Verhandeling voorgelegd aan de Faculteit Letteren en Wijsbegeerte
Voor het behalen van de graad van:
Master in de Oosterse Talen en Culturen door:
LIESELOT VANDORPE
Academiejaar 2009-2010
Universiteit Gent
Thy name is slave?
The slave onomasticon of Old Babylonian Sippar.
Promotor: Dr. K. De Graef
2
TABLE OF CONTENT
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
List of Abbreviations
5
Introduction
A. Purpose
B. Status Quaestionis
C. Cultural Historical perspective
6
12
13
14
Slave names unraveled
A. Slaves and their personal names
a. Male slave names
b. Female slave names
B. Ethnography and uniqueness of the slave name
C. Thy name is slave?
23
23
24
35
50
51
Slave documents
A. Inheritance and will documents
B. Purchase papers and silver loans
C. Donation
D. Litigation
E. Hire
F. Adoption/manumission
G. Dowry and wedding certificates
H. Others
Construction of slave names
A. Slave names according to Stamm
B. Sub-categories among Sipparian slaves
a. Wishes and prayers towards the master
b. Questions formulated to the master
c. Statements of trust towards the master
d. Praise for the master
e. Small categories of slave PN’s
1. Expression of Tenderness
2. Praise for physical defaults
3. Reference to the character and intellect of slaves
4. References to animals and plants
5. Names with geographical elements
6. Signs of imprisonment
C. Male names for female slaves
D. Theophoric elements in slave PN’s
E. Slaves and nadītu priestesses
F. Conclusion
On the meaning of mu.ni.im
A. What does the term mu.ni.im imply?
B. Slave names and the appearance of mu.ni.im
C. The corpus
16
18
18
20
20
20
21
21
22
53
53
54
54
55
56
56
57
57
57
58
58
58
58
58
59
61
63
65
65
66
67
3
VI.
a. Adoption-manumission
b. Donation
c. Dowry
d. Exchange
e. Inheritance
f. Hire
g. List
h. Litigation
i. Purchase
j. Silver loan
k. Wedding
D. Mu.ni.im versus name: the acceptance of a new name?
E. Mu.ni.im and other objects
F. Conclusion
Conclusion
68
69
69
69
69
70
70
70
70
71
71
71
72
72
VII.
Bibliography
75
VIII.
Appendix
81
A. List of used slave tablets
81
B. Chronological overview of the slaves by gender and the appearance of mu.ni.im and
Nadītu
87
C. List of the tablets by genre and the appearance of mu.ni.im and nadītu
100
D. Slaves in the Codex Ḥammurabi
104
E. The sign of a slave
108
F. The abbuttu and maškannu
109
73
4
Absol.
Abstr.
Acc.
Adj.
AHW
CAD
Caus.
Cf.
CDA
Cohort.
Conj.
Dat.
Denom.
Det.
Dir.
DN
Eg.
Epith.
Esp.
Etc.
f.
Hypocor.
Imp.
Incl.
Indic.
Indir.
Inf.
M.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Absolute/absolutes
Abstract
Accusative
Adjective, adjectival
Akkadisches
Handworterbuch
Chicago Assyrian
Dictionary
Causative
Comparer
Concise Dictionary of
Akkadian
Cohortative
Conjunction
Dative
Denominative
Determinative
Direct
Divine name
Exempli gratia
Epithet
Especially
et cetera
Feminine
Hypocoristic
Imperative
including
Indicative
Indirect
Infinitive
Masculine
Nom.
OB
Obj.
Perf.
Pl.
PN
Poss.
Prec.
Pred.
Prep.
Praet.
Proh.
Pron.
Ptc.
Sg.
Sta. Abs.
Stat.
Stat. Contr.
Subj.
Subjunct.
Subst.
Vent.
Voc.
>
<
Nominative
Old Babylonian
Object
Perfectum
Plural
Personal name
Possessive
Precative
predicate, predicative
Preposition
Preterite
Prohibitive
Pronoun, pronominal
Participle
Singular
Status Absolutus
Stative
Status Constructus
Subject
Subjunctive
Substantive
Ventive
Vocative
goes to
comes from
5
Slavery: ‘the state of being a slave’
A slave: ‘(especially in the past) a person who is
the legal property of another and is forced to
obey them 1’.
I. INTRODUCTION
In many societies around the world, slavery was present in one or several forms. Unfortunately,
in some countries, it still is. In the contemporary Western world, there are only few human
practices that inspire us to feelings of profound outrage. Slavery is one of them. However, we
have to realize that this is a modern opinion. Looking at the institution of slavery in history, and
its position in ancient civilizations in particular, we can almost say that slavery predicates
civilization itself. As an institution, it was accepted in the ancient cultures of Greece and Rome
and played a central role in their economic systems. Therefore, these societies were defined as
‘slave societies’ by M.I. Finley (SHAW 1998: 77). In contrary to the classical cultures, which are
richly documented regarding this time, we are poorly informed about this phenomenon in
Mesopotamia.
We do know that slavery was an accepted institution in all major civilizations emerging in
Mesopotamia, and that a slave population was always present (JOANNÈS 2001: 306). However, the
communis opinio is that, compared to the freeborn, they only made up a small and insignificant
population group (HARRIS 1975: 332). Therefore, this society can almost certainly 2 be
designated as ‘a society of slaves’, as M.I Finley describes it (SHAW 1998: 77). The small number
of slaves might be explained by the absence of any interest in industrial production on the home
level, according to Oppenheim (OPPENHEIM 1964: 116). Another reason might simply be the lack
of preserved and/or written documents about slavery.
The earliest known written references come from the city states of Sumer in the form of legal
codes, dated to the 4th millennium BCE. The Sumerian cuneiform signs for a slave are ‘níta.kur’
(m) and ‘munus.kur’ (f) 3:
Níta.kur
< nita.kur
<nitax.kur
1
Definition by the Oxford English Dictionary.
This pronouncement is made on the usually dated information we have concerning slaves and slavery in
Mesopotamia. A new study dealing with this topic can lead to new insights about the role of slaves in the
economy.
3 The emesal terminology of this word and the several stages of the development of the individual sign are
documented on the lexical lists MSL 14: 205-218a, 719, 789-790 and MSL 2: 14-16.Especially interesting is
MSL 14 line 215, where the word ‘Subaru’ is equalized with the word for slave. This would lead to the
assumption that the word ‘slave’ was derived from the ethnic designation to the Subarians. This is a discussion
intensively worked out by Gelb (1973, 23-31).
2
6
Munus.kur
< nu-nus.kur
Particularly interesting is the appearance of the sign ‘kur 4’, which can be translated 5 as
“underworld”, “mountainous land”, “East(ener)” and “East wind” 6. The interpretation of the
components of the signs, male/female + “mountainous land” can clearly be derived from the
signs themselves. Since the discussion of the sign by Thureau-Dangin, it has been generally
assumed that the sign “kur” stood for “mountain” as well as for “foreign country” (ThureauDangin 1929: 272). Based on this assumption, Mendelsohn, among others, concludes that the
ancient Sumerians derived their slaves from foreign, mountainous areas 7.
‘These were the first ‘human chattels’, to be followed later by imported foreigners and finally
by natives who were reduced to the status of slavery because of debt’ (Mendelsohn 1949: 1).
Although the number of sources and documents which can be used for the study of slavery in
Mesopotamia is relatively small, the material is still too comprehensive to be studied completely.
Therefore, we decided geographically narrow the topic down to the city of Sippar and
chronologically to one major and well documented period of Mesopotamia: the Old Babylonian
(or OB) period (cf. cultural – historical perspective), dated according to the New Chronology
from 1911 up to 1499 BCE (Gasche et alii: 1998).
The ancient city of Sippar 8 is located in Iraq, more or less in the middle of an ancient
watercourse connecting the two rivers defining Mesopotamia: the Tigris and Euphrates. It is
situated approximately 30 km South-East of Iraq’s modern capital Baghdad (CHARPIN, D; SAUVAGE,
M. 2001: 783, cf. figure 1). The city was known as the main cult centre of the sun deity Šamaš and
his partner Aja, worshipped at the Ebabbar temple, which probably was the cities’ eye-catching
landmark during OB times (HARRIS 1975: 142). Another institution, highly influencing its
economic and social life, was the gagûm 9: the place where the nadītu 10 priestesses lived (HARRIS
1975: 188-189). Together with the few existing wealthy families, they represented the main
actors in the recorded city activities.
4
The sign ‘kur’ has been interpreted by Lambert as a nobler term more noble as ‘sal’ or at least referring to a
privileged status (Lambert 1953: 200). Compared with later research, I consider this interpretation as not
acceptable.
5
Translation is bases on the ePSD: Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. (cf.: http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/ ,
search under KUR.)
6
In Akkadian, it can be translated with the words: erṣetu, mātu and šadû.
7
In the earliest periods, attestations where found for female slaves only, leading to the theory that captured male
slaves were slaughtered (Gelb 1973: 5). But Vaiman proved by using Uruk texts that the word for the male
counterparts of the SAL.KUR, was the sign KUR only. (Vaiman 1976: 24-26; summarized by Uchitel 1984:
361-362).
8
The name of the city, Sippar, by some authors interpreted as Sippir, is a reference to its etymology: the
Sumerian sign ‘zimbir’. This can be translated as ‘bird city’ (Edzard 1970: 18-22).
9
For a brief explanation and reference to the texts concerning the institution/living quarter: see CAD G sub
gagû).
10
A nadītu priestess is a woman of the upper class who is dedicated to a god and who is forbidden to have
children. As a woman she is allowed to fulfill what is seen as strictly ‘male activities’ by the Mesopotamian
society. She plays an important role in trade and is a very active business woman. She tries to enlarge the fortune
of her family and herself. Her inheritance is usually given to a family member, a niece, who is educated to
continue her role (cf. CAD N1 sub nadītu; HARRIS 1975: 305-311, 315-323).
7
Figure 1: Territorial states in the early second millennium (Van De Mieroop 2004:106)
The choice to exclusively research this city is first of all based on the abundant number of clay
tablets dealing with the phenomenon of slavery. This enables the development of an in-depth
view on the topic, which can be checked with other OB centers in the future. Another important
reason is the availability of data for this city, built up during years of study of the Assyriological
department of the University of Ghent. For this dissertation, prof. M. Tanret allowed me to use
the database. The data in the used version had last been updated 5th of April 2010.
Chronologically, this research is limited to the Old Babylonian period. An important question
towards slavery in this period is how one can become enslaved. This question is closely related
to the problem of slaveholders acquiring slaves. In this dissertation I cannot extensively deal
with this question, but I will sketch a generalized pattern based on the little available studies.
‘The means by which persons were enslaved are legion and include many that were peculiar to
certain societies’ (Patterson 1982: 105). In his study of worldwide slavery among different
world cultures, Patterson defined eight types of ways to get into enslavement:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Capture in warfare
Kidnapping
Tribute and tax payment
Debt
Punishment for crimes
Abandonment and sale of children
Self-enslavement
Birth
8
The first seven groups involve people who were born free and subsequently were reduced to the
lowest status in the society, that of slavery. Since in most cases, marriage is allowed between
slaves and in certain circumstances even between slaves and free people (Patterson 1982: 131,
166, 187), the children of those slaves were in most situations given the social status of their
parents. This phenomenon definitely existed in Mesopotamia during the Old Babylonian period,
leading to a special group of slaves: the wilid bītim or house born slaves 11.
Despite the fact that the Sippar texts don’t tell us exactly how people were enslaved, we do learn
that slaves were obtained from numerous sources. If we apply the eight groups of Patterson to
slavery during the OB period, we can distinguish only five of his groups. Besides the above
mentioned wilid bītim, the slave population existed of prisoners of war, but only for a minor part.
Another reason people could end up with having the lowest social status, was by being sold as a
child, in many occasions out of economical necessity, sometimes leading to self-enslavement of
their parents. But the basic supply source of slavery is debts, which functioned as a direct cause
(SIEGEL 1947: 11-12, MENDELSOHN 1949: 23). The insolvency could be the result of many causes
where the individual was powerless: war, draught, pestilence, etc. But one of the main factors
was ‘unquestionably the exorbitant interest rate charged on loans’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 24).
The importation of foreign slaves 12 was a phenomenon that began during the reign of king AbiEšuḥ, in the latter half of the Old-Babylonian period. There was a general preference for slaves
from Subartu: meaning ‘north’ or ‘upland’, referring to, according to Finkelstein, an area
spreading from the borders of Elam to the Amanus in Northwest Syria (FINKELSTEIN 1962: 77).
Slaves have a complete absence of freedom and are regarded as ‘owned property’. Thus, they are
equally treated as a field or a house, although they do possess some legal rights to protect
themselves from their master (OPPENHEIM 1964: 116).
If persons were enslaved, was manumission possible under certain circumstances? Looking at
the way slaves were legally and socio-economically defined, ‘there was no obvious way in which
they could have been released from their condition’ (Patterson 1982: 209). Was there a specific
group of slaves that was privileged when it comes to manumission? This question also involves
the anthropological theory of gift exchange. It would lead us too far to discuss this topic in debt,
but a summary can be found in the work of Patterson (1982: 210-214).
As there are various ways of enslavement, various modes of release were possible and most
societies employed several of them. Patterson remarks that ‘manumission was not itself a
constant: in a given society what a slave achieved through manumission varied. Some slaves
achieved full manumission at once, other attained it over time, still others remained for the rest
of their lives in a twilight state of semi-manumission’ (PATTERSON 1982: 219). The possibilities of
release depended on the motivation and on how close the slave and master wanted to stay
together after the release. According to Patterson, there were basically seven modes of release
throughout the slaveholding world (PATTERSON 1982: 219):
11
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Postmortem
Cohabitation
Adoption
Political
Collusive litigation
Sacral
Purely contractual
These group of slaves was usually regarded as a special status and in many cases, these children were set free
at later age, in many cases by adoption (STOL 2004: 811).
12 Details concerning the traffic and sources of foreign slaves are largely discussed by Leemans (LEEMANS:
1960 and 1968).
9
According to Mendelsohn, the only option for Near Eastern slaves to regain freedom was by
‘adoption, unconditional manumission or by buying himself free with his peculium 13 ’
(MENDELSOHN 1949: 42, 46). It is highly remarkable that manumission is indicated as the one
way to release slaves beside adoption. Based on the studied tablets, we found out that these two
genres are so closely linked that it’s hard to distinguish them. Another way to release slaves,
according to Mendelsohn, is the dedication to a temple (Mendelsohn 1949: 46). In his point of
view, the slaves who are eligible for manumission are mostly house slaves or slaves that were
purchased at a tender age and stood in close contact with their masters.
The Codex Ḥammurabi mentions three legal means for a slave to become manumitted in § 117,
171 and 280 (cf. supplement D). The first paragraph deals with women and children who are
sold or handed over as pledges to creditors when the loan no longer can be paid. These people
are freed after three years of service, regardless of the amount of the debt 14. The next law deals
with the manumission of a slave concubine and her children as soon as her master passes away.
