is, in essence, privately
owned.
Secondly, in relation to the issue of Internet access, we should look into what standards for net neutrality and quality of service constitute an
acceptable minimum standard in the context of freedom of expression.
Thirdly, while much discussion concerning the Internet's role in growth has revolved around increasing connection speed, I believe that from a
human rights perspective we need to focus on ensuring access to an Internet that is free and allows both entrepreneurs and human rights activists to
spread their services and messages cheaply and without constraints. At a time when the concept of the 'Internet' is becoming fragmented, we need to
find common definitions that are fundamentally based on human rights principles.
***
Sweden strongly believes in the value of having discussions in a multi-stakeholder manner as manifested in the Internet Governance Forum. We
believe that this is a very useful way of discussing human rights issues on the Internet, as well as the broader issues relating to Internet governance.
We also believe that the broader discussion on Internet governance should be characterised by a human rights perspective. To encourage this
approach, we are currently looking into the possibility of Sweden more actively supporting the continued work of the Internet Governance Forum.
Of course, the governance of the Internet, from its technical infrastructure and protocols to its applications and usages, has direct consequences on
the realisation of all human rights and fundamental freedoms, democracy, development and social justice.
It is important to ensure that the interests of Internet users are always in focus when considering Internet policy issues. It is the user who, more
than ever, is shaping the development of the Internet and turning it into a mirror of our society.
As long as users respect the rights and freedoms of others, we must make sure that they all have the same right and ability to contribute to the
evolution of the Internet for the benefit of the global community. Since freedom of expression extends fully to the Internet, any restriction or
limitation to freedom of expression on the Internet must respect international human rights law. Freedom is the mother of innovation and
entrepreneurship. To maintain innovation, communication infrastructures and protocols should be interoperable, and standards should be open.
Everyone should be able to innovate in content, applications, and services without permission.
Finally, thank you all again for coming to Stockholm for these two days of discussions, and a special thank you to Frank La Rue for his work on these
issues, as well as to the Open Society Institute and the Raoul Wallenberg Institute for your assistance in making this meeting happen.
See you again - if not in the world somewhere, then perhaps on the wonderful worldwide web, which everyday reminds us that technological
progress we could hardly dream of 25 years ago is a global reality today. Let us hope that - in a not too distant future - we will be able to tell a similar
story about how we won the fight against poverty and oppression.
Thank you.
Tal
Tal vid Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet (SLU) 24 mars 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande av biståndsminister Gunilla Carlsson vid SLU om Global
livsmedelsförsörjning den 17 mars 2011
Jag är mycket glad över att få vara här på Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet i dag för att tala om en fråga som ligger mig både varmt om hjärtat och högt
upp på min politiska agenda - en tryggad, global livsmedelsförsörjning.
SLU har ett starkt internationellt engagemang och en lång tradition av forskarutbildning och forskarsamarbete med utvecklingsländer. Det har i sin
tur lett till ett stort antal doktorerade forskare i många delar av världen och ett brett nätverk av kontaktpersoner med kännedom om Sverige. Jag
vill särskilt framhålla SLU:s starka roll i den konsultativa gruppen för internationell jordbruksforskning CGIAR som exempel på ett globalt
engagemang med stor potential.
Forskningen och den högre utbildningen har en central roll för att stödja innovation och hållbar tillväxt. Det stärker både internationaliseringen av
vårt eget land och bidrar till ökad kompetens i utvecklingsländerna. För universiteten gäller det dels att bidra med vetenskaplig kompetens och att
bygga nätverk, dels att sprida kunskap om hur vetenskap kan länkas till industri, näringsliv, och inte minst, politiken. Svenska universitet och
högskolor har därför en viktig och naturlig roll i politiken för en global utveckling.
***
Trots forskning och framsteg, global förståelse och kunskap är det en skam att vi ännu inte har lyckats att säkra en trygg livsmedelsförsörjning för
hela världens befolkning.
Visserligen har framsteg gjorts de senaste decennierna, inte minst i Asien, men fortfarande är nästan en miljard människor svältande eller
undernärda i vår värld.
Afrika har i dag den största andelen undernärda av sin befolkning, ungefär 300 miljoner människor. Det innebär att nästan en tredjedel av
kontinentens invånare inte får äta sig mätta.
I den globala livsmedelskrisen är det är alltid de fattiga som drabbas värst. Krisen orsakar mänskliga tragedier men också förlorade möjligheter till
social och ekonomisk utveckling. Dessutom kan det leda till konflikter och politisk oro i de drabbade länderna.
Global livsmedelsförsörjning är ett mycket komplext problem där svält, undernäring och matbrist kan ha många orsaker. Det kan vara;
- en direkt följd av fattigdom och brist på mark och utsäde,
- en konsekvens av icke-fungerande marknader,
- följden av en svag infrastruktur som gör transporter till ett problem,
- pågående konflikter eller flyktingsituationer som gör att människor inte har möjlighet att försörja sig, och
- brist på demokrati och frihet.
Detta innebär att en ökad jordbruksproduktion i sig inte räcker för att motverka svälten. Maten måste också kunna komma de hungriga till godo
och till konsumenter som har köpkraft. Då behöver vi fungerande marknader. Bland annat har nobelpristagaren Amartya Sen pekat på detta i en rad
banbrytande arbeten.
Det är därför som jag - i mitt uppdrag som biståndsminister -- framhåller vikten av marknader som fungerar för alla och en tillväxt som är både
hållbar och inkluderande.
***
I dag vill jag ta upp fyra faktorer som är kopplade till den globala livsmedelsförsörjningen.
För det första;
Det är viktigt att motverka protektionism genom en öppen internationell handel, utan nationella handelsrestriktioner eller subventioner, samt bidra
till att minska marknadsineffektivtet pga. av felaktig politik. EU:s jordbrukspolitik har under lång tid begränsat utvecklingsländernas möjligheter
att exportera jordbruksvaror, vilka annars skulle ha haft en potentiellt stor effekt på Afrikas inkomster. Fortsatta reformer av EU:s
jordbrukspolitik är nödvändigt för att minska sådana skadliga effekter.
I tider av livsmedelsosäkerhet har vi också sett hur länder begränsar sin livsmedelsexport, vilket också påverkar den globala marknaden negativt
och ytterst slår mot de fattigaste.
För det andra;
De internationella livsmedelspriserna steg kraftigt tidigare i år, nästan till samma nivå som under krisen 2008. De kraftiga marknadsfluktuationerna
och spekulationerna som bidrar till de markanta prisökningarna drabbar hårdast de fattigaste i länder som är beroende av livsmedelsimport.
För det tredje;
Befolkningsökningstakten i världen är betydande men ojämnt fördelad, där allt fler vill och kan äta sig mätta på allt mer proteinrik föda.
För det fjärde;
Effekterna av klimatförändringarna. Jordbruksproduktion är beroende av bördig jord och tillgång till vatten. Men i klimatförändringarnas spår
eroderar jorden och den utarmas. Regnen blir också mer oförutsägbara. Produktiviteten i många afrikanska länder söder om Sahara har minskat
konstant de senaste decennierna. Torka och översvämningar drabbar utvecklingsländerna oftare och hårdare.
***
Det är stora utmaningar som vi står inför - men jag tror ändå att det är möjligt att åstadkomma en värld utan svält!
Frågan om den globala livsmedelsförsörjningen är äntligen åter på den internationella dagordningen. Jag ser att regeringar, näringsliv och
intresseorganisationer samarbetar med fokus för att finna lösningar.
Men hur ska det bli möjligt? Här har jag har några byggstenar att dela med mig av med er;
Vi måste se kvinnornas roll när det gäller livsmedelssäkerhet. När männen i utvecklingsländerna flyttar till städerna för att söka försörjning så är
det ofta kvinnorna som stannar kvar i byn och sköter jordbruket och ansvarar för familjens livsmedelsförsörjning. De saknar alltför ofta äganderätt
till jorden, andra produktionsresurser och tillräckligt inflytande för att förbättra sin egen situation. Men om vi investerar i kvinnorna investerar vi i
hela familjens utveckling. Jämställdhet är därför ett högt prioriterat område för svenska insatser och utomordentligt viktigt för att få verkliga
förbättringar till stånd av livsmedelstrygghet.
Vi måste också se de nya aktörerna och deras idéer och kunskaper, inte minst afrikanska organisationer med hög kompetens och erfarenhet. Detta
är mycket intressant, inte minst för att dessa aktörer ofta vågar experimentera, hitta nya samarbetspartners och vägar till hållbar tillväxt. Bland de
nya aktörerna finns länder i syd, till exempel Brasilien, med färska och fungerande erfarenheter av egna insatser för att stärka både jordbruket och
hela livsmedelskedjan framåt. Här kan man hämta inspiration från bioteknologi och hur innovationer och teknisk utveckling kan skapas i samspel
mellan forskningen och näringslivet. Vi bör vara mer öppna för sådant samarbete, lära av det och sedan föda in nya kunskaper och arbetssätt.
Vi måste också bli bättre på att omfamna innovationer. Här vill jag ta upp två exempel.
För det första;
Den formliga explosionen av mobiltelefoni i Afrika med nya användningsområden t.ex. på finans- och försäkringsområdet är bara ett av många
oväntade men nyttiga exempel som haft betydelse för livsmedelsproduktion. Det bidrar till bättre informationsspridning och ger dessutom bättre
instrument för att hantera risker och förebygga skador.
För det andra;
Jag anser att biotekniska innovationer är avgörande för att trygga livsmedelsförsörjningen i Afrika och Asien. Hur kan vi hitta motståndskraft mot
sjukdomar som minskar behovet av kemisk bekämpning? Hur får vi härdiga växtsorter som tål torka eller har ett ökat näringsinnehåll och ger högre
avkastning? Hur kan vi använda alger som producerar bioenergi? Ja, listan över potentiella framsteg är lång och spännande. Men det är här som
svenska universitet kan bidra med värdefull erfarenhet och kontakter om hur man från myndigheternas sida bör kontrollera att sådan innovativ
verksamhet bedrivs på ett säkert sätt och hanterar risker t.ex. inom biotekniken.