The last reference mentions a native Babylonian slave, bought in a foreign country, who later
returned to Babylon. At the moment of his re-arrival at Babylon, he was unconditionally freed.
Slaves can be owned by an official institution, for example the temple or the gagûm. The nadiātu,
the priestesses dedicated to a god, play an important role in slavery. They appear in many
documents related to slaves. In general, slaves seem to have fulfilled many tasks in the temple 15.
Slaves where a popular gift among families (usually the father) when a girl entered the gagûm
(HARRIS 1975: 335). They also formed the regular income for the nadītu, as she would rent her
slaves to others on an annual or a monthly basis (cf. hire contracts).
In many other cases they are owned by private individuals who don’t belong to a religious or
official institution. It may be assumed that slaves were largely employed in the various menial
household tasks, although occasionally they may have had a specific occupation. Certain families
concentrated their wealth in purchasing slaves as an investment. A normal family would have
one up to four slaves, while rich ones could have up to 10 (STOL 2004: 810).
Adults form the largest group of slaves, both male (= sag.ìr or wardu) and female (= sag.géme or
amtu. Cf. overview of the signs for slave given below). Sometimes a baby or a child is mentioned.
At times, humane treatment is demonstrated by allowing a slave girl, when sold, to keep her
children with her. If the slaves were not married, the private slave-owner might marry them off
and receive, in the case of a female slave, the tirḥatu or the dowry, from her husband.
According the Mendelsohn, ‘the privilege of accumulating a peculium was granted to the Babylonian
slave from early times’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 66). Some documents of the Old Babylonian period show
evidence of slaves who bought themselves free. The money of these slaves need not, however, have been
their own, but could have been given them by their family for redemption. According to the CH (§ 176),
the money given to a slave was a ‘concession grated by the master to his slave, who could enjoy it during
his lifetime, but legally and ultimately it belonged to his master (MENDELSOHN 1949: 67). We know from
later period that slaves played an active part in the economic life and that they are engaged in eg. business
transactions, mainly by property given or rented out by their master.
14 The question is, as mentioned in chapter 3.1, how far these law match with real-life situations. While
we have numerous documents attesting the practice of selling or handing over woman and children to
creditors, documents dealing with the manumission after the tree year period of servitude are absent.
15 An overview is presented by Harris (HARRIS 1975: 335). It is believed that the gagûm maintained an
important labour force for slaves, who were probably largely engaged in cloister industries. However,
with the information we have at the moment, we cannot prove this idea. In all the studies’ documents
concerning slaves, we cannot find anyone indicated as a slave of the gagûm.
13
10
Sag.ìr 16
< sag.ir11
Sag.géme
Since we can presume that racial features didn’t play a role in the group of slaves we can wonder
whether there were ways to distinguish the enslaved people from the free people. Slaves were
physically distinguished from the free population by the abbutu 17, a characteristic hairdo or lock
of hair (cf. CAD A sub abbutu). This lock was placed upon the head (šakānum) or shaven into the
hair (gullubum). When a slave was manummited, his lock was removed (CT 4 42a). Shaving the
abbutu to a free person was, at the other hand, a punishment for adoptees who refused to
recognize his/her parents (STOL 2004: 810). The guidelines are recorded in the Codex
Ḥammurabi § 226-§ 227 (cf. supplement D). In some cases, the slaves can be recognized by
wearing a maškannu or kannu, a fetter (cf. CAD M1 sub maškannu 5; cf. CAD K sub kannu Ba).
Stol only interprets the maškannu as a fetter made of copper and explains kannu as a ‘footblock’
made of wood (STOL 2004: 811).
Another possibility for the Babylonian people to identify someone as a slave was based on
his/her name. (STOL 2004: 810).
Not all slaves were treated well, nor were all slaves happy with their fate. Evidently, some
decided to run away18. The runaway of slaves are the only documents created in the OB period
concerning ‘flight’ (SCHNELL 2001: 56). Under no circumstance, the owner of the slave could
decide about the fate of his runaway slave. His/Her punishment had to be decided by the law
court or the king (STOL 2004: 810)
Studying the slave population in the city of Sippar, some general tendencies can be discovered.
Slavery was not prominent in the pre-Samsu-Iluna (cf. supra) era. It existed only on a small scale
in the private sector. According to Harris, it was the ‘institutions’ of Sippar which employed large
numbers of slaves in their workshops (HARRIS 1976: 145). We have to add to this remark that it
is hard to prove this remark according to the studies Sippar texts.
The influx of foreign slaves during the late reign of Samsi-iluna and the following king Abi-Ešuḥ,
might reflect the changing relationships between the owners and the slaves. The contact
between owners and slaves became more impersonal (HARRIS 1976: 146). This idea has been
confirmed by the research of Van Koppen, who mentiones the change of phrasing in the OB slave
sale contracts (Van Koppen 2004 10).
In supplement E some explanation is given about these signs.
A discussion about the interpretation of this word and the possible meanings, is included in this dissertation as
supplement D.
18
This problem is one of the topics discussed in Rengers book dealing with ‘Flucht’ during the OB period
(RENGER 1972).
16
17
11
A. PURPOSE
The aim of this dissertation is to present a study on slavery and slaves in Mesopotamia during
the Old-Babylonian period, based on the written sources of one city in particular: Sippar. Due to
the large amount of information in the numerous slave documents, it seemed sensible to focus
one major question and some side-problems that appeared when studying the data. Especially
since the last work offering a broader scope on OB slaves and slavery dates from 1949
(MENDELSOHN; cf. Status Quaestionis). Since 1949, a large number of documents from this period
have been added to the corpus, either through field excavation or museum exploration, with
much new information on slaves and slavery. As a result, it is now both possible and necessary
to start an encompassing research on this subject. This study, however, needs to happen on large
scale; this dissertation is meant to be only a small part of it.
Since Mendelsohn, some small scale research on specific aspects of this subject has been
undertaken and was published in the form of articles. Among others, there is a small study on
slave names (HARRIS 1977). For this dissertation, we have chosen to work out in depth one of
these partly published slave topics: the onomasticon of slaves.
Harris suggested that slave names are atypical compared with the names of the free population
of the city of Sippar. Therefore names are a way to identify a slave, keeping in mind that this
theory applies more to female slaves than to male slaves. The study of this topic only occurred
on a small scale. This study wants to repose this question and include all slave names attested on
the OB Sippar tablets we know today. To be able to formulate a coherent answer to this main
subject, all the slave names were listed and checked with the Sippar database to determine
whether or not they appear frequently in the Sippar population. At the same time, names were
analyzed in order to find out whether we were dealing with autochthon, Akkadian, names or
foreign names. Based on this, we will give an overview of the ethnicity of the slave names and
check whether the results correspond with the slaves indicated as foreign in the documents.
Stamm dedicated the last chapter of his pioneering work on the Akkadian onomasticon to slave
names. He identified several small groups among these names. Is this division correct and can
we indeed recognize several ‘groups’ of names and typical ‘name parts’ among the slave names?
Or is the remark of Stol that Stamm did his work ‘too meticulously’ and made the divisions too
strict, correct? We will try to group the names to obtain a better view on how the slave names
are built and to check if we can make subdivision in these names.
If we do deal with typical slave names, we can put forward a very important question. What
happened with the names of people once they got enslaved? Since at least some of the slaves
were born as free people, we cannot expect they were born with a slave name, as a prediction of
their future lot. At a certain point during the enslavement process, they received another name.
Can we find an indication for this in our documents? This question is elaborately discussed in
the case study of the Sumerian formula ‘mu.ni.im’. Is renaming a necessary aspect of the new
social status, or was renaming purely dependent on the wish and taste of the slave owner? As
mentioned in the introduction, slaves can get manumitted. Do they keep the slave name in this
case or do they choose a new name, whether or not connected to the former slave owner or the
adoptive parents?
12
B. STATUS QUAEST IONIS
Although slaves and slavery have been the topic of research of numerous small scale side
studies, only one work deals exclusively with this topic. The now obsolete work ‘Slavery in the
Ancient Near-East’ was written by Mendelsohn in 1949. Mendelsohn’s study has a diachronic
approach and spans many centuries, geographical and ethnic entities of the Ancient Near East,
from the Pre-Sargonic times up to the Persian period. In his study, slavery of Mesopotamia is in
many cases compared - and possibly mixed up - with the aspects of slavery in the biblical world.
Mendelsohn does remark some peculiarities of OB slaves, but some of his points of view show an
erroneous reasoning. His work is still the main reference today – there is no other option for the
OB period – but this study is in urgent need of an update, e.g. expressed in the study of Veenhof
(VEENHOF K.R. 1993: 136). Not only are some of the points of view out-dated, since 1949, lots of
new material has become available.
A both major and important work, without doubt a landmark in the worldwide study of slavery,
is the book ‘Slavery and social death’, written by Orlando Patterson in 1982. The book analyses
the internal dynamics of slavery in 66 societies over a long time span. Mesopotamia and the OB
period are part of this study, but most of the information is based on the above mentioned work.
This book is an excellent point of departure, as it offers a general insight in slavery and an
overview of the interpretations towards this phenomenon by different scholars. Three other
important books can be mentioned, providing general information about slavery as an
institution. First we have to mention Testart’s book ‘L’esclave. La dette et le pouvoir’, published in
2001. This book mainly focuses on the problem of debt-slavery. A few years earlier/ago, in 1998,
B.D. Shaw edited the book ‘Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology’, providing us with esp.
anthropological scholars, points of view and questions around slavery. A recently published
book (2008) which deals among other with ancient slave systems was written by E. Dal Lago and
C. Katsari: ‘Slave systems. Ancient and modern’. Many Marxist socio-economic studies have dealt
with the problem of slavery and have mentioned Mesopotamia, but we will not point out this list
of publications in the short overview.
If we only look toward the region of Mesopotamia, the few available information concerning
slaves appears in numerous historical overviews of the OB period. Three works which were
mainly used for this study are ‘Ancient Mesopotamia, portrait of a dead civilization’, written by
A.L Oppenheim in 1964, together with the in 1997 published work of D.C. Snell ‘ Life in the
ancient Near East’. The most comprehensive and recent work is written by M. Stol in the series
‘Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 160/4: ‘Mesopotamien. Die Altbabylonische Zeit’.
In contrary to the one available standard work about slaves in Mesopotamia, a whole range of
small scale side studies is available. Among others, there is a small study on the slave names,
published by R. Harris in several articles (HARRIS 1962, 1976 and 1977). M. San Nicolo and C.
Wilcke published studies dealing with purchase contracts, in which they gave special attention
to slaves, esp. ‘Die schlussklaussel der altbabylonischen Kauf- und Tauschverträg’, of San Nicolo
published in 1974. In 1976 and 1981, Wilckes articles ‘Zu den spat-altbabylonische kaufverträgen
aus Nordbabylonien’ and ‘Noch einmal: šilip rēmim und die Adoption ina me-šu’, resp. published in
Die Welt des Orients 8/2 and Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 71 needs to be mentioned here.
Finkelstein’s excellent study dealing with slave trade is published in the Journal of Cuneiform
studies 9 in the 1955 volume, under the title ‘Subartu and Subarians in Old-Babylonian sources’.
This study has recently been updated by F. Van Koppen, presenting us with new insights into the
mechanism of the trade. His study in the book ‘The Mesopotamian dark age revisited’ (2004) is
titled ‘The geography of the Slave Trade and Northern Mesopotamia in the Late Old Babylonian
Period’.
I.J. Gelb deals with the social aspects of slavery during the OB period in his ‘Household and family
in Early Mesopotamia’, published in 1979 in the book ‘State and Temple Economy in the Ancient
Near-East I’ (= OLA 5). Excellent work providing us with lots of new insights and information is
13
carried out by M. Stol in his work ‘The care for the elderly in Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian
period’. This work pays special attention to the role of slaves in this process.
A considerable amount of ink has also flown over the question of slave prices and the question
whether this price curve is comparable with the general curve of price fluctuations during the
OB period. An important name we have to mention in this context is the publication of R.F.G.
Sweet in 1958: ‘on prices, moneys and money use in the Old Babylonian period’. ‘A price and wage
study for Northern Babylonia during the Old Babylonian Period’, by H. Farber in 1978 provides a
overview for this region which is representative still today. The most recent work published on
this topic, ‘Old Babylonian interest rates’, was written by K. Van de Mieroop in 1995.
Since this dissertation will mainly deal with the onomasticon of slaves, at this point, some extra
attention needs to go out to this topic. H. Ranke was the first researcher to investigate the role of
personal names (=PN’s) and the information they provide for our study of the Old Babylonian
period. He collected a complete list of names of the Hammurabi dynasty and analyzed them one
by one, distinguishing male from female names. His study only extended to the translation of the
names and some remarks concerning name parts that appear numerous times. Even though his
study has been a sign of growing interest in the topic, we can say that today, most of his
translations are not accurate anymore. By means of our current knowledge of the Akkadian
grammar, they can even be regarded as plainly incorrect.
An example of truly pioneering work concerning the onomasticon is the work ‘Die Akkadische
Namengebung’ by J.J. Stamm, published in 1968. Stamm analyses the names and divides them
into, at times a little too strict, categories. He looks into the social status of the people carrying
the name and aims to define general lines and patterns in the jumble of names. In the last
chapter, special attention goes out to slave names. H. Stol recognizes the eminent value of this
work, but remarks that today, it is impossible to keep to the strict scheme made by Stamm (STOL
1991: 191) In 1979 and 1980, Kobayashi added some new insights to OB hypocoristic names,
published in Sumer 1, as well as a detailed study dealing with theophoric names in Sumer 2. A
special study concerning slave names was carried out by Harris (cf. supra).
Not all the names appearing in OB Sippar can be recognized as Akkadian, keeping in mind that
phenomena such as trade leaded to mixed populations. Important studies dealing with foreign
names are two works written by I.J. Gelb. The in 1943 published book ‘Nuzi Personal Names’
offers an important insight into Hurrite name elements and some possible grammatical
constructions. A book published by the same author in 1980, ‘Computer-aided analysis of
Amorite’ enables the modern researcher to recognize names as Amorite and analyze the roots
upon which they were built. Another important work dealing with Amorite PN’s is the work of
Streck, ‘Das amurritische Onomastikon der altbabylonischen Zeit‘, published in 2000. For the
recognition of West-Semitic names, esp. names with eventually a Hurrite origin, the work of
Gröndahl, who published an overview of numerous names found in Ugarit, was used.
C. CULTURAL HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
As mentioned in the introduction, this dissertation will focus on the Old-Babylonian period. A
great amount of ink has flown over the attempt to give this period an exact date. We’ve chosen to
follow the chronology worked out by the University of Ghent, which dates this period from 1911
to 1499 BCE. We will not broaden this discussion; for an overview of the various possibilities we
refer to the work of Gasche (GASCHE et alii 1998).
To some extent, the rise and establishment of the OB period is shrouded in mystery. The dynasty
started developing after Babylonia had turned into conflict and chaos at the end of the Ur III era.