Jag tycker inte vi ska skygga för att forska mer kring bioteknik. I vår egen del av världen bedrivs intressant forskning om genmodifierade
organismer, GMO, som en del av den växtförädling som kan leda till nya och bättre anpassade grödor. Om det finns fungerande regelverk för
användning av dessa så kan de vara ett viktigt bidrag i arbetet. Enligt min uppfattning har den svenska debatten om bioteknik och genforskning
snedvridits till vetenskapens nackdel.
Forskningen är en nödvändig del för utveckling och förståelse men bör ske i nära samverkan med praktikerna, så att den blir relevant och
användbar i den verklighet där den behövs så som mest. Min utgångspunkt är att ta vara på alla möjligheter och idéer att stärka fattiga bönders
förmåga att producera mat och stötta utvecklingsländers egna lokala jordbruk, tillväxt och utveckling.
Låt mig, för ett ögonblick, påminna om våra egna erfarenheter. Hur bönder i Sverige, frihetskämpar som ville vara självägande, tog ansvar för
bygden och krävde stabila spelregler som bejakade inte bara ekonomiska realiteter utan också tidigt omfamnade behovet av kunskap, investeringar
och forskning. Där samverkan gav styrkan!
Jag har understrukit behovet av kvinnors roll, samarbete, innovation och forskning. Det leder mig till en av de organisationer jag är glad att Sverige
samarbetar med bland de nya aktörerna på jordbruksområdet: Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), som dessutom finns med oss här
idag genom Dr. Madakadze. AGRA är en mycket intressant afrikansk aktör på jordbruksområdet och har ett brett synsätt på hur småbrukarnas roll
och jordbrukets produktivitet kan stärkas, hur marknaderna kan utvecklas och inte minst, hur kvinnornas inflytande kan öka. Sverige har lämnat
ett bidrag ur 2010 års livsmedelssatsning för detta arbete.
***
Innan jag avrundar vill jag säga något om Sveriges bidrag på livsmedelsområdet i utvecklingssamarbetet.
Alliansregeringen har i varje årlig budget sedan 2009 gjort särskilda livsmedelssatsningar. Syftet med den första satsningen 2009 var att stödja
småskaligt jordbruk och landsbygdsutveckling för att motverka krisens effekter i de fattigaste länderna. Satsningen om 100 miljoner kronor
gjordes i IFAD med en mindre del till FAO för tekniskt bistånd.
IFADs insatser har främst inriktats på att trygga livsmedelsförsörjningen i vissa av de minst utvecklade länderna. Småbrukare i till exempel Mali
och Sudan har fått stöd med att öka avkastningen genom bevattning, veterinärtjänster och tillgång till mindre krediter för fattiga hushåll.
Landsbygdsbor på Haiti som drabbades av jordbävningen har fått sysselsättning i återuppbyggnaden av landet och därmed ett bidrag till sin
försörjning. Detta visar hur relativt begränsade medel kan göra stor skillnad för småbrukare och öka investeringarna som höjer deras kapacitet
även på lite längre sikt.
År 2010 års livsmedelssatsning gjordes dels via SLU för att stärka de långsiktiga insatserna på forskning och utbildning, dels via AGRA för att öka
produktiviteten och livsmedelstryggheten i det afrikanska jordbruket.
Sida har också ett betydande stöd till jordbrukssektorn med mer än 660 miljoner kr för år 2010. Sida har påbörjat en rad intressanta satsningar
bland annat bioteknikinnovationer på jordbruks- och naturresursområdet i Afrika och BioInnovate i östra Afrika. Vi understödjer regionala
samarbeten då flera länder och institutioner får möjlighet att utbyta idéer och vidareutveckla innovationer inom jordbruk-, miljö- och industriella
områden.
På Utrikesdepartementet förbereder vi nu fördelningen av livsmedelssatsningen om 225 miljoner kronor som har gjorts i 2011 års budget. 25
miljoner kronor har redan avsatts för Sidas forskningsanslag att riktas till livsmedelsområdet. Resterande 200 miljoner kronor kommer att i första
hand att användas för att stärka ett produktivt och hållbart jordbruk med fokus på Afrika.
Vidare är min ambition att styra en del av satsningen till mer av innovation och bioteknik, dvs. ny teknik i biologiska processer som kan ge
intressanta och nya möjligheter till framsteg för en tryggare livsmedelsförsörjning. Innovationer som bygger på ny forskning kan t.ex. bidra till nya
vacciner mot sjukdomar hos jordbrukets djur eller stärka motståndskraften mot växtskadegörare. De kan förbättra grödornas tolerans mot torka,
och därmed dess anpassning till klimatförändringar, eller öka dess näringsinnehåll. En annan möjlighet är att skapa mer hållbara system för
småbrukare t.ex. genom att utveckla bekämpning av skadegörare på biologisk väg byggt på förvärvad kunskap och innovativ förädling.
***
Slutligen hoppas jag att biståndet kan bidra till insatser för att stärka efterfrågan, att öka möjligheten för fattiga konsumenter att köpa mat. Att
biståndet bidrar till tillväxtfrämjande politik och för att främja innovation för bättre fungerande marknader, bland annat genom olika former av
smartcards och nya betalningssystem. Ett exempel är WFPs arbete i Etiopien och på de palestinska områdena där vi arbetar med att skapa en länk
mellan kortsiktig humanitär hjälp och långsiktigt utvecklingsarbete.
***
För egen del ser jag framemot dagens seminarium för att få inspiration och dela tankar och idéer om hur vi kan använda vår livsmedelssatsning på
bästa sätt för att bidra till en framtida, säkrad global livsmedelsförsörjning.
Tack!
Kontakt
Ann-Sofie Nilsson
Utrikesråd för internationellt utvecklingssamarbete
08-405 33 63
e-post till Ann-Sofie Nilsson
Tal
London School of Economics, London 7 mars 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande vid London School of Economics (LSE) (engelska)
Det talade ordet gäller
Public lecture by Gunilla Carlsson, Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation at the London
School of Economics, Department of International Development and International Growth Centre, 7 March 2011
Professor Mkandawire, ladies and gentlemen, friends
The London School of Economics' reputation for academic excellence and intellectual rigour is well known and well deserved. So I feel honoured to
be able to share some of my thoughts on development cooperation, human rights and democracy with such a highly qualified audience.
It is of course impossible to address the relationship between development, democracy and human rights without mentioning the events currently
unfolding in what is referred to in Brussels as our Southern Neighbourhood.
As Swedish Minister for International Development Cooperation I have met many individuals whose commitment to freedom leads them to stand
up for democratic values and human rights even in times of extreme difficulty and danger.
The popular uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa are an unprecedented testimony to the aspirations of the people in the region.
Aspirations to achieve respect for human rights, freedom and democracy as well as development and growth.
The uprisings serve as a reminder to us all that human rights are universal rights. I will not hide from you that it sometimes makes me ill at ease to
hear people hint at the existence of a contradiction between democracy and development, or between human rights and development. "But surely,"
some people will tell me, "if you have to choose between food for your family and the right to vote you will go for the food." This line of argument is
of course pure nonsense. There is no reason to believe that material wellbeing and political rights should somehow be mutually exclusive. All
available evidence points to the contrary.
What's more, this is exactly the kind of argument fed to us by autocratic leaders clinging on to power and asking for our support in the name of
stability. "Yes," they will tell the donors, "we do not have democracy in the Western sense of the word but our society is not yet ready. You must
give us time to develop. First we must feed our people."
The second line of defence for maintaining restrictions on civil liberties will often consist of comments referring to the safeguarding of fundamental
human rights as a purely "Western" concept, ill suited to the harsh realities of the country in question.
What frequently strikes me is the apparent willingness of some people in the West to accept this line of reasoning. These are the very people who
will tell you that we have to be careful about stressing human rights too forcefully in the developing world. Such an emphasis can be
counterproductive, we are told, and we should avoid being seen as lecturing other countries. Frequently, it is pointed out that due to Europe's
colonial past we have limited credibility when it comes to human rights.
Let me be very clear about this. I have never encountered a single human rights defender in Africa who has urged me to be less vocal about human
rights or told me that free speech or freedom of assembly are European concepts, alien to the African continent.
We have a clear moral obligation to be on the side of individuals who are persecuted for their political opinions. Buying into the false logic of the
governments that send these courageous men and women to jail for their political views should be out of the question.
Standing up for the true values of Europe means being on the side of the oppressed, not the oppressors.
The democratic upheavals are changing the political landscape. Some will say that this represents an end to stability. This is plain wrong. As if an
undemocratic regime such as the one run by Colonel Gaddafi in Libya could somehow be said to represent something inherently stable. What we are
witnessing now is a process that will hopefully lead to conditions being put in place for true stability, the kind of stability that can only be associated
with free societies.
We have an obligation to support those who risk their lives fighting for values that we share and take for granted. The events in North Africa
therefore represent a strong call to governments and donors working with and truly committed to democracy and human rights. What we see today
is a result of brave people's initiative, with limited or no external support. In Tunisia and Egypt, people have managed to get rid of their
authoritarian regimes themselves with relatively peaceful means. This deserves our admiration and respect.
The events in North Africa show how access to modern information and communication technology and social media can create new opportunities
for citizens to increase their influence and demand accountability from their leaders. ICT tools also provide us with the potential to modernise our
development efforts in a very substantial way. These tools can be used, not least, to promote the cause of democracy and human rights; providing
independent sources of information; holding leaders accountable to their citizens; serving as a means to connect citizens both from across the
country and in diaspora communities; and quickly, and relatively safely, exposing corruption. To me, these are liberation technologies, symbols of
a world that has irreversibly changed.
The number of Internet users in the world doubled between 2005 and 2010, and has now passed the 2 billion mark. However, the digital divide
between developed and developing countries looms large - 71 per cent versus 21 per cent of the population are on line. Exploring and investing in
ICT is a key tool for increased openness and transparency worldwide. Civil society organisations and defenders of human rights need wireless, netneutral systems and access to be able to reach out.