At the moment the dynasty started to rise, we see flourishing Mesopotamian dynasties at Isin,
14
Larsa, Ešnunna and Aššur 19. Around 1900, we witness the arising of series of kingdoms in NorthMesopotamia, with main centres such as Sippar, Kiš, dilbat, Marad, Damrum, etc. (CHARPIN 2001:
622). The group of people gaining more and more control are Amorites 20, who start to name
themselves ‘šarru’: king. Babylon was chosen as the capital of their actions and power. This can
be seen as a cultural period of ca. 412 years leading to numerous achievements, ruled by 11
kings (GASCHE 1998: overview chronology at the table in the back):
Sûmû-Abum
Sûmû-la-El
Sābium
Apil-Sîn
Sîn-muballiṭ
Ḥammurabi
Samsu-Iluna
Abi-Ešuh
Ammi-ditana
Ammi-ṣaduqa
Samsu-ditana
1798-1785
1784-1749
1748-1735
1734-1717
1716-1697
1696-1654
1653-1616
1615-1588
1587-1551
1550-1530
1529-1499
This period, ca. 200 years preceding the reign of Ḥammurabi, is regarded as the start of the
gradual preparation for the expansion of power (GODDEERIS 2002: 11). Due to several historical
and ecological aspects, which would lead us too far to mention, this region politically, socially
and economically differs from the North of Mesopotamia. In order to justify their supremacy, the
kings believed in a divine origin of their power. The need to invent new ways that would enable
them to administer their empire was urgent.
The highlight of the OB period is marked by the reign of King Ḥammurabi, who expanded the
Babylonian empire by conquering the neighboring kingdoms, such as the Elamites with the
capital Susa. This resulted in a vast empire at the end of his reign. He reorganized the social and
economic situation in Mesopotamia, which lead to the establishment of new laws, esp. laws
dealing with crimes against the state itself. This resulted in the famous ‘Codex Ḥammurabi’. A
strong centralization and maximum profit deriving from conquered territories are the
characteristics of his innovations. Many attestations and documents are created during his reign
and the reign of his son Samsu-Iluna. This makes us very well informed about a variety of
aspects of life in this period.
Already during the reign of Samsu-iluna, the territory controlled by the Babylonian monarchs
started to shrink and was more and more solely concentrated on North Babylonia. This king and
his successors tried hard to maintain the successful empire of Ḥammurabi, but in regard to the
reduced territory, that was basically a lost case. The last four kings of this dynasty reigned for a
long time, which can be an indication for stability in the kingdom (CHARPIN 2001: 622), even
though the signs of decline became more and more visible.
Describing the basics of the OB society and its structure would lead us too far. As this
dissertation focuses on the city of Sippar, some general lines of the Sipparian society will be
19
For an overview of the chronological time table (different from the Ghent chronology) see Joannès 2001:XXXXI.
20
The Amorites are in origin tribal people from the West, who may sometimes been nomadic. We do not know
if the Amorites were demographically important. People with Amorite names do not occur widely, even in the
royal correspondence of the period. They were politically important, perhaps because army generals tended to be
Amorites (SNELL 1997: 51).
15
explained in the following lines. A few basic insights into this structure are needed to enable
positioning slaves within the city.
The basic structure of the society in Sippar was made up of free born people, mārū awēlim, and
slaves (HARRIS 1997: 333). A third group, of which the exact position still cannot be defined, are
the muškēnu. The CAD defines them as ‘a commoner, person not liable for service’ (cf. CAD M2
sub muškēnu). We can probably situate the status of this person somewhere between free and
slave.
If we solely regard the slave population, we can find two big ‘groups’ of slaves. Firstly, we can
identify the ‘normal’ slaves, who we’ll define as people who have known freedom but ended up
in this social status, due to one of the reasons mentioned in the introduction. Secondly, there is
the group of (w)ilid bītim or houseborn slaves. However, this term is infrequently used in the
Sippar texts. Certainly, some of the slaves were born in the house of their masters and were
eventually adopted, more often than not by an aging nadītu. Perhaps the houseborn slave was
given preferential treatment and a greater measure of freedom, compared to other slaves
(HARRIS 1975: 339).
16
The slave in Mesopotamia is ‘a person
entirely devoid not only of property in
means of production, but also of the features
of a subject of any personal rights’
(DIAKONOFF 1974: 55).
II. SLAVE DOCUMENTS
Slaves played a certain role in the social and economic life in Sippar during the OB period.
However, grasping the extent of their role in society, defining their number and the exact tasks
they carried out, presents a challenge. Likewise, it is difficult to understand the full extent of the
distinction made by their owners between native and foreign servants and house born slaves on
the one hand, and people who ended up in slavery at some point in their life on the other.
The reason for the lack of information on this topic lays in the nature of the sources available
about this institution in Mesopotamia. In the study of the past human societies, there are two
possibilities to expand our knowledge about a phenomenon: via archaeology and via textual
study. When it comes to slavery, very few archaeological data, not to say none at all can be
directly linked to the existence of slaves. This may be either because the data simply were not
found during excavations or because the material was not interpreted as belonging to slaves.
Fortunately, numerous text documents dealing with slaves have been found. They appear in a
big range from Sumerian literature to letters, but the largest amount of slave references can be
found in texts of an administrative nature. Because of the large volume of the corpus, we decided
to focus on the last mentioned group of slave tablets. It was our purpose to deal with first line
information concerning slaves, and with the onomasticon in particular. This last group of tablets
forms the most suitable base for this subject of study, since the PN is usually not mentioned in
literature, nor in letters 21.
A schematic overview of groups of administrative texts is presented in the summary below. A list
with all slave documents from the city of Sippar that were used for this study can be found in the
supplement of this dissertation (supplement A). As the focus of this work lays on the slave
names, a full transcription and translation of these documents is not included in this
dissertation.
TYPE OF DOCUMENT
Adoption – manumission
Donation
Dowry
Exchange
Inheritance
NUMBER
7
20
5
1
52
21
Letters have an important role in e.g. the insight in the marked mechanism of slaves. In her study of the
appearance of slaves in letters, Leemans states that in letters AbB I 27 and 28, the names of slave merchants
come forward: the writer and the addressee, Awīl-Adad and the nadītu Bēlessunu. In their correspondence, they
raise questions about a number of different slave girls (LEEMANS 1969: 182). A very interesting letter AbB I 27 is
the note about a man living elsewhere, who brought five female slaves every year (lines 33 -35). This is an
attestation of the import of slaves into the city. Other topics where slaves are discussed in letters are the
treatment of slaves (AbB I 27), a discussion about the prices (AbB I 33), etc.
17
Hire
List of goods
Litigation
Purchase
Silver loan
Wedding
Other
Total number of tablets 175
13
4
16
38
5
3
11
A. INHERITANC E AND WILL DOC UMENTS
The largest number of tablets are inheritance tablets, in which a person received or was left with
estate (usually expressed in houses, fields, orchards and objects), from a predecessor or former
owner. Finding slaves in this sort of documents is not uncommon, since slaves are generally seen
as expensive. They are valuable objects that will not simply be left behind without any
destination when the owner passes away. While these documents provide us with a lot of
information about what was seen as precious goods and information on what kind of objects
usually, commonly appear in such documents, they don’t provide us with much information
about slave life. Slaves are mentioned as goods in a list; fortunately, though, the name of the
slave or slaves is always registered. This makes the tablets interesting for onomastic research.
A particularly interesting tablet is CT 2 23, in which one of the several slaves donated by a father
to his nadītu daughter, is said to have the profession of a ‘fuller’. In such inheritances, the owner
of the slave would probably hire out the special services of the slaves, as was also suggested by
Harris (HARRIS 1975: 336).
B. PURCHASE PAPERS AND SILVER LOANS
Slave sale documents typically carry a significant number of attestations. In slave sales
documents, one or more slaves are sold, sometimes together with other objects, e.g. oxes. The
slave sale documents have a highly standardized form, but starting as early as the reign of AbiEšuḥ, some changes in the documents can be noted (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 10). In certain cases,
silver was first borrowed from a third party in order to be able to purchase the slave.
Contrarily to the inheritances, these documents tell us much more about the slave life. First of
all, the price of a slave is mentioned. The prices of slaves fluctuated considerably. Price levels
reflect, among other factors, the available supply of slaves, which more or less correlated 22 with
an increased or decreased influx of war captives (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 17-19). Based on these
fetching prices, Harris concludes that, in contrast to real estate, slaves were a ‘speculative
investment’ (Harris 1975: 341). Meanwhile, if we look at a few studies dealing with the OB slave
price in Mesopotamia in general, we discover a more obvious pattern. Still, we have to
summarize the curve of Sippar as ‘sweeping’ (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 17). A major increase of prices
set in after the early years of Samsu-Iluna, until the highest level was reached during the reign of
22
An overview and an indept discussion of this topic can be found in the articles of Finkelstein. (FINKELSTEIN
1955:1-7; FINKELSTEIN 1962:73-96)
18
Abi-Ešuḥ (HARRIS 1975: 341). Thereafter, prices steadily dropped, reaching a very low level
during the reign of Ammi-Ṣaduqa.
Some standards formulas in the slave sale contract bring to light what examinations were made
on slaves before they were sold. In the tablet form from Abi-Ešuḥ onwards, a guaranty is given to
safeguard the purchaser against three eventualities: the teb’ītum (inquiry), bennum (epilepsy)
and paqāru (claim) (Mendelsohn 1949: 38). The content of these three phenomena is not yet
accepted by all researchers 23. An overview is given in the article of De Graef (De Graef 1999: 2022).
A third highly interesting aspect concerns a person selling slaves into the city. Do we have to see
this as a onetime occasion or does something such as a slave merchant exist? To be able to
answer this question, we have to collect all possible contracts dealing or mentioning slave trade,
in order to see if one single person is mentioned several times in business transactions in Sippar
and in other cities. Based on several slave contracts, Harris suggests there is only one family that
should be active in slave trade: Ikun-pī-Sîn, son of Sin-tajjār and his nadītu daughter Bēlessunu
(HARRIS 1975: 341). Even though it may lead to new insights, unfortunately, this topic is too
elaborate to be further explored in this dissertation.
The bennum-disease is generally accepted as a sort of epilepsy (cf. CAD B sub bennu). We find the word
in texts about the sale of slaves, in a letter, in medical texts and in ‘literary contexts: a myth, omina and
curses (STOL 1993: 5). Even though it recurs in the law code of Hammurabi (§ 279-281, cf. supplement
number), it is not explicitly mentioned in the slave sale contracts before Abi-Ešuḥ. A very early
representation can be found in tablet CT 8 43c, dating to the reign of king Hammurabi23. But the
formulation used in the tablet is slightly different from the later standard formula, in which an extra clause
is added as standard in the sale contract, where it functions as a warranty certificate:
TCL I 147
16. [(a-na)- ud.3.kam] ‘te’-ib-i-‘tum’
[for three days] for teb’ītum
17. [a-na itu.1.kam] ‘a’-na bi-e-en-ni
[for one month] for the bennumdisease
18. [a-na ba-aq]-ri-ša ki-‘ma ṣi-im-da-at’ [šarrim] in accordance with the royal
decree
19. [iz]-za-‘az’
he (the seller) is responsible.
It must be interpreted as a legal innovation, which can be linked with the simultaneous appearance of a
statement concerning the origin of the slave (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 11). In the standard formulation, a slave is
held for three days in order to do an ‘investigation’.
Teb’ītum23 < bu’ū (?): ‘to search, to investigate’. This suggests that the investigation is carried out on the
slaves’ antecedents for possible prior encumbrances (cf. CAD T sub teb’ītu). Based on this derivation, San
Nicolò interprets the word as ‘A time period in which the new owner of the slave has the right to ask a
penalty or break off the contract if he finds out the newly purchased slave shows ‘defects’. (SAN NICOLO
1974: 214). Wilcke remarks that the derivation, mentioned by San Nicolò and the CAD are not assured.
Although we conventionally read the word as ‘teb’ītum’, we cannot exclude the reading ‘tep’ītum’, since
both words have an unclear meaning. (WILCKE 1976: 259). In spite of a lot of research about this word, we
can only guess that it refers to a possible ‘defect’ of the slave by analogy with the mentioning of the
bennum-disease.
There is general unanimity to translate the word baqāru as ‘to claim’, in the way that one cannot lay a
claim on a slave that is about to be sold to a new household.
23
19
C. DONATION
The third largest group of tablets representing slaves in Sippar contains those in which a slave is
given, donated to a person or a household. In some cases, a slave is given as a present at the
celebration of a special event, e.g. when a girl gets installed at the priestly office as a qadištum
priestess (VS 8 69/70). In tablet CT 48 46, a slave is donated to a temple and probably dedicated
as a courtyard sweeper. We can remark that mainly female slaves are donated to people or
institutions. Too little material is available to generalize this conclusion for all the donation
contracts of the Old Babylonian period. Presumably, their task was to work as household worker
or to provide support of the family they belonged to.
Similar to the first group of discussed tablets, very few information is given here about the
slave’s life itself.
D. LITIGATION
In some cases, slaves were the object of a dispute between relatives or two men. Sometimes a
judge had to intervene in order to find a solution for the arguing parties, which resulted in
documents summarizing the trial. If we keep in mind the time span of the OB period, we find an
astonishing low number of disputes. Since the slaves themselves had no say in their own lot, this
type of tables gives more insights in the rights of the slave owners and the laws protecting the
merchant. Unfortunately, only rarely are the objects of discussion mentioned by name.
E. HIRE
The hiring of slaves is a phenomenon that took place during the entire Old-Babylonian period.
Slaves played a small role in the economy 24 of Sippar, but they did provide a significant source of
agricultural workers during the harvest season, according to the study of Harris (HARRIS 1975:
344). This results in a number of rent contracts containing the rent of slaves during the ‘month
of the harvest’, always written as ‘ud.buru14.šè 25’. Most of the documents discussed below belong
to this type of contract. In only 28% of the cases, the slave is hired for the period of one year or
several years. Slaves were hired to avoid the hard physical work of compulsory labour (Stol
1995b: 298). In some documents, exceptional tasks performed by slaves are mentioned. In tablet
CT 8 30a, for instance, a houseborn slave is indicated as a farm laborer while a house born slave
girl was trained as an ox-driver (sal.šà.gud). Other tasks slave girls could be hired for, are
household tasks (PBS 8/2 188), grinding barley for the tavern keeper (CT 33 32) and laying
bricks (YBC 4962).
24
Different aspects of the economic role of slavery are discussed by Mendelsohn. (MENDELSOHN 1948: 92-117).
U4.buru14.šè can also be written as EBUR or bu-ru. The meaning of EBUR = ebūru is harvest. (LANDSBERGER
1949a: 248).
25
20
The hire documents also offer a view on the slave price. The wages are expressed in an amount
of silver when the slaves are hired for a term that exceeds one year. If a slave is rented out for
one month, the wage is expressed in barely in the ban measurement of Šamaš. Fortunately, we
are able to express everything in terms of silver and thus compare the amount to the purchase
price of slaves. Only in one exceptional case, no name is mentioned for the slave that is hired out.
Some male slaves appear along free men in lists of hired workers. These workers might have
been employed on public projects, such as the maintenance and repairing of canals and quays
(VS 9 221). Harris remarks that all the people appearing in this list probable are slaves (Harris
1975: 344). We unfortunately cannot confirm this.
F. ADOPTION/MANUMISSION
Once a person had the slavery status, either because it was their birth status or because the
person ended up in slavery, the slave could be set free again only in rare circumstances. The only
ways for slaves to get manumitted was via adoption (HARRIS 1975: 347) or by being donated, e.g.
to the temple. Evidently, in the last mentioned case, we can ask how much their situation
differed from that of slavery. Because of the narrow division between manumission contracts
and adoption contracts, they will be discussed together.
An equal amount of male and female slaves are set free. In general, a lot of slaves were adopted
by presumably childless couples and by nadiātu. The freedom the adoptee receives is only a
conditional freedom, depending on his fulfilling certain obligations. Usually, the adoptee is
expected to support the nadītu in her old age. In return, at the death of the parent, complete
freedom is given and no relative can claim the adoptee. However, in contrast with a normal
adoption, the former slave never inherits property from the adoptive parent (HARRIS 1975: 347).
If a slave girl is adopted by a nadītu, she is married off (HARRIS 1975: 348).
The documents are of high importance for our onomastic study and for the case study of the
expression mu.ni.im.
G. DOWRY AND WEDDING CERTIF ICATES
In the OB period, too, marriages are formalized by a wedding and the draw up of a document
confirming the marriage. In this period, a woman would bring a dowry 26 from her father’s house
Different words are known to refer to the dowry. When a woman got married for the first time and took
her goods to the house of her husband, the dowry is called nudunnû (cf. CAD N2 sub nudunnû). The CH
refers to the same form of dowry with the word šeriktum. The CAD translates the word as ‘dowry settled
by a father on his daughter’ (cf. CAD Š3 sub širiktu). When the husband passes away, it could be called the
numātum, translated by the CAD as ‘furnishings’ (cf. CAD N2 sub numātu). The woman could make a loan
from her dowry, usually to her husband and his relatives (DALLEY 1979: 53). Yet another type of brideprice is known, indicated with the word terḥatum (translated only as ‘dowry’ by the CAD T sub terḥatu): a
refundable deposit, to ensure that the bridegroom doesn’t change his mind just before the wedding, when
a lot of expenses have already been made by the bride’s father (GREENGUS 1966: 58; DALLEY 1979: 55).
26
21
when she married. In case the marriage failed and she was not held responsible for it, she kept
her dowry for a subsequent marriage (cf. CH 171-179). When she passed away, the goods that
were part of the dowry were passed on to her sons or, in case she didn’t bare any sons, the
father’s family.
Under certain circumstances, especially when the girl involved had a wealthy background, the
content of the dowry was written down in a document. This shows the great range of
possessions that belonged to women. It shows us the interests and activities of woman (DALLEY
1979: 53). some cases, usually concerning wealthy nadītu priestess, slaves formed a part of the
dowry. In these cases, usually one or two slaves are mentioned. Tablet BM 16465 27 represents
the dowry of a fortunate nadītu who receives nine slaves as part of her dowry.
The information we gain in this type of tablets is comparable to the inheritance documents. They
provide us, in some cases, with numerous names – the most information we can gain at all. It is
impossible to gain any more information.
H. OTHERS
Two categories of tablets only deal with the appearance of slaves on rare occasions: lists of
goods and exchange documents. Beside the name of the slave, they don’t offer us much
information about slave life. About 11 documents cannot be categorized under the main subject
given in the overview. Also, on these tablets only little extra information mentioned about slaves
is mentioned.
27
Published by Dalley (1979: tablet10).
22
Name: ‘a word or set of words by which a
person or thing is known, addressed, or
referred to.’ (Oxford English dictionary)
III.
SLAVE NAMES UNRAVELED
A. SLAVES AND THEIR PERSONAL NAMES
The second major feature of the ritual enslavement involved changing the slave’s name
(PATTERSON 1982: 54). Names are only one of the numerous sources that might help us gain
information on people and the everyday life of ancient Mesopotamia, and in this particular case,
of the Sipparians. ‘A man’s name is, of course, more than simply a way of calling him. It is the
verbal signal of his whole identity, his being-in-the-world as a distinct person. It also established
and advertises his relation with kinsmen’ (PATTERSON 1982: 54). In virtually every slave society,
one of the first acts of the master was to change the name of his new slave. Any simplistic
explanation that name change was merely a result of the master’s need to find a more familiar
name should be disregarded. We can find the same tendency to change names in cases where
slaves come from the same society or language group as their masters (PATTERSON 1982: 55).
Changing a name is almost universally a symbolic act of stripping a person of his former identity.
The slave’s former name died with his former self (PATTERSON 1982: 55). If we observe the
names of the Old Babylonian slaves, the most eye catching element is the absence of the
patronymic in most of the references to slaves. ‘He had no genealogy, being a man without a
name’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 34). But far more can be observed and told about slave names.
Harris specifically studied slave names of Old Babylonian Sippar (1977). In an article on
foreigners in Sippar, which deals with military personnel and merchants besides slaves (1976),
she remarks that something like a slave name does exist. She states that most of the slave names
are Akkadian, in contrast to the free born population of Sippar. This leads her to the assumption
that a status difference influenced the selection of names and that Akkadian names where
preferred by foreigners (HARRIS 1976: 152). Very rare among slave names are Sumerian or
West-Semitic elements. One exception is a name appearing on tablet CT 6: 7a; Jamrussi-el
(HARRIS 1975: 350). Harris distinguishes male names, which are somewhat less typical, and
female names, which allow an easier distinction between free and slave.
Of the male names, 60% also appear as names of free persons. These can be popular free names,
as well as rare ones. Only 33% are typical slave names. The remaining 7% are non-Akkadian and
are Subarean, Hurrian or West-Semitic. Harris concludes that the reason for the overlap between
free and slave names might be that the slaves bearing these names were formerly free persons
who were enslaved because of their debt. She singles out the rare mentions that a slave is houseborn (wilid bīti), in which cases she supposes that the name – mostly a typical slave name – was
given by the owner 28. As to the slaves with foreign names, she supposes that when they were
bought as adults, their names were not changed (HARRIS 1977: 48), whereas infants received new
names (HARRIS 1977: 49).
The names of slave women show a very different pattern. Only 10% are also common among
free women, the others are typical slave names. Only a very small group bears foreign names,
This is now illustrated by Stol, citing a ‘birth certificate’ for the daughter of a slave, the baby’s name is:
Amat-eššešim «Slave-girl of the (monthly) festival eššešum» STOL 1991, 209)
28
23
again mostly Subarean and Hurrian. Harris sees no evidence of slaves changing their name when
manumitted (HARRIS 1977: 51).
Stol is less optimistic when it comes to the difference between slave and non-slave names, and
the evidence for name change. In his study on Old Babylonian personal names he identifies some
female names which are typical for slave women, but then states that others can be used by both
free and slave women (1991: 208). He adds some interesting information: “The Nippurian
woman Niši-īnišu bought a slave-girl and re-named her Amat-ilija «Slave-girl of my god» - the
god of the mistress of course.” (1991: 209). A very clear indication that slaves, when bought,
were, or at least could be, renamed (STOL 2004:710).
If we narrow down our field of search to the slave names of Sippar and compare them with
names of free people, can we indicate a difference between them? Do male and female slave
names really have different patterns? Are the names mostly Akkadian? What is the percentage of
the foreign names and what is their root? To answer this question, the slave names of OB Sippar
were divided into a list of male and female slave names. They were grammatically analyzed in
order to define their language. All names were checked with the Sippar database to discover
how frequently they appeared among the population of Sippar. At the moment of research, the
database, updated on the 5th of April 2010, contained 54 425 names.
A. MALE SLAVE NAMES
1.
Abum-Bāni
(a-bu-um-ba-ni)
CT 8 29b, CT 45 6, CT 48 30, CT 48 59
‘The father is good/beautiful (STAMM 1968: 294). Abum: father (cf. CAD A1 sub Abu). The
second part of the name, bāni, is derived from banû: Sta. C. gen. sg: ‘good, beautiful’ of
persons or animals. Therefore, the translation made by Stamm is more accurate.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4 – slaves: 2
Among the people given this name, one person probably is a manumitted slave (CT 8 29b). On the unpublished
tablet BM 80561, abum-bāni is indicated as the son of Ereš-Sîn.
2. Abum-ilum (a-bu-um-dingir)
SFS 112
‘The father is god’, (STAMM 1968: 297). For abum: cf. supra. Ilum: god (cf. CAD I/J sub ilu).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
3. Adad-mālik (diškur-ma-lik)
CT 47 30/a
‘Adad is my advisor’ . Mālik < māliku, used in order to indicate a god as an advisor. The word
can only be used in the context of a god and never refers to human beings (STAMM 1968: 216;
CAD M1 sub māliku).
Adad-Malik: Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
4. Aḥam-arši (a-ḥa-am-ar-ši)
CT 45 27
‘I got a brother’ (STAMM 1968: 128). Aḥam < aḥu: acc. Sg. Arši: [a-R-Š-i-ˀ]: 1 c. sg. praet. G <
râšu: to acquire, to get. Levy recognizes in this type of name West-Semitic influence (LEVY ZA
38: 246).
Language: Akkadian/ West-Semitic– attestations: 58 – slaves: 1
5. Aḥam-nirši (a-ḥa-am-nir-ši)
CT 2 23
‘We got a brother’ (STAMM 1968: 130). Aḥam: cf. supra. Nirši: [ni-R-Š-i-ˀ] : 1 c. pl. praet. G <
râšu. This name is not included in the list given by Levy (cf. supra).
Language: Akkadian/West-Semitic(?) – attestations: 78 – slaves: 1
In four cases, this name indicates the scribe while on tablet OLA 21 82, the sanga priest wears this name.
24
6. Aḥi-libluṭ (a-ḥi-li-ib-lu-uṭ)
CT 6 7a
‘May the brother live (may the brother be healthy)’. Aḥa < aḥu: m. sg. Stat. C. acc., Libluṭ <
balāṭu: 3 f. sg. prec. G.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
7. Aḥi-umma-[…] (a-ḥi-um-ma-…)
CT 48 62
‘My brother…’. Aḥi < aḥu: brother + pron. suff. 1 sg. c. Umma can be a reference to ummu:
mother; a popular aspect in names (STAMM 1968: 53, 83, etc.). Based on a comparison with
other Sipparian names, it can even refer to name particles, such as: ummatum (Edzard, TeD
99), ummati (unpublished doc.), ummani (CT 45 89), etc. No male slave name is found with a
similar name among the slave population of Sippar.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
8. Aḥum-kīnum (a-ḥu-um-ki-nu-um)
CT 8 49a
‘True/reliable brother’, (STAMM 1968: 295). Kīnum: ‘true, reliable, just’ (cf. CAD K sub kīnu 1).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 10 – slaves: 1
9. Aḥuni (a-ḥu-ni)
CT 48 63
‘Our brother’ (hypocoristic). Aḥūni < aḥu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 pl. This name and it’s female
counterpart (cf. aḥātani) is a popular nickname (STAMM 1968: 244) and is for sure not
exclusively used to name slaves. Gelb suggests it’s languages lays in Nuzi (GELB ET.AL 1943:
11). Ranke derives the name from the Armaic ‫אחוני‬, suggesting a West-Semitic roots. (RANKE
1905: 63) The slave wearing this name on tablet CT 48 63, is indicated as being from the
other bank of IŠ BE NI.
Language: Akkadian/Nuzi/West-Semitic – attestations: 58 – slaves: 1
Free people wearing this name are often prominent persons: sukkal (BM 23146), aga.uš (CT 6 15-16) and a chief
shepherd (VS 9 107)
10. Akbu-dada (ak-bu-da-da)
CT 2 23
According to Stamm, this name is unexplainable (STAMM 1968: 56). Dadâ might be a
reference to a plant (cf. CAD D sub dada). This name is probably of foreign language.
Language: Foreign, unable to specify – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
11. Ammu-Pi (am-mu-PI)
CT 48 60
‘The uncle (of fathers side) is Pī / speaks(?). Amorite name comosed of two elements.
ˁAmmu: uncle of fathers side (STRECK 2000: 152). Gröndahl, interprets it as an old theophoric
element in personal names (GRÖNDAHL 1967: 109). The second element ‘pī’ is the status
constructus of Akkadian and Amorite ‘pû’: mouth, speech (STRECK 2000: 321).
Language: Amorite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
12. Āmur-gimilla-Šamaš (a-mur-gi-mi-la-dutu)
Edzard, TeD 31
‘I saw the mercy of Šamaš’. Āmur: [a-‘-M-u-R]: 1 c. sg. praet. G amāru: to see. Gimilla <
gimillum: acc. sg. Stamm translates ‘an act of kindness’ (STAMM 1968: 168).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
13. Ana-Šamaš-taklāku (a-na-dutu-ták-la-ku) CT 8 16a, CT 45 27, CT 45 29, SFS 98/112, VS 9 92
‘I trust Šamaš’, (STAMM 1968: 196). Taklāku: 1 c. sg. stat. G. < takālu: to trust.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 56 – slaves: 8
Tablet MHET 132 mentions a female slave with this name.
14. Ana-pî-Šamaš-nadi (a-na-pi-dutu-na-di)
CT 47 63
‘He is placed at the command of Šamaš’. Nadi < nadû: to place, lay down (cf. CAD N1 sub
nadû).
25
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
15. Asīrum (a-si-rum)
CT 2 23
‘Captive, prisoner of war’ (cf. CAD A3 sub Asīrum). According to Stamm, this name has an
unclear meaning (STAMM 1968: 251).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 10 – slaves: 1
16. Atta-ilumma (at-ta-dingir-ma)
‘You are God’ (STAMM 1968: 100, 129-130).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
17. Awīl-ilī (a-wi-il-ì-lí)
‘Man of the gods’ (STAMM 1968: 76). Awīl< awīlu, Sta. C. sg. Ilī < ilu: gen. pl.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 122 – slaves: 1
18.
OLA 21 95/96
CT 2 23
Bēli-abi (be-lì-a-bi)
SFS 98sq
‘My master is my father’. Bēli < bēlum: Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. : father. Abi < Abum: Sta. C +
pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 39 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished)
This name appears frequently during the reign of Ḥammurabi.
19. Bēli-Ḕpiri (be-lí-e-pí-ri)
BE 6/1 62
‘My master is my provider’. Bēli: cf. supra. Ḕpiri < ēperu: Sta. C. = pron. Suff 1 c. sg : provider,
feeder (cf. CAD E sub ēpiru).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
20.
Damiq-Marduk (da-mi-iq-damar.utu)
BDHP 46
‘Marduk is good’. Damiq < damāqu: 3 m. sg. stat. G. Translated by Ranke as ‘friendly’ (1905:
78).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 13 – slaves: 1
Based on the patronymic, there are at least three different free people with this name.
21. Dingir-kirû-lu (dingir-ki-ru-lú) (reading uncertain)
VS 8 4/5
‘The god of the man of the orchard(?)’. Dingir = ilu: god. Kirû: a plantation, orchard and the
sign lú can indicate the occupation. This name is not mentioned in publications concerning
the onomasticon. Therefore it is possible this name contains a foreign element.