Some countries limit or prohibit their citizens' access to the Internet - these are the Internet's black holes. In most of these countries it is a criminal
offence to express oneself via the Internet and the persecution of reform-minded people on the Internet is growing.
One of the main challenges is to identify how democratic activists can be brought to the forefront in our support, exploring ways to make use of
innovative tools that are relevant for the initial stages of democratic change and transition.
While debate in the international community of democratic governments has largely focused on macro-level questions of diplomacy and political
dialogue, much remains to be done in fine-tuning democracy assistance projects at the micro-level. History has also shown that the timeliness of
international responses can be a critical factor in tipping the balance in favour of democratic reformers.
As a complement to traditional democracy assistance, the Swedish Government has therefore launched a Special Initiative for Democratisation and
Freedom of Expression. This initiative provides an opportunity to rapidly support human rights activists and agents for democratic change in new
and more direct ways, not least so as to take advantage of unexpected opportunities for democratic change.
A few weeks ago I invited researchers, Internet activists and ICT entrepreneurs to a meeting in Stockholm for discussions on how ICT can be used
to create freedom and how our development aid can be adjusted to the reality we see today. I will meet them on Thursday to deepen the discussion
on how our aid efforts should be designed to support digital democratisation and democratic digitalisation as efficiently and effectively as possible.
For me, democracy is about change. Human rights are about freedom. And I would like to see 'change for freedom' in the world.
Change for Freedom is also the name of the Swedish policy on democracy and human rights in Swedish international development cooperation,
adopted last year.
In our policy three main issues are emphasised;
one: the importance of support to democracy and human rights for poverty reduction,
two: the importance of pluralism as a starting point for socio-economic development, and
three: transparency as a tool for democratisation.
Democratisation and freedom are key aspects of development and the rights perspective needs to be integrated in all our development cooperation
efforts. Together with the rule of law, respect for civil and political rights is crucial in building functioning democracies and for reducing poverty in
all its dimensions.
Poverty is not just a lack of material resources. It is a lack of power, opportunities and security. It is a lack of influence over one's own life. I would
like to highlight this position as an important starting point for Swedish ambitions for future international development cooperation in general, and
more specifically for support to democracy and human rights.
When people living in poverty are denied their right to speak freely, to influence or change their living conditions, or the destiny of their
communities and countries, it is a sign of poverty. More freedom and increased democracy is therefore, in itself, poverty reduction. For us, this
means that the fight against poverty must be conducted with both resources and values.
This multi-dimensional understanding of poverty is shared by the European Union as a whole, as stated in the EU policy Consensus on Development
from 2005. It is of the utmost importance to make sure that this is also well reflected in present and future EU policy development efforts.
I am convinced that democratic societies have the best potential to promote sustainable growth and development. We know that safeguarding the
rule of law and equality before the law, upholding the ground rules of a market economy, including the protection of property rights and contractual
freedom, protecting free media and freedom of expression, all create conditions conducive to economic growth. Everyone should have the right to
meet and organise freely, as well as enjoying safety and security to exercise these rights.
Democratic development is more sustainable when combined with social development, in which all individuals in society are included, women and
men.
Gender equality is a prerequisite for long-term democratic development. Women and men, girls and boys must have equal rights and opportunities
to shape their lives and to influence society.
Societies can not afford to exclude half of their population.
Support to democracy and human rights is not only an end in itself; it is also a means of increasing aid effectiveness and strengthening the fight
against corruption.
Free and independent media, open and transparent government, functioning institutions and a pluralistic civil society are absolutely vital to achieve
true democracy. These components are cornerstones of a modern development cooperation that takes accountability seriously.
Openness and transparency enhance opportunities for all citizens to monitor budgets and government performance. We know that increased
accountability means that states generally better deliver what citizens expect. And in the long run, to be relevant and sustainable, democracies must
deliver in terms of good governance. But democracies also need to deliver on their promises and implement decisions as well as making the
democratic political system work. I have followed the openness initiative of the British Government with great interest and together in the EU we,
Andrew Mitchell and I, are now striving for an EU Aid Transparency Guarantee.
The theme of my address is, "Why human rights and democracy are critical to overcome poverty". Let me note that the Arab Human Development
Report, in 2002, prophetically identified three main reasons for poverty in the Middle East and North Africa region;
one: lack of democracy,
two: poor education,
three: women's subordinate position.
In 2004, the report in particular highlighted the link between lack of freedom and lack of development in the region. Clearly, it is in the intersection
between democratisation and economic development that the prospects for development in the Middle East and North Africa are to be found.
While many have benefited from economic growth, unless states invest in fulfilling economic and social rights like education, health, electricity,
water, housing and civil and political rights, there will be no real development.
To create true democracy and development in the Middle East and North Africa region, pluralism must be recognised - socially, politically,
religiously, between modern and traditional structures, young and old, different social classes and different political ideas.
Finally, an important lesson from recent events is the role of social media, new information and communication technologies. Social media like
Facebook, Twitter, text messages and blogs have created a space for constant conversation between large groups of people.
Social media also show that civil society is created by individuals and that ICT provides important tools for people to realise their democratic
aspirations. The use of social media has given courage and mobilised a whole continent in the struggle for democracy.