Language: Akkadian (?) – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
22.
Ebabbar-lūmur (é.bábbar-lu-mu-ur)
CT 8 29c
‘May I see the Ebabbar’. Ebabbar: temple of Šamaš in Sippar (and Larsa). Lūmur < amāru: 1 c.
sg. Prec. G.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 26 – slaves: 1
The same free person is mentioned at least 7 times renting out workers. There are at least 5 different people
with this name.
23. Egigie (e.gi.gi.e)
SFS 98sq
No discussion of this name is to be found. According to Harris, this name is of Hurrite
language (HARRIS 1972: 47), but the name is not found in any works discussing Hurrrite
names.
Language: unknown– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
24. Elala (e-la-la)
CT 2 23
26
‘Elali’, a male deity. A name consisting of a god’s name only is possible but very rare (STAMM
1968: 117).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished)
25. Etellum (e-te-lum)
‘Lord, pre-eminent’ (cf. CAD E sub Etellu).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
26.
Gallûm/Galûm
27.
Hadî-Amir-Šamaš
CT 2 23
(gál-um)
TJDB 10-13
Gallûm: ‘A demon’ (cf. CAD G sub Gâllu), galûm: a deportee (cf. CAD G sub galû).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
(ḥa-di-a-mi-ir- dutu)
CT 47 52
‘It is pleasing to see Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 185 241). Ḥadî < Ḥadû: joy. Amir: 3 m. sg. Stat. G
amāru: to see.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1
28. Haliwum (ha-li-wu-um)
CT 2 23
‘Ḥali’ might refer to a Kassite name part, linked to the god Gula (Gelb et al 1943: 213). No
information is available for the name part –wum. It is likely that this name refers to another ,
but no information was found about it. Ḥali is evenso a popular name component in Amorite
names (Gelb 1980: 584), but the name Ḥaliwum is not attested.
Language: Kassite/Amorite (?)– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
29. Hazib-Šušu (ḥa-zi-ib-šu-šu)
CT 45 27
Ḥazib is probably a Hurrite name part, derived from the root ‘ḥaz’ (Gelb et al 1943: 215).
The second element of the name, Šušu might be derived from the Hurrite ‘šuš’ (Gelb et al
1943: 260), with a suffix ‘-u’ (Gelb et all 1943: 270).
Language: Hurrite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
30. Ḥabil-kīnum (ḥa-bi-il-ki-nu-um)
CT 2 23, CT 45 6
‘The just one is oppressed’ (STAMM 1968: 296). Ḥabil < ḥabālu: 3 m. sg. stat. G: to to ravage, to
take away (cf. CAD Ḥ sub ḥabālu; STAMM 1968: 296). Kīnum: honest, loyal, righteous (cf. CAD
K sub kīnu). The name also appears as Kīnum-Ḥabil (RANKE 1905: 85).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 42 – slaves: 2
31.
Ibnu-Marduk (ib-ni-dAmar.utu)
‘Marduk has created’
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 170 – slaves: 2
A wide variety of professions appear among the people wearing this name.
MHET 616
32. Iddin-Adad (i-din- diškur)
CT 48 24, BDHP 63
‘Adad has given’. Iddin [i-N-D-i-N]: 3 m. sg. praet. G : to give (cf. CAD D sub nadānu; STAMM
1968: 36).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 37 – slaves: 1
33. Ili-āb/pili (dingir-a-bi-ì-lí)
CT 8 48a
‘My god has satisfied my demand’, read by Stamm as Ili- āpili. Ili < ilu + pron. suff. 1 com. Āpili
can be derived from the verb apālu or wabālu according to Stamm (STAMM 1968: 213 -214). I
will not go deeper into this discussion in my dissertation.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1
27
34. Ili-adi-māti/Ili-admāti (ì-lí-ad-ma-ti)
‘How long my god’. Admāti = adi-māti: ‘how long’, (RANKE 1905: 220).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
BE 6/2 80
35. Ili-aṣiri/aziri (ì-lí-a-ṣí-ri)
VS
9
221
‘My god is my helper’. Aṣiri or aziri is a common East-Canaanite name. The second part of the
name is derived from the Hebrew root ‫( עזר‬STAMM 1968: 215). In the OB period, the verb
ḥazāru is a loanword, derived from the same root.
Language: Akkadian/Canaanite - attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
We deal with only two persons: one slave and one free person, indicated as the father of Taribu.
36. Ili-bānî (ì-lí-ba-ni)
‘My god is my creator’. Bānî < bānû: Sta. C. sg. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 75 – slaves: 2
CT 2 23, SFS 98sq
38. Ili-išmeanni (ì-lí-iš-me-an-ni)
‘My god has heard me’. Išmeanni < išme < šemû: 3 m. sg. praet. G.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 35 – slaves: 1
CT 45 27
37. Ili-haṣiri (ì-lí-ha-ṣí-ri)
cf. Ili-aṣiri/aziri.
Language: Akkadian/Canaanite– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
39. Ili-matar (ì-lí-ma-ta-ar)
‘My god is overwhelming’. Matar < watāru.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
MHET 248
CT 8 42
40. Ili-rimeanni (ì-lí-ri-me-an-ni)
CT 8 12c, CT 8 15c
‘My god, have mercy on me’ (STAMM 1968: 167, RANKE 1905: 102). Rimeanni < rêmu to take
pity.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
41. Ili-Tillati (ì-lí-tillat-ti)
BDHP 37
‘My god is my help’. Tillati < tillatu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg. Ranke and Thureau-Dangin
equalize tillati (TIL.LA-ti) with balāṭi (RANKE 1905:249; THUREAU-DANGIN 1936: 176). Stamm
refutes this assertion. (STAMM 1968: 212).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1
42. Ili-Tukulti (ì-lí-tukul-ti)
VS 8 52/53
‘My god is my my support’. Tukulti < tukultu: help, support, trust (cf. CAD T sub tukultu) +
suff 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 15 – slaves: 1
The person having this name is in five occasions the scribe.
43. Ili-ummati (ì-lí-um-ma-ti)
BE 6/2 80
‘My god is my family’ (STAMM 1968: 299). Ummati < ummatu: descents + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
44. Ilum-ḥabil (dingir-ḥa-bi-il)
CT 48 65
‘The god is wronged’ (STAMM 1968 : 297). Ilum: god (cf. CAD I/J sub ilu). Ḥabil < ḥabālu: 3 m.
sg. stat. G: to wrong (cf. CAD Ḥ sub ḥabālu; STAMM 1968: 296).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 11 – slaves: 1
28
45. Ilum-šārikum (dingir-ša-ri-ku-um)
‘The god is a bestower. Šārikum < šarāku ptc. G. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
CT 48 24
46. Ina-qāti-Šamaš (i-na-qá-ti-dutu)
BE 6/1 18
‘In the hand of Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 313). Qāti < qātu: stat. C. m. sg. + pron. suff. 1 sg. c.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1
47. Iplatassu (ip-la-ta-sú)
No discussion of this name is to be found.
Language: unknown– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
OLA 21 90
48. Išpi-teššup (iš-pí-te-eš-šu-ub)
VS 9 219
Teššup is a Hurrian god. The first part of the name is possibly also Hurrian, but no root
evidence was found.
Language: Hurrite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
49. Iṣrupanni (iṣ-ru-pa-ni)
TCL I 89
‘He has purified me’ (STAMM 1968: 314). The name is hard to explain according to Stamm. He
does not mention from which word and how he derived the translation of this name. It might
be linked with the verb ṣarāpu : to refine metals by burning.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1
50. Iṣu-mada (i-ṣú-ma-da)
‘The little means a lot (to me)’ (STAMM 1968: 314).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
51. Itti-Šamaš-temî (it-ti-dutu-te-mi)
‘Before Šamaš, I swore’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves:
52.
CT 2 23
CT 45 27
Jadurim (ia-du-ri-im)
CT 47 53
This name appears in a list of Ugaritic names. According to Gröndahl, the root from which
the name is derived is: ˁDR, to help (GRÖNDAHL 1967: 107). According to Huffmon it is of
Amorite language and he analyses it as G imp. of a not mentioned root, refering the Hebrew
and Arabic derivations and examples, such as: ya-du-ra-an, Ya-du-ur-AN, Ya-du-ri-im and Yadu-ur-na-si (HUFFMON 1965: 193).
Language: Amorite - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
53. Jašub-ilum (ia-šu-ub-dingir)
CT 2 23
Amorite name, attested by Gelb and build up around the elements ‘ja+šwub+ˀil’ ( GELB 1980:
name 3508). No translation is mentioned.
Language: Amorite– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
54.
Kalkal-muballiṭ (dkal.kal-mu-ba-lí-iṭ)
‘Kalkal quickens’ (RANKE 1905: 115). Muballiṭ < balāṭu: ptc D. ‘to live’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
55. Kalūmum (ka-lu-mu-um)
‘Lamb’ (STAMM 1968: 253, cf. CAD L sub kalūmu).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 67 – slaves: 1
CT 8 48a
BE 6/1 28
29
56. Kanišu (ka-ni-šu)
TCL I 89
‘Man from Kaniš’, based on the translation of the female name kanišitum: ‘woman from
Kaniš’ (STAMM 1968: 268).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
57. Karṣum (ka-ar-ṣum)
‘Slander’ (cf. CAD K sub karṣu).
Language: unknown - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
58. Kubbulum (ku-bu-lum)
‘Crippled’ (cf. CAD K sub kubullu).
Language: unknown - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
59.
Lamma-muballiṭ (dkal.kal-mu-ba-lí-iṭ)
‘Lamma quickens’. Muballiṭ < balāṭu: sg. ptc. D
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 45 79
CT 45 79
CT 8 48a
60. Lūmur-Gimil-Šamaš (lu-mur-gi-mil-dutu)
TCL I 89, TCL I 98/99
‘May I see the blessing of Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 168). Lūmur: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 2
61. Lū-šalim-bāšti (lu-ša-lim-ba-aš-ti)
TCL I 89
‘May my protective spirit be well’ (STAMM 1968: 311). Lu-šalim < šalāmu: 3 m. sg. Stat. g : ‘to
become healthy, intact’ (cf. CAD Š1 sub šalāmu). Bāšti: Sta. C. sg. bāštu: ‘deity, angel, of
protective force in PN’s’ + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
62. Luštamar (lu-uš-ta-mar)
SFS 98sq
‘I will praise’ (STAMM 1968: 203). Luštammar: < šamāru: 3 m. sg. Stat. Gt: to prais (a god) in
the context of a PN (cf. CAD Š2 sub šamāru).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 34 – slaves: 1
63.
Manni-ālišu (ma-ni-a-lí-šu)
‘Is his city’. Manni < mannu(?): who in PN’s. Ališu: Sta.C. ālu: the city.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 2 23
64. Mannum-balum-Šamaš (ma-nu-um-ba-lu-dutu)
CT 45 105
‘ Who can be without Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 238). Mannu: cf. supra. Balum: without.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 18 – slaves: 1
65. Mār-erṣētim (dumu-er-ṣi-tim)
CT 47 61/a, BA 5 11
‘Son of the underworld’ (STAMM 1968: 304) or ‘Son of the earth’ (RANKE 1905: 122). Mār <
māru: Stat. C.. Erṣētim <: erṣetum can be translated as the netherworld and earth/land (cf.
CAD E sub erṣetu). Erṣetum can also mean territory.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 107 – slaves: 2
Numerous people have this name during the Old-Babylonian period and only a few of them are slaves.
66. Mār-Ištar (dumu-iš8-tár)
‘Son of Ištar’ (RANKE 1905: 122). Mār: m. sg. Sta. C. māru: son.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 30 – slaves: 2
67. Mār-Sippar (dumu.ud.kib.nun.ki)
BAP 97
CT 45 6
30
‘Son of Sippar’. Mār: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 16 – slaves: 1
68. Marduk-abi-ilī (damar.utu-a-bi-ì-lí)
‘Marduk, the father of the Gods’. Abi: Sta. C. abu. Ilī: pl. ilu: god.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
MHET 616
VS 13 32
69. Marduk-āpili (damar.utu-a-pí-li)
‘Marduk is the one who satisfies my demand’ . According to Stamm, Apili has the meaning of
the verb apālu (STAMM 1968: 213), philologically explained as 1 s. c. praet. G.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
70. Mutam-rāmā (mu-ut-ra-ma)
CT 2 23
‘They Love the husband’ (STAMM 1968: 58). Mutam < mutu: husband, acc. sg. Rāmā: < râmu:
G imp. f. pl.: ‘to love’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
71. Mutum (mu-tum)
‘Husband’ (cf. CAD M2 sub mutu).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
72.
Nabium-naṣir (dna-bi-um-na-ṣi-ir)
‘Nabû is the protector’. Naṣir < naṣāru: 3 m. sg. Stat. G. : ‘to gard, protect’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 38 – slaves: 1
MHET 570
CT 45 58
73. Nanā-ibnīšu (dna.na-ib-ni-šu)
OLA 21 39
Nanā has created him’ (RANKE 1905: 230). Nanā: A goddess worshiped at Uruk along with
Innin = Ištar (GELB ET AL 1943: 310). Theophoric name element which appears in many
West-Semitic names (COOGAN 1976: 20-21). Ibnišu < banû: 3 m. sg. praet. G: to build, create
(cf. CAD B sub banû) + pron. suff. 3 m. sg.
Language: Akkadian/West-Semitic - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
74. Nūr-išhara (nu-úr-diš-ha-ra)
‘The light of Išara’. Nūr < nūru: Sta. C. m. sg.: light.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 14 – slaves: 1
The sanga priest in an unpublished tablet, Di 123b, has this name
75.
Rē’ûm-ilum (sipa.dingir)
76.
Sāniq-qabê-Šamaš
‘The god is the shepherd’. Rē’ûm: shepherd, herdsman (cf. CAD R sub rē’ûm).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
MHET 570
CT 8 16a
(sà-ni-iq-qa-be-e- dutu)
CT 8 34b, MHET 117
‘The order of Šamaš settles the case’ (STAMM 1968: 233). Cf. supra. sanāqum
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished)
77. Sîn-ereš (dEN.ZU-apin)
CT 45 27
‘He desires Sin’. Apin = epinnu: ‘so plow’. This name is not documented in studies dealing
with OB onomasticon.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
78. Sîn-mašmaš (dEN.ZU-dmaš.maš)
No discussion of this name is to be found.
CT 47 63
31
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
CT 45 44
79. Sîn-mate (dEN.ZU-ma-te-e)
‘Sîn, when?’. Mate < mati : when.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
80. Sîn-napšeram (dEN.ZU-na-ap-še-ra-am)
CT 8 16a, MHET 106
‘Sîn reconciled me’(STAMM 1968: 168), Napšeram < napšuru < pašāru: acc. inf. N + vent. (=
dat. Suff. 1 c. sg.): ‘appeasement, forgiveness’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 10 – slaves: 2
81. Sîn-naṣir (dEN.ZU-na-ṣir)
‘Sîn is the protector. Naṣir: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 228 – slaves: 2
SFS 98sq, SFS 112
Numerous people listening to this name are scriba.
82. Sîn-puṭram (den.zu-pu-uṭ-ra-am)
Dalley 1979 16
‘Deliver me, Sîn’ (STAMM 1968: 169). Puṭram < paṭaru: sg. imp. G + vent.: ‘to Loosen/deliver’,
(RANKE 1905: 243).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
BE 6/1 116
83. Šalli-lūmur (ša-al-li-lu-mu-ur)
‘May I see my captive’. Šalli < šallu : m. sg. Sta. C. : captive+ pron. Suff. 1 c. sg. Lūmur < amāru :
1 c. sg. prec.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 6 – slaves: 1
84. Šamaš-Gimlanni (d utu-gim-la-an-ni)
CT 47 30/a
‘Šamaš, grant me grace’ (STAMM 1968: 168). Gimlanni < gamālu: ‘to do a favour, to grant
grace’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 10 – slaves: 1
We deal with at least three different free people.
85. Šamaš-ḥāzir (dutu-ha-zi-ir)
CT 45 112, MHET 234
‘Šamaš is (my) helper’. Ḥāzir: < ḥāzirum: Sta. C.: helper (cf. CAD Ḥ sub ḥāziru).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 54 – slaves: 2
86. Šamaš-muballiṭ (dutu-mu-ba-li-iṭ)
112
‘Šamaš, may I live as the quickener’. Cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 51 – slaves: 2
87. Šamaš-mutapli (dutu-mu-tap-li)
‘Šamaš is the....’. Mutapli < apālu (?): m. sg. ptc. Gt
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 4 – slaves: 1
SFS
98sq,
SFS
CT 45 6
VS 9 144/145, TJDB 10-13
88. Šamaš-nahrari (dutu- na-aḥ-ra-ri)
‘Šamaš is my help’ (STAMM 1968: 212). A more common variant of the last part of the name is
Šamaš-nērāri. Nē’rāri < nē’rāru: aid, help (cf. CAD N sub nē’rāru).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 2
CT 8 42b, SFS 112sq
89. Šamaš-napšēram ( dutu- ú-ṣa-ab)
‘Šamaš, reconcile yourself to me’ (STAMM 1968: 168) or ‘Oh Šamaš, be kind again!’ (RANKE
1905:146). Napšēram < pašāru: cf. supra. ‘to release, to free, to reconcile’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished)
32
CT 6 28a
90. Šamaš-tappê (dutu-tab.ba.e)
‘Šamaš is my friend’. Tappê < tappû: compannion, friend, esp. a god as friend of a human in
PN’s. (cf. CAD T sub tappû).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 55 – slaves: 1
91. Šamaš-tukulti (dutu-tu-ku-ul-ti)
BE 6/1 17
Šamaš is my support’. Tukulti < tukultu: help, support, trust (cf. CAD T sub tukultu) + suff 1
sg. c.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 1
92. Šamaš-uṣranni (dutu-uṣ-ra-an-ni)
‘Šamaš, protect me’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 28 – slaves: 2
TCL I 97, TCL I 98
VS 13 34
93. Šamaš-wēdam-uṣur (dutu-we-dam-ú-ṣur)
‘’Šamaš, protects the abandoned’(STAMM 1968: 180). Wēdam < wēdum: acc. : ‘single, solitary,
abandoned’. Uṣur < uṣṣuru: 3 m. sg. praet. G: ‘to protect’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 14 – slaves: 1
94. Šarrum-Adad (šar-rum- diškur)
‘The king is Adad’. Šarrum: king (cf. CAD Š2 sub šarru).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 81 – slaves: 1
CT 47 30/a
CT 48 64
95. Ša-Šamaš-damqā (ša- dutu-dam-qá)
‘(The works) of Šamaš are beautiful/good’, translated via the name Ša-Nabû-damqā (STAMM
1968: 236). Ša is translated by Ranke as: ‘belonging to’ (1905: 245).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
The non-slave tablets deal with the same person. We have one free person/former slave(?) and one slave.
96. Šīma-aḥāti (ši-ma-a-ḥa-ti)
‘She is my sister’ (STAMM 1968: 304). Aḥāti cf. aḥātani.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
CT 47 30/a
MHET 460
97. Šūzub-Šamaš-ra[..] (šu-zu-ub-dutu-ra-…)
‘Save oh Šamaš, …’. Šūzub < šūzubu: 2 m. sg. imp. G: ‘to save, to rescue’ (STAMM 1968: 170).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
BE 6/1 28
98. Ṣaphū-liphur (ṣa-ap-hu-li-ip-hur)
‘May the scattered be assembled’. Ṣaphū < ṣappuḥu: m. pl. verb. Adj. G : ‘te sqeeze out,
the scatter’. Liphur < paḥāru: 3 m. sg. prec. G.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
99. Ṣilli-Agade (ṣí-lí-a-ga-de)
CT 45 27
‘The protection of Agade’. Ṣilli < ṣillu: ‘shade, shadow, protection’ (cf. CAD Ṣ sub šillu).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
100. Ṣilli-irra (ṣí-lí-ìr-ra)
‘The protection of Irra’. Ṣilli: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
101.
Taklāku-ana-Marduk (tak-la-ku-a-na- damar.utu)
‘ I trust in Marduk’ (STAMM 1968: 317).
BAP 107
BE 6/1 116
33
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 12 – slaves: 1
102. Tarībum (ta-ri-bu-um)
TCL I 89, TCL I 98/99
‘Replacement’ (cf. CAD T sub tarību). This name is interpreted by Stamm as theophoric
(STAMM 1968: 301), based on the appearance of the noun rību: ‘surrogate, replacement’
(STAMM 1968: 259).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 290 – slaves: 2
103. Tešhum (te-eš-hu-um)
CT 8 16a, MHET 106
Probably we can interpret this name as tēšû: ‘confusion, chaos’ (cf. CAD T sub tēšû). It is
evenso a Hurritic name element.
Language: Hurritic - attestations: 2 – slaves: 2
104.
Ubār-Sugal (u-bar-dsu.ga.al)
CT 45 27
‘Protegee of Sugal’. Ubār can be interpreted in several ways. Stamm gives an overview in his
work. According to Meissners and David, this means ‘guest, foreigner or stranger’, derived for
ubārum. Stamm suggest to link this words to the Hebrew ‫ גר‬, leading to his translations as
‘protegee of…’ (STAMM 1968: 264).
Language: Akkadian/West-Semitic – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
105. Uqâ-ilum (ú-qa-i-lu)
‘I wait for the god’. Uqâ < qu’’û: 1 c. m. sg. praes. G: ‘to wait’. Ilu: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
106. Uṣur-bītam (ú-ṣur-é)
‘He protects the house’. Uṣur: cf. supra. Bītam < Bītum: acc. sg.: house.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
107. Uṣur-Malik (ú-ṣur-dma-lik)
‘Malik protects’. cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
108.
MHET 460
TJDB 10-13
CT 45 27
Waqar-abum (wa-qar-a-bu-um)
CT 8 45a
‘The father is precious’, (cf. Abum-waqar, RANKE 1905: 174). Hypocoristic name. Waqar <
waqāru: ‘to become precious’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
109. Warad-bunene (ìr-dbu-ne-ne)
‘Servant of Bunene’. Warad< wardu: m. sg. Sta. C.: servant, slave.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 19 – slaves: 1
One person is indicated as scribe (unpublished tablet)
110. Warad-Eru (ìr-EDIN)
‘Servant of Eru(?)/ the steppe’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
111. Warad-Ninsiana (ìr-dnin.si4.an.na)
‘Servant of Ninsiana’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
112. Watār-pî-Šamaš (wa-ta-ar-pi4-dutu)
‘Overwhelming is the word of Šamaš’. Watār < watāru: Sta. Abs.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 6 29
TCL I 89/99
CT 45 27
SFS 98sq
34
113. Wēdum (we-du-um)
‘Alone’, cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
114. Wēdum-ilišu (we-du-um-ì-lí-šu)
‘The loner of his god . Cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
115.
SFS 98sq
SFS 118
Zikir-pî-Šamaš (zi-kir-pi4-dutu)
SFS 118
‘Utterance of the mouth of Šamaš’. Zikir < zikaru, m. sg. Sta. C. Translation also based on the
name ‘Zikir-ilišu’ (STAMM 1968: 257).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
116. Zimru-ḥaraḥ (zi-im-ru-ḥa-ra-aḥ)
CT 47 30/a
Zimru’, derived from the rood ‘dimr’ < ‘ ‘mm’: ‘to be true’ (Gelb 1980: 263). Ḥaraḥ goes back
to the Ammorite root ˀaraḥ. Not translation was given.
Language: Amorite - attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
B. FEMALE SLAVE NAMES
1.
2.
3.
4.
Abi-dūri
(a-bi-bád)
SFS 98sq, SFS 118
‘My father is my wall’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Abi < abu: father, m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Dūri < dūru: wall, rampart: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 2 (on attestation unclear whether we deal with a
slave).
Abi-Lamassi (a-bi-la-ma-[sí])
CT 45 79
‘May my father be my protective spirit’. Abi: supra. Lamassi is a female protective spirit,
representing and protecting the good fortune, spiritual health and physical appearance (cf.
CAD L sub Lamassu). Lamassi < Lamassu + pron. suff. 1 sg. Stamm translates this name as:
‘my angel’ (1968: 244). The female name Lamassi or its appearance as part of a name is
widespread during the OB period. (STAMM 1968: 243).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
Abi-libura (a-bi-li-bu-ra-am)
CT 45 27, CT 47 54 , CT 47 78
‘May my father watch over me’ (STAMM 1968: 310). Abi < abum: father. Libura(m) < baru 3
m. sg. prec. G
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 10 – slaves: 4 (one unpublished)
Abi-maraṣ (a-bi-ma-ra-aṣ)
CT 47 67
‘My father is oppressive’. Maraṣ < m. sg. Stat. of marṣu : ‘become difficult, oppressive,
unpleasant’ (cf. CAD M2 sub marāṣu). Meaning based on the translations with the element
maraṣ by Stamm (STAMM 1968: 164,166).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 64 – slaves: 1 (one unpublished)
The name appears as a male name in the database, except for this one female. Most of the 64 references refer to
two persons: the father of Illuratum and Illurat.
35
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Adad-dumqi (diškur-du-um-qi)
CT 47 65, BAP 7
‘Adad be gracious to me’ (RANKE 1905: 226) or ‘Adad be my blessing’ (STAMM 1968: 212)
Dumqi < damāqu: to become good (cf. CAD D sub damāqu), translated as ‘my
grace/gracious’ by Ranke (1905: 226).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2
Adad-liburam (diškur-li-bu-ra-am)
‘May Adad watch over me’. Līburam: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
CT 8 5b
Adad-x-Sîn
CT 8 5b
Impossible to complete this name, since no equivalent is know in de Sippar database.
However names built as DN-ù-DN does exist. In this case only one sign, ù, is missing.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
Ahāssunu (a-ḥa-as-sú-nu)
OLA 21 73
‘Their sister’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Aḥāssunu < aḥātu: Sta. C. + pron. Suff. Gen. 3 m. pl.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 33 – slaves: 1
Three attestations are nadītu, probably the same person, based on the publication date of the documents.
Unfortunately the patronymic is partly broken on two occasions.
Aḥatāni (a-ḥa-ta-ni)
Dalley, Iraq 42
‘Our sister’ (hypocoristic). Aḥātani < aḥātu + an +pron. suff. (gen.)1 pl.
This (type of) name is a popular one among girls names. Its popularity can be reflected in
the numerous attestations: eg. CT 8: 29, CT 2: 42, CT 6: 10, etc. (RANKE 1905: 181).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2
Five nadītu priestesses have this name.
10. Aḥi-libluṭ (a-ḥi-li-ib-lu-uṭ)
‘May my brother live’. Cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished).
CT 2 23
11. Aḥi-liburam (a-ḥi-li-bu-ra-am)
‘May my brother watch over me’. Cf. supra
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 6 25b
13. Aja-baniti (da.a-ba-ni-ti ?)
‘Aja is beautiful’. Baniti <banû : Sta. C. sg. : beautiful (cf. CAD B sub banû).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
VS 13 34
12. Aḥi-šakim (a-ḥi-ša-ki-im)
‘My brother’. Šakim: A meaning uncert occurs only in PN (cf. CAD Š sub šakim).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 7 – slaves: 1
CT 6 7a
14. Aja-lamassi (da.a.-la-ma-sí)
VS 8 99/100, TJDB 10-13
‘May Aja be my protective spirit’ (cf. supra)
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 3 (one attestation in a letter).
15. Aja-Gāmilat (da.a-ga-mi-la-at)
TCL 1 90
‘Aja spares me‘ or ‘Aja performs grace’ following the translation of Stamm (1968: 220).
Gāmilat: < gamālu: adj. f sg. of the ptcp. Form (see also STAMM 1968: 220): perform a kind
act, to safe, to spare (cf. CAD G sub gamālu). Popular element in PN in which it can be
translated, according to the CAD, ‘to spare’ (cf. CAD G sub gamālu 2’).
36
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
TJDB 10-13
16. Aja-rēmēni (da.a-re-me-ni)
‘Aja is mercifull’ (STAMM 1968 : 220). Rēmēni < Rêmu: Stat. G: ‘to be merciful, have
compassionon’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
17. Aja-Šemeat (da.a-še-me-at) /
Aja-šemêt (da.a-še-me-it
‘Aja listens’. Šemeat < šemû: Stat. g.: ‘to hear, to listen’.
Language : Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2
CT 2 23/MHET 18
18. Aja-tāddinam (da.a-ta-di-nam)
MHET 224
‘Aja has given’. Taddinam < nadānu: acc. inf. G (base for inf., ptcp. and stat. is tadānuū, cf.
CAD N sub nadānu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
19. Aja-Tillati (da.a-ti-la-ti)
CT 47 78
‘Aja is my help’(STAMM 1968: 212). Aja: cf. Aja-Gāmilat. Tillati < tillatu + pron. suff. (gen.)1
sg. Ranke and Thureau-Dangin equalize tillati (TIL.LA-ti) with balāṭi (RANKE 1905:249;
THUREAU-DANGIN 1936: 176). Stamm refutes this assertion. (STAMM 1968: 212).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
20. Aja-ummi (da-a-um-mi)
CT 47 54
‘Aja is my mother’(RANKE 1905: 249). Ummi < ummu + Ummi: pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
21. Aja-ummi-alittim (da.a-um-mi-a-lit-tim)
CT 47 30
Aja is the mother who gave birth to me. Ummi < ummu: ‘mother’. Alittim < alātu: 3 f. sg.
praet. G : ‘to swallow (up)’. + vent.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
22. Akijatum (a-ki-ia-tum)
CT 2 23
Akiia is a common Hurrite name element, derived from the root alkiia (Gelb et al 1973: 198199). Alki- or alk can be used in the first parts of PN’s. To this name is an Akkadian
hypocoristic name element added.