The European experience of peaceful transitions from dictatorship to democracy is a source of inspiration for democratic movements and
individuals in authoritarian states all over the world today. For this reason, Europe bears a particular responsibility to contribute to building
democracy elsewhere, in the light of its own experience. In fact, we are morally obliged to do so by our own history.
It is my firm belief that the political dimension of international development cooperation should be guided by this moral obligation.
The Swedish approach is not only to politically pursue the democracy and human rights agenda worldwide, but also to make sure that we apply a
development approach to these issues. Giving priority to democracy in development cooperation means recognising the political dimension of
development cooperation.
Thank you.
Tal
Humanitarian Funding Conference, Genève 25 januari 25 januari 2011
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Minister for International Development Cooperation Gunilla Carlsson's speech at
Humanitarian Funding Conference, Geneva, 25 January
Mr Secretary-General, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates,
It is a privilege for me to address you at this year's Humanitarian Funding Conference. I would like to thank the Secretary-General for inviting me to
this forum, which gives us an opportunity to increase awareness of the global humanitarian needs of today. I will focus on the need for strengthened
accountability and leadership.
Let me start with the Consolidated Appeals. As we have just heard the requirements are once again increasing, which is yet again an illustration of
the growth of global humanitarian needs. This is luckily paralleled with a positive funding trend. However, the needs still exceed the funding levels
and the gap is growing. This should be a cause of continued concern for all donors, ourselves included.
Sweden does support the Consolidated Appeals strongly. We believe they are a strategic instrument for efficient humanitarian allocations and their
continuous improvement is encouraging. We still need to improve the capacity of the CAPs to demonstrate concrete output and impact. Increased
transparency should also mark their implementation. This will be important in order to justify any calls for increased levels of humanitarian
funding.
After a difficult past year, I am happy to announce that Sweden has been able to secure an increase in our humanitarian aid budget. The total
amounts to roughly 700 million US dollars, out of which approximately 153 million US dollars will be dedicated to 15 CAPs through Sida initially.
Swedish humanitarian aid has an explicit global approach. Needs should be met where they occur.
Mr Chairman,
Turning to some of the wider aspects of humanitarian assistance, I warmly welcome the recent initiatives by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, Ms
Valerie Amos, to review and improve the system. The lessons learned from Haiti and Pakistan have indeed shown that it is essential to better
coordinate our efforts in order to strengthen leadership and improve accountability, as well as to build capacity to rapidly scale up operations.
Mr Chairman,
1. The key element when a mega disaster strikes is humanitarian leadership at country level. A strong leadership will ensure that the collective
humanitarian efforts are directed towards the most needy. We have to sharpen the routines, and we have to make sure that the most senior and
experienced humanitarians get those jobs.
2. Stronger leadership must be supported by clearer lines of accountability for results, both at headquarter, at field level and vis-à-vis the
beneficiaries. Stronger accountability and transparency are mutually reinforcing.
3. We need to be better at rapidly scaling up the humanitarian presence and capacity on the ground. We also have to be more innovative and make
better use of knowledge and modern technology.
4. The cluster system must improve, to be both more inclusive and strategic. The clusters are the cornerstone of the humanitarian architecture
today and their adequate functioning is key for efficient humanitarian response. Humanitarian performance is about delivering collectively in a
given emergency. In this regard, it is increasingly evident that the response is judged on the basis of what it delivers jointly, and less on individual
agency performance. We must look at how international humanitarian organisations are collaborating with national and local authorities,
institutions and civil society organisations. This will not only strengthen their ownership and build sustainable solutions, but also lay the ground for
longer term development.
Mr Chairman,
The global humanitarian agenda is indeed a matter that concerns both affected countries as well as donors. I am convinced that global consensus on
these issues will increase the legitimacy and efficiency of humanitarian assistance as a whole. I can assure you that Sweden as a major donor will
assume its part of this responsibility.
Thank you.
Kontakt
Sebastian Tham
Pressekreterare hos biståndsministern
072-212 74 72
e-post till Sebastian Tham
2010
Tal
Tripoli 3 december 2010
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Anförande av biståndsminister Gunilla Carlsson vid EU-Afrika toppmöte i Tripoli
(engelska)
A changing climate with rising temperatures affects prospects for growth and development, in Africa more than on any other continent. Let us be
honest: the Copenhagen Accord did not go nearly as far as we would have hoped. Africa and Europe were among those who worked very hard for a
legally binding outcome with forceful mitigation and adaptation action. Now the road should be paved for an ambitious, legally binding post-2012
agreement by South Africa next year.
To this end, we should continue to pursue our common European-African interest in addressing climate change while promoting a green, lowcarbon economy that enables all countries to meet their sustainable development aspirations. This entails grasping opportunities for joint
investments in sectors such as energy, agriculture and transportation. It would have been useful if our draft Declaration on Climate Change, which
spells these issues out, could have been endorsed here today.
Many African economies are growing at an impressive pace while job creation is not keeping up with population growth. An energy efficient,
resource effective, and labour intensive development path is possible. A key challenge is how sufficient support can be mobilized to enable African
countries to make the necessary investments.
The Clean Development Mechanism, CDM, has helped to transfer investments and technology from developed to some developing countries. It is
also the first mechanism we have had that has kick-started the international carbon market. New mechanisms such as sectoral approaches to
emissions trading would enable an expansion.
In reality, most CDM projects are in Asia and Latin America. Very few involve Africa. This regional disparity should be corrected through
concerted efforts to build capacity and identify incentives to mobilize carbon investments in Africa.
A global climate change regime will provide the certainty that business communities need to be able to plan their investments. Furthermore
countries need to strengthen their enabling environments to attract such investments. Sweden is providing technical advice to support countries in
accessing CDM and to help the AfDB define its role in enhancing carbon market activities in Africa, and as such help attract investment to the
African market, build capacity and develop a stream of bankable activities.
I am honored to be a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel for Global Sustainability. It is co-chaired by President Halonen of
Finland and president Zuma of South Africa and the task is to formulate a new long-term vision for sustainable growth and prosperity. It will be of
critical importance to involve the private sector and civil society in defining such strategies for 20 years ahead.
The private sector, more than any other major institution, is focused on innovation and change. New solutions will be based on a global and local
market place with "true values and costs", established by the limits of the planet and what it takes to live well within them. Hence, business leaders
will need to manage companies through unprecedented transformational change, while governments must get the right policies and incentives in
place.
Knowledge should be open and freely accessible in order for it to gain trust and respect in society at large. Open societies are more likely to adapt
well to changes, crises and new situations. History tells us that societies with a lack of flexibility and openness have had great problems in managing
a transformation to new demands.
As African and European leaders, we are responsible for promoting economic growth in our countries and job creation for our citizens. While
climate change poses severe challenges to those prospects, our mitigation and adaptation measures can actually be used to achieve precisely those
development objectives. That is the path we ought to define and tread. An Africa-EU Partnership on climate change and environment is a good
start. My government is committed to pursuing it collectively with you all.
Thank you.
Tal
Vid konferens om Afghanistan på Svenska Afghanistankommittén 11 november 2010
Gunilla Carlsson, Biståndsminister
Biståndsminister Gunilla Carlssons anförande vid FBA/SAK konferens om
Afghanistan den 11 november, 2010
Distinguished guests, dear friends,
The past decade has seen a concerted effort by the international community and Afghanistan to turn the country around. It is not just the Afghan
people that stand to gain from a stable, free and prosperous Afghanistan, it is in all our interest.
The challenges facing Afghanistan and the international community are deep and serious and extend to all areas of society. The democratic
advances are fragile, the capacity of the administration is weak, corruption and misrule are widespread, the judicial sector is largely non-functional.
This creates extraordinary problems for people''s trust in their elected leaders and for a democratic and sustainable state-building.
The internal armed conflict is currently the foremost obstacle to stability, democracy, respect for human rights and the elimination of poverty.
Breaking the pattern of conflict requires coordinated efforts involving political, military, civilian and development measures. Military means will
not alone solve the situation in Afghanistan. Close and effective military-civilian cooperation is needed.
Despite economic and social progress, Afghanistan is still one of the poorest countries in the world. Poverty is by no means simply a question of a
lack of resources. Both traditional attitudes and a worsened security situation mean that women and girls have difficulty exercising their human
rights.
Alongside the general lack of resources and the hardships associated with the conflict, women and girls are also subjected to widespread inequalities
at home and in society. Improving women's living conditions therefore has high priority and would improve the situation in the country as a whole.
Gender equality and women's participation generates sustainable development for the society as a whole and is the best way forward, also the
Afghan men will benefit. This fact needs to be highlighted and understood, otherwise the situation will not change. I believe Sweden has an
important role to play and adds value in support of these efforts.
But despite the gloomy picture:
More girls are attending school in Afghanistan today. Before 2001 less than one million children went to school, none of them and almost no girls.
Today more than seven million children are enrolled, 37 per cent of whom are girls. Progress is achieved! Sweden contributes to the Ministry and
UNICEF as well as to the Swedish Committee for Afghanistan to make this happen.
More than 7000 centres have been established to improve women's literacy.
Sweden is financing the rehabilitation of roads in northern Afghanistan. These roads have created jobs and improved access to health care and
markets. Locally elected district councils are implementing their own projects.
75 midwives have been trained in the last few years. Sweden supports reproductive health and women's health in northern Afghanistan through
the Swedish Afghanistan Committee. We are helping women to survive.
Parliamentary election has been carried out in challenging circumstances. Despite certain irregularities, the elections are an important and visible
sign of Afghan sovereignty, and underline the will of the Afghan people to shape the future of their country.
Important processes are underway. The Kabul conference this summer was an important milestone on Afghanistan's road towards enhanced
leadership. Transition - leading up to the NATO summit in Lisbon in November as the starting point. Reconciliation and reintegration processes challenging and demanding but necessary. The Afghan people now expect results from their government.
The Swedish involvement in Afghanistan is comprehensive and long-term. The main focus of our current development assistance is on democratic
governance and human rights including the rule of law, education and private sector. This year a total of 510 million SEK is devoted to long term
cooperation. Moreover, we are providing substantial humanitarian assistance, amounting to 123, 5 million SEK so far this year.