Language: Hurite/Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
23. Ali-Abi (a-lí-a-bi)
CT 8 50a
‘Where is my father’ (STAMM 1968: 285) Ali: interrogative: where, wherever (cf. CAD A1 sub
ali 2’). Abi < abum = pron. suff; (gen.) 1 sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
24. Ali-abūša (a-lí-a-bu-ša)
BE 6/1 28
‘Where is her father’ (Stamm 1968: 285). Ali: cf. supra. Abūša < abū: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron.
suff. 3 f. sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4 – slaves: 1
25. Ali-Aḥi (a-lí-a-ḥi)
CT 47 65
‘Where is my brother’ (Stamm 1968: 285). Aḥi < aḥu: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1
37
26. Ama-dummuq-belti (ama-du-mu-uq-be-el-ti)
PBS 8/2 188
‘My mistress is a mother who is good’. Dummuq < dummuqu: very good, good quality. Bēlti <
bēltum: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
27. Amāt-amurrum (géme.dmar.tu)
Dalley, Iraq 42
‘Servant of Amurrum’ Amāt: Sta. C. amtum. Amurru: Amorite (STAMM 1968: 268). Ranke
derives ammuru from the verb amārtu: I saw (RANKE 1905: 66)
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
28. Amāt-kabta (géme-dkab.ta)
‘Servant of Kabta’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
TCL I 170
30. Amāt-Sîn (géme-den.zu)
‘Servant of Sîn’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 5
BE 6/1 62, MHET 853
29. Amāt-Ilabrat (a-ma-at-dnin.šubur)
‘Servant of Ilabrat’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
MHET99
31. Ammi-ṣabti (a-mi-ṣa-ab-ti)
CT 8 35b
Subarian name (HARRIS 1977: 49), no translation. The name is not mentioned in the work of
Streck. Ammi can be translated as maternal uncle.
Language: Subarian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
32. Ana-Bēltim-taklaku (a-na-be-el-tim-ták-la-ku) /
CT 8 34b
Ana-bēlti-taklāku (a-na-be-el-ti-ták-la-ku)
CT 6 7a, SFS 112
‘I trust my mistress’. Bēltim <bēltum: gen. Taklātu: ‘trust’ in personal names (STAMM 1986:
312).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 5 – slaves: 4
33. Ana-Šamaš-terri (a-na-dutu-te-er-i)
‘Come back Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 205). Terri < târu: m. sg. imp. G. : to (re)turn.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
34. Ana-Šumija-libluṭ (a-na-šu-mi-ia-li-ib-lu-uṭ)
‘For my name, may she live’. libluṭ: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations:1– slaves: 1
CT 6 7a
TLB I 229
35. Anaṭṭal-inīša (a-na-ṭà-al-i-ni-ša)
CT 48 28
‘I will see her eye’. Anaṭṭal < naṭālu: 1 c. sg. praes. G : ‘to gaze, to look’. Iniša < īnu: Sta. C. :
‘eye’ + pron. suff. 3 f. sg.
Language: Unknown – attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
36. An(n)um-pîša (dingir- pi4-ša)
BAP 107
‘Yes is her word’ (STAMM 1968: 233, 313). Problems and different view concerning the
translation of the word ‘An(n)um’ are summarized by Stamm. Pî < pû’um Sta.C. + pron. suff.
3 f.sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations:137 – slaves: 2
38
37. Annunītum-[…]
Cf. Annunītum-ummi.
38. Annunītum-ummi (an-nu-ni-tum-um-mi)
‘Annunītu is my mother’. (STAMM 1968: 209). Ummi: cf. Aja-ummi.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 5– slaves: 0
CT 8 6a
OLA 21 2
39. Aš-ia-su2-ni-ti (?) (aš-ia-sú-ni-ti)
Not documented name, nor possebilities to analyse this name philologically.
Language: Foreign – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
40. Ašratum-ummi (daš-ra-tum-um-mi)
‘Ašratum is my mother’. Ummi: cf. surpa.
Language: Akkadian(?) – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2
CT 45 29
TCL I 88/89, TCL I 98
41. Aššumija-lībūr (aš-šu-mi-ia-li-bu-ur)
MHET 921
‘For my sake, may I be cheerful’ (STAMM 1968: 159). Aššumija < aššum: for the sake of + 1 c.
pron. suff. Lībūr < bâru: 1 sg. prec.: ‘be happy, cheerful’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
42. Aštumu (aš-tu-mu )
BE 6/1 116
Aštu , < ašt is a common root in Hurrite name. In all the attested names, this name is written
as ‘aš-du’. The end syllable ‘-mu’ is even so Hurrite, perhaps shortened from of elements
formed on ‘muš’ (Gelb et al 1943: 206,235). No translation is mentioned by Gelb.
Language: Hurrite – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
43. Atkalšim (at-kal-ši-im)
CT 6 47b
‘I trusted him’. Atkalšum < takālu: 1 praet. G + suff (dat.) 3 m sg. A typical element in slave
names (STAMM 1968: 311). Described by Ranke as an abbreviation, and in the name ‘Atkalšiul-abāš’ interpreted as maybe Cassite (RANKE 1905: 184).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 0– slaves: 0
44. Atkalšum-libluṭ (at-kal-šum-li-ib-lu-uṭ)
Dalley, Iraq 42
‘I trusted him, may she live’. Atkalšum: cf. supra. Libluṭ: 3 m/f sg. prec. < balāṭu: to live. (see
also: RANKE 1905: 227).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
45. Awāt-Aja
‘The word of Aja’. Awāt < awātu: sg. Sta. C.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 46 – slaves: 1
CT 2 24
46.
SFS, 112
Most of the people wearing this name are connected with the temple: as nadītu priestesses or as sanga priest.
Babu-rabiat (dba-bu-ú-ra-bi-a-at)
‘Babu is big’. Rabiat < rabûm/rabium.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
47. Bēlessunu (be-le-es-su-nu)
SFS, 98sq, SFS 118
‘Their mistress’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Bēlessunu < bēltum: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. gen. 3 m. pl.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 167– slaves: 2
Among the free people are numerous nadītu priestesses.
39
48. Belētum (be-li-tum)
‘Mistress’ (STAMM 1968: 247).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 59– slaves: 1
CT 8 16a, MHET 106
49. Bēli-dūri (be-lí-du-ri)
SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118
‘My master is my wall’. Dūri< dūru: sg. Sta. C. dūru + pron. suff. 1 sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3– slaves: 3
50. Bēlti-abi-qīšim (be-el-ti-a-bi-qí-ši-im)
‘My father gave me to my mistress’. Qīšim: ‘given’ in names (cf. CAD sub qīšim).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
CT 48 33
51. Bēlti-erime (be-el-ti-e-ri-me)
CT 48 59
‘My mistress …’. Erime can probably be derived from erima, coming from the root er. This
root might be Hurrite, but it’s Language is not completely clear (Gelb et al 1943: 210).
Language: Akkadian/foreign (?) – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
52. Bēlti-erišti (be-el-ti-eriš-ti)
SFS, 112
‘My mistress is my desire’. Erišti < erēšu. There does not exist consensus about the exact
meaning and the exact form of derivation of this name aspect (STAMM 1968: 145).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
53. Bēlti-māgirat (be-el-ti-ma-gi-ra-at)
‘My mistress is contented’. Māgirat < māgaru: ptc. G.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1
54. Bēlti-malê (be-el-ti-ma-le-e)
‘My mistress…’. Malê can eventually be derived from the word malû: to fill.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3– slaves: 3
CT 8 22c
CT 2 41
55. Bēlti-rēmēni (be-el-ti-ri-me-ni)
CT 45 34
‘My mistress is my mercy’. Belti and rēmēni: cf. Supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1 (It is possible to interpret the person having this name
in tablet CT 48 94 as a slave also.)
56. Bēlti-Tillati (be-el-ti-ti-la-ti)
CT 2 23, OLA 21 96
‘My mistress is my help’. Tillati < tillatu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg. Ranke and Thureau-Dangin
equalize tillati (TIL.LA-ti) with balāṭi (RANKE 1905:249; THUREAU-DANGIN 1936: 176). Stamm
refute this assertion. (STAMM 1968: 212, 312).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2
57. Bēlti-ummi-qadum (be-el-ti- um-mi-qa-du-um)
MHET 720
‘My mistress is my .... mother’. Qadum: ‘together with, including’ (cf. CAD Q sub qadu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 (one unpublished)
58. Bēltum-kīma-abi (be-el-tum-ki-ma-a-bi)
CT 2 23, CT 45 34
‘The mistress is like my father’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Kīma: ‘like, when, as, that’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2
59. Bēltum-Māgirat (be-el-tum-ma-gi-ra-at)
‘The mistress is pleased’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 - slaves: 1
CT 47 47
40
60. Bulaṭatum (bu-la-ṭa-tum)
This name might be derived from balaṭum or eventually pur(r)asātum (?).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1
61.
BE 6/1 84
Damīqtum
(da-mi-iq-tum)
CT 4 43a , CT 8 43c
‘The good one or of good nature’ (STAMM 1968: 248). The word is a ptc. derived from
damāqu: to improve, to have good luck (cf. CAD D sub damāqu). On tablet CT 8 43a, the
name is used to for a female slave.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 31 – slaves: 3
The name refers to a nadītu priestess on four occasions: CT 47 7, OLA 21 46, MHET 8 99 and BDHP 34/35. The
name had a large popularity during the reign of Ammi-Ṣaduqa.
CT 45 27
62. Damkina-rēmēni (ddam.ki.na-re-me-ni)
‘Damkina is mercyfull’. Rēmēni : cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
63. Dan-ēmissa (dan-e-mi-sà)
Dalley, Iraq 42
‘Strong is her support’ (STAMM 1986: 211). Dan < danānu. Emissa: < emēdu ‘strong’ Sta C.
ptc. G + suff. 3 f sg. Ḕmissa is translated by Ranke as: ‘mighty’ (1905: 225).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
64. Dummuq-bēltim (du-mu-uq-be-el-tim )
CT 6 25b, CT 8 43c
‘The charity/goodness of the mistress’(STAMM 1968: 313), abbreviated name (RANKE 1905:
186). Dumuq < damāqu: to be good.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 2
65.
Eulmaš-liwwir (é.ul.maš-li-wi-ir )
OLA 21 71
‘May Eulmaš shine’. Liwwir <nawārum: prec. G sg. The meaning of this verb is extensively
discussed by Stamm (STAMM 1968: 62).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
66. Erištum (e-ri-iš-tum)
‘Desire’ (STAMM 1968: 248).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 64 – slaves: 3
Erištu is a common name among nadītu priestesses.
67.
68.
Gururtum (gu-ru-ur-tum)
SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118
Might be Amorite, based on the names Gurrur and Gurgurum (Gelb 1980: 580).
Language: unknown– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 48 33
Ḥahunu (ha-hu-nu)
CT 2 23
Ḥahunu is derived from the Amorite root ‘ḥaḥun’, with an added suffix (Gelb 1980: 82).
Language: Amorite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
69. Ḥamaṣīrum (ḥa-ma-ṣi-rum)
‘Mouse’ (Stamm 1968: 254).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
OLA 21 71
70. Ḥāmi-še’im-arši (ḥa-mi-še-ar-ši)
CT 4 1 8b, MHET 328
‘May I acquire a straw’ (STAMM 1968: 314), a way of describing an inferior opponent. The
translation is based on the suggestion of Stamm.
41
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 2
71. Ḥašija (ḥa-ši-ia)
JNES 21(65) 72
Hurrite, derived from the root ‘ḥaš’. It is suggested to translate this root as: ‘to question, to
write and to hear’ (Gelb et all 1943: 214). The last syllable ‘-ia’ makes hypocoristic forms,
not only of Akkadian, but also of Hurrite PN’s (Gelb et all 1943: 219).
Language: Hurrite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
72. Ḥiššatum (ḥi-iš-ša-tum)
‘Friend’ (STAMM 1968: 248).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
One person having this name is a nadītu of Šamaš.
SFS, 98sq
73. Ḥumaṣīrum (ḥu-ma-ṣí-rum)
CT 2 25
‘A mouse or possibly a rat’ (cf. CAD Ḥ sub ḥumṣiru and STAMM 1968: 254), cf. hamaṣīrum.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
74. Ḥummurum (ḥu-um-mu-ur-um)
CT 45 27
‘Crippled’ (cf. CAD Ḥ sub ḥummuru). According to Stamm, the name could be derived of the
verb ḥamāru: ‘to pull together’, referring to a physical problem (STAMM 1968: 264).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4– slaves: 1
75. Ḥunābatum (ḥu-na-ba-tum)
VS 9 63/64
‘The juicy’ (STAMM 1968: 249). Ḥunābatum < ḥanābu: ‘to sprout, flourish’, adj. of inf. G.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 10 – slaves: 1
76. Huzāla-[tum] (ḥu-za-la-[tum])
‘Little gazelle’ (STAMM 1968 : 253). Ḥuzālatum < ḥuzālu, hypocoritic.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 62 – slaves: 1
CT 45 27
Ḥuzālatum is a common nadītu name. Numerous examples can be found in the database.
77. Ili-bāšti
BE 6/1 95
‘My god is my angel’. Ili < ilu: sg. Sta. C. + pron. Suff. 1 c. sg. Bašti < baštum: dignity;
translated by Ranke as abundance (RANKE 1905: 189).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1
The sribe of one tablet listens to this name.
78. Ili-dumqī (ì-lí-du-um-qí)
‘My god is my good one’. Dumqi: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
BE 6/1 28
79. Ili-imdi (í-lí-im-di)
CT 8 16a, MHET 106, VS 8 52/53
‘My god is my support’. Imdi < imdu: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 3
80. Ili-qāti (ì-lí-qá-ti)
‘My god is my hand’. Qāti < qātu (Sta. C.) + pron. suff. 1 sg. c.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 1
CT 8 27a
42
81. Iltani (il-ta-ni)
Dalley, Iraq 42
‘Our Goddess’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Iltani: iltum (Sta. C.) + pron. suff. 1 pl. c. Indicated by
Ranke as hypocoristic name (RANKE 1905: 188).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 164 – slaves: 1
This name in is numerous occasions a nadītu priestess and in one case a sanga priest and the daughter of the
king.