Sweden has increased its support in the civilian field. We have strengthened the embassy in Kabul, put increased focus on provinces in the
Swedish/Finnish PRT and established a reinforced civilian team headed by a Senior Civilian Representative at the PRT Mazar-e Sharif. Sweden will
continue to strengthen its civilian engagement paying special attention to the north to support and pave the way for transition and to create better
conditions for civilian capacity building at district and province level, in health and infrastructure. .
I can assure you that there is a strong parliamentary basis for Sweden''s active role in the overall implementation of the Kabul conference
commitments up to and including 2014. But clearly, there will be a need for considerable support even beyond that date. The needs are substantial
and immediate. The aim is to create long-term conditions for Afghanistan itself.
Last week the Government adopted a Bill for submission to the Riksdag on continued Swedish participation in the International Security Assistance
Force in Afghanistan (ISAF). The Government presented the Bill following the agreement reached with the Social Democratic Party and the Green
Party on 31 October.
As you understand, it is very important that with this agreement, we have a consensus across party blocks on the overall focus of Sweden's presence
during the entire electoral period.
The focus is on transferring responsibility for security to facilitate a gradual change from combatant troops to supportive security actions, with the
aim being for Afghan authorities to take over completely in 2014. Developments on the ground will be decisive for the evolution of this process.
Sweden will also continue to strengthen the various civil operations in Afghanistan; we plan for a transition in 2012 to overall civilian leadership of
the Swedish contribution in northern Afghanistan. I also envisage a potential for strengthened Nordic cooperation.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The situation in Afghanistan needs new thinking, new modalities and new approaches. We, as international partners, have to be more sensitive,
more flexible and more coherent than in other situations. Development assistance needs to have a conflict management perspective and promote
security in the longer perspective and a balance between rapid actions and actions that contribute to long-term capacity building. But it is also
important that all interventions are based on a comprehensive conflict-sensitive approach and that actions are not taken in isolation and therefore
leaving gaps behind.
I believe that capacity-building and strengthening human resources are key to an effective and sustainable state-building process. Only by
strengthening the pool of qualified human resources can Afghanistan be provided with the skills that are necessary to boost growth and foster
stability and security. This needs to be done in partnership, and with local trust and sense of ownership. Without human resources there can be no
institutions, and thus no state. This important chain needs to be built.
Transparency is another key word that I would like to underline. Corruption is an evil power that undermines all attempts at development. The
Afghan government must do its homework. As a donor, we can assist in this process, but the people of Afghanistan need to be confident that
effective measures are being taken. Sida has recently deployed an anti-corruption adviser to our embassy in Kabul to further facilitate this
important work. The Afghans also need to demand efforts made by their own leadership.
In this work, our support to central reforms is paramount, where better results on public financial management, budget execution, effective
distribution and anti-corruption measures are needed.
The humanitarian situation is severe and the needs are tremendous. Therefore, I am glad to inform you that we have today decided to allocate
another 40 million SEK of our contribution to UNHCR to their humanitarian work in Afghanistan this year.
We also need to put more focus on Rule of law - and justice - in order to build people's trust and confidence. Folke Bernadotte Academy will start
implementing programmes in this field. Improved coordination with and support to EU:s ongoing work within the EUPOL mission is another
contribution. The work against organised crime, in-justice and trafficking of drugs also need strengthened regional approach.
The donor situation is still fragmented and coordination is challenging The EU Action Plan for Afghanistan provides a framework for our
engagement. It is also important to give UNAMA support in its donor coordination efforts. But in the end, the Afghans have to take the lead.
The economic development is important for Afghanistan with its geographical situation between Central Asia and South Asia. It is absolutely key
for Afghanistan to develop its trade relations and to attract investments. This being so, the regional perspective was an important part of the Kabul
conference. We need to move from "parallel bilateralism" to real regional multilateralism where I believe Afghanistan has a great deal to gain.
Swedish cooperation can also assist to create conditions for building on private-public partnership, attracting investments and improving the link
between private sector demands and human capacities.
To sum up;
Our engagement need to be long-term and strengthened, with special focus on the north, and supportive to ongoing processes.
It needs to build on ownership and improved human capacity and strengthening of institutions.
It shall be based on strong international coordination and a willingness to work across sectors.
We also have to be more sensitive, more flexible and more coherent than in some other situations, and follow developments on the ground
closely.
Finally, I have read many articles, listened to and taken part in many debates about Afghanistan, and seen the situation with my own eyes. Usually a
very bleak picture is painted. While I can accept the truth of this rather gloomy picture, we also have to acknowledge the challenging circumstances
Afghanistan and the international community are facing. The important steps and commitments taken in the Kabul conference must move forward.
The agenda is immense and in the coming years we have to show results. In this regard I am a realistic optimist. I simply have to be! For
Afghanistan, its people and the Swedes that are out there working for change. There is no other way. Sweden's involvement will therefore continue
and be even further strengthened, and I am glad that we have such a broad political agreement behind this very important mission.
My thanks to FBA and SAK for organising this event.
Kontakt
Peter Larsson
08-405 10 00