82. Ilumma-itti-abi (dingir-ma-it-ti-a-bi)
‘God is with my father’. Ilumma: ‘He is god’ (STAMM 1968: 100).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 45 97
83. Ina-in-bašti (i-na-i-in-ba-aš-ti)
VS 9 109/110
‘In the eye of my angel/dignity’ (STAMM 1968: 312). In: < inu: eye. Bašti < baštum: dignity;
translated by Ranke as abundance (RANKE 1905: 189).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
84. Ina-īn-bēl-ilišu-damiq (i-na-i-in-be-el-ì-lí-šu-da-miq)
‘In the eye of the master of his god, (he is) good’. Damiq: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
85. Inanna-Kiš-ummi (Inana.kiški-um-mi)
‘Inana from Kiš is my mother’. Ummi: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
86. Ippalatum (ip-pa-la-tum )
‘She has looked graciously’ (STAMM 1968: 78).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 2 23
CT 47 30
TCL I 176
87. Išīm-[…] (i-ši-im-[…])
MHET 449
‘[A God] has fixed’ (STAMM 1968: 145). Based on documented names, such as Išīm-Marduk
and Išīm-Šulgi (see Stamm), the broken part of the name probably mentiones a god. Both
names are indicated as rare names. Išīm < šiāmu: 3 m. sg. praet. G: ‘to fix, decree’.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
88. Ištar-damqat (iš8-tár-dam-qá-at)
CT 33 38, CT 45 27, BDHP 20, Dalley, Iraq 42
‘Ištar is good’ (STAMM 1968: 224).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 4
89. Ištar-lamassi (iš8-tár-la-ma-as-sí)
‘Ištar is my protective spirit’. Lamassi: cf. supra
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 7 – slaves: 1
CT 45 34
90. Ištar-nā[ma]ri (iš8-tár-na-[ma]-ri)
‘Ištar is my shining (deity)’. Nāmari < nāmaru: Sta. C. + pron. Suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
91. Ištar-ummi (iš8-tár-um-mi)
‘Ištar is my mother’ (STAMM 1968: 209).
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 15– slaves: 3
92. Itti-Ištar-libluṭ (it-ti- iš8-tár-li-ib-lu-ut)
‘May I live with Ištar’. Libluṭ: cf. supra
MHET 224
SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118
VS 9 163
43
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
93. Itti-Šamaš-milki (it-ti-dutu-mi-il-ki)
‘My advice is with Šamaš’. Milki < milku: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 1
VS 8 12/13
94. Jamruṣṣi-ilum (i-ia-am-ru-uṣ-ṣí-i-lu-um)
Amorite name (Gelb 1980: 590). No translation mentioned.
Language: Amorite– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 6 7a
96. Kanišītum (ka-ni-ši-tum)
‘Woman from Kaniš’ (STAMM 1968: 268).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
CT 2 23
95.
Kabtat[…] (kab-ta-at-…)
BE 6/1 62
Kabtat < kabātu: to become heavy. Because of the broken nature, it’s hard to predict the
grammatical form.
Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
97. Kititum-hazirat (dki-ti-tum-ha-ṣi-rat)
CT 6 7a
‘Kititum is (my?) helper’. Hazirat < ḥāziru: ‘helper’; occurs in West. Sem. Personal names.
(CDA sub ḥāziru).
Language: West-Semitic – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
98. Kute (ku-te-e)
CT 45 44
Hurrite or Anatolian name. Kut is indicated in the name ku-ut-ti or ku-ti-a as probably
Hurrite, with an unclear Language ( GELB ET AL 1943: 231). Gröndahl mentiones the root
kd/kt and the name Kuta as Anatolic. ( GRÖNDAHL 1967: 279) There is no meaning of the
root mentioned. Landsberger mentions in the names of ‘Kategorie 4’ kuand- (kund, kua, etc.)
as names linked to the cities Kültepe and Boghaskoy (LANDSBERGER 1954: 126).
Another option is to see the name as ‘The city of Kutâ’.
Language: Anatolian/Hurrite/Akkadian(?) – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
99. Kutibi (ku-ti-bi)
CT 8 25a
Kutibi can maybe be derived from the Hurrite root ‘kut’. In this case, there is no explanation
possible for the ‘-bi’. It might be a Hurrite name but we cannot say this with 100% certainty.
Language: Hurrite? – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
100. Lalabitum (la-la-bi-tum)
BAP 107
Might be an Amorite name, based on a list of names starting with the element ‘Lala’’ (Gelb
1980: 617).
Language: foreign? – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
101. Lamassani (la-ma-sà-ni)
‘Our angel’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 113 – slaves: 1
CT 48 61
102. Lībūr-bašti (li-bur-ba-aš-ti)
VS 9 109/110
‘May my protective spirit watch (over me)’ (STAMM 1968: 310). Bašti: ‘my abundance’, cf.
supra (RANKE 1905: 224). Libur < 3 sg. c. prec. bāru.
44
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
103.
Lībūr-māti (li-bur-ma-ti)
‘May he watch my land’. cf. supra. Māti: < mātu: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 2 23
104.
Lišlim (li-iš-li-[im])
‘ May she be in good health’ (STAMM 1968: 311). Līšlim: < šalamu: 1 c. sg. prec. G.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 8 20a
105. Maddamuq-Bēlti/ Mād-damuq-Bēlti ( ma-du-mu-uq-be-el-ti)
PBS 8/2 188
‘Much is the goodness of my mistress’. Mād < mādu: much, many things. Damuq < damāqu
verb. Adj. G: to be(come)good. Bēlti: cf supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 0 – slaves: 0
106. Mad-dumuqša (ma-ad-du-mu-uq-ša)
OLA 21 96, Dalley Iraq 42
‘Much is her goodness’. Mād: cf. supra. Dummuqša: < damāqu 3 m sg. stat. D. + pron. suff. 3 f.
sg. Dummuqša is translated by Ranke as ‘grace’ (1905: 226).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4 – slaves: 2
107. Mamma-[…] (ma-am-ma)
‘Whoever...’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
108. Mami-dumqī (dma-mi-du-um-qí)
‘Mami is my goodness, cf. surpa.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
TCL I 147
OLA 21 24
109. Mami-rēmēni (dma-mi-re-me-ni)
‘Mami is mercifull’. Rēmēni : cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
MHET 921
111. Mamu-Tillanu (dma-mu-ti-la-nu)
‘Mamu…’
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 47 47
110. Mamu-[…] (dma-mu-..)
BE 6/1 62, MHET 449
There are several possibilities with this theophoric element, eg: cf. infra.
112. Munawwirtum (mu-na-wi-rum)
‘ The brightener’ (cf. CAD M2 sub munammiru). Female form of munawirum.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 52 – slaves: 1
His name is popular among nadītu.
Dalley, Iraq 42
113. Mannum-balum-kīma (ma-an-nu-um-ba-lum-ki-ma-x)
MHET 449
‘Who can do without ...’. Mannum: who (cf. CAD M2 sub manu). Balum and kīma: cf. supra.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
114. Mannum-balušša (ma-an-nu-um-ba-lu-uš-ša)
OLA 21 96
‘Who can live without her’. Balušša < Balāṭu: 3 m. sg. stat. G ‘to live’ + pron. suff. 3 f. sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
45
115. Marduk-Aški/aski(?) (damar.utu- ás-ki)
‘Marduk…’
Language: unknown – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
CT 8 13c
116. Muštal-bēlti (mu-uš-ta-al-be-el-ti)
‘My mistress is thoughtful’. Muštal: 3 f. sg. ptc. G ša’ālum: ‘be thoughtful’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
SFS, 112
117. Maštum (ma-aš-tum)
CT 47 58
‘Itching skin (?)’. Maštum: an iching skin condition, < mašātu: ‘to itch’ (cf. CAD M2 sub mašātu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1
118. Mutatum (mu-ta-tu-um)
VS 9 109/110
‘Loves the husband’, a hypocoristic form of the name Mutamrāmā (STAMM 1968: 312).
Mutamrāma: mut < mutu: husband and amrāmā: < amāru: to see, to look after.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
119. Muti-bašti (mu-ti-ba-aš-ti )
VS 8 15/16
‘My husband is my angel’. Muti: < mutu: sta. C. + suff 1 sg. c. Bašti: cf. Ina-īn-bašti.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
120.
Nadān-bēlti-rabi (na-da-an-be-el-ti-ra-bi )
‘The gift of the mistress is big’ (STAMM 1968: 313). Nadān < nadānu sg. Sta. C.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
CT 6 7a
121.
Naplisi-bēlti (na-ap-lí-sí-be-el-ti)
SFS 98sq, SFS 118
‘Look at me graciously, my mistress’ (STAMM 1968: 311). Naplisi < naplāsu [NPLS]: 2 f. sg.
imp N: ‘to glance, to look’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2
122.
Naplussa-Mudammiq (na-ap-lu-sà-mu-da-mi-iq)
CT 2 23
‘Being noticed by her, is doing good’ (Stamm 1968: 312). Naplussa: < naplāsu: inf. N : ‘to
glance, to look’. Mudammiq < damāqu: 3 sg. ptc. D.: ‘to do good’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
123.
Narāmtum (na-ra-am-tum)
‘Darling’ (STAMM 1968: 247, cf. CAD N sub narāmtu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 72– slaves: 4 (one letter)
SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118
Narāmtum is a popular name among nadītu priestesses.
124.
Narubtum (na-ru-ub-tum)
BAP 3
‘The juicy’ (STAMM 1968: 249). Derived from nurrubu: moist, soft, tender (cf. CAD N2 sub
nurrubu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 52 - slaves: 1
Along the numerous attestation are many nadītu.
125.
Ningal-ummi (dnin.gal-um-mi)
VS 9 144/145
‘Ningal is my mother’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 - slaves: 2 (one unpublished document)
46
126.
Nuṭṭuptum (nu-tú-ub-tum)
CT 8 29a
‘The uprooted (?)’. Nuṭṭuptum < naṭāpu, inf. D: ‘to uproot people or plants’ (cf. CAD N sub
naṭāpu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 15 - slaves: 1
In four cases, we deal with a nadītu priestess.
127.
Pīḥātum (pí-ḥa-tum)
‘Responsibility’ (cf. CAD P sub pīḥātu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
CT 47 65
128.
Qibî-ašimma-tikla (qí-bi-a-ši-ma-ti-ik-la)
CT 48 33
‘Qibî- Ašimma < aššum( ?) : because of. Tikla is probably Akkadian, derived from Idiglad:
‘Tigris’ (Gelb et al 1943: 266).
Language: Akkadian/foreign? – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
129.
Rībatum (ri-ba-tum)
BDHP 14
‘Compensation’ (cf. CDA sub rībatu). Rībatum < riābu: inf. G. ‘to replace, to pay
compensation’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 64– slaves: 1
Most of the people having this name, are nadītu.
130. Sadir-dummuqša (sa-di-ir-du-mu-uq-ša)
CT 45 17, CT 45 37
‘Her grace is in place (?)’. Sadir < sadāru: sg. Stat. G. ‘in place, are in row’ (cf. CAD S sub
sadir). Dummuqša: < dummuqu: Sta. C. + pron. Suff. 3 f. Sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1
131. Sag.gig-nuttum (sag.gig-nu-ut-tum)
‘The headache is ours (?)’.
Language: Sumerian/Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
SFS, 112
133. Sarriqum (sà-ar-ri-qum)/ Zarriqum (za-ar-ri-iq-qu-um)
‘Squint’ (Stamm 1968: 265), ‘with iridescent eyes’ (cf. CAD Z sub zarriqu).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 63– slaves: 1
CT 6 31b
132. Sāniq-qabuša (sa-ni-iq-qá-bu-ša)
CT 48 2, VS 8 69/70
‘Punctual is her word’.
Sāniq < sāniqu: controller, in names translated by Stamm as
‘punctual’ (1968: 233). Qabuša: qabu Sta.C + pron. suff. 3 f. sg.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2
One person with this name is indicated as the scribe. Many of the 63 attestation refer to one person; the son of
e.ki.bi.gi.
134.
Ša-la-bēltim-manni (ša-la-be-el-tim-ma-an-ni )
CT 6 33a
‘Who does not belong to a mistress’. Ša is translated by Ranke as: ‘belonging to’ (1905:
245).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3– slaves: 1
135.
Šallūrtum (ša-lu-úr-tum)
‘A fruit, most likely a plum’ (STAMM 1968: 256, cf. CAD Š2 sub šallūrtum).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 19– slaves: 2
CT 8 4a, CT 45 6
47
One nadītu with this name is known.
136.
Šamaš-Lamassi (dutu-la-ma-sí)
‘Šamaš is my protective spirit’. Cf. supra
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4– slaves: 3 (2 unpublished documents).
CT 8 5a
137.
Šamaš-nūri (dutu-nu-ri)
CT 2 23, 8 22b, CT 28 27b, CT 48 30
‘Šamaš is my light’ (STAMM 1968: 308)
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 12– slaves: 5 (one unpublished)
138.
Šarrat-tašīmātim (ša-ra-at-ta-ši-ma-tim)
CT 6 7a
‘A wise acting queen’ (Stamm 1968 : 313). Šarrat < šarru: queen (Cf. CAD Š2 sub šarratu)
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2
139.
Šarrat-Sippir-na[…] (dšar-ra-at-ud.kib.nunki )
‘The queen of Sippar is …’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
BE 6/1 84
141.
Šik-basal (ši-ik-ba-sa-al)
Šik < šikku: ‘mongoose’ (Stamm 1968: 254). Basal<?
Language: Akkadian ? – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
MHET 248
143. Šurinnum-[…] (šu-ri-nu-um- […])
‘Emblem…’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
MHET 333
140.
Šāt-Šamaš-qadu[…] (ša-at-d utu-qá-du-[…])
MHET 720
‘The one of Šamaš…’ . There are no existing name who might suggest a supplement for this
name.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
142.
Šîma-aḥāti (ši-ma-a-ḥa-ti)
CT 47 30
‘She is my sister’. Aḥāti < aḥātu: Sta. C. + 1 c. sg. Pron. Suff.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4– slaves: 1
Among the 4 people enlisted as having this name in Sippar, there is one nadītu and one
scribe.
144. Tabnī-Ištar (tab-ni-iš8-tar2)
MHET 143
‘Ištar has created’ (STAMM 1968 : 28). Tabni < banû: 2 f. sg. Praet. G.: ‘to create’ (cf. CAD B sub
banû).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 10– slaves: 1
145. Takil-bānûša (ta-ki-il-ba-nu-ša)
CT 6 7a
‘Her creator is object of trust’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Takil < takālu: sg. stat. G: ‘to trust’ (cf. CAD
T sub takālu). Bānûša < bānū: sg. Sta. C. : ‘creator, begetter’ (cf. CAD B sub bānū) + 3 f. sg.
pron. suff.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1
146. Tarām-Adad (ta-ra-am-diškur)
‘The beloved one of Adad’. Tarām < tarāmu ‘beloved one’; < râmu: to love.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 7– slaves: 1
CT 6 7a
48
147. Tarām-Agade (ta-ra-am-a-ak-déki)
‘The beloved one from Akkad’ (STAMM 1968: 84). Tarām: cf. supra
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
CT 8 29a, BE 6/1 101
148. Ṭāb(?)-x-rapšu (ṭà-ab-wi(?)-ra-ap-šu)
SFS, 98sq
‘Good is the broad....’. Ṭāb < ṭābu: ‘good, sweet’. If the word rapšu can be seen as a word, we
can analyse it as: rappšu < rappu: Sta. C. + 3 m. sg. pron. suff. The suffix is here remarkable,
since the slave is indicated in the text as a female slave (géme).
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
149. Ṭāb-wēdum-Šu(?) (ṭà-ab-we-du-um šu(?)
SFS 118
‘Good is the/his(?) solitariness’. Ṭāb: cf. supra. Wēdum: ‘single, solitary, abandoned’.
Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1
150.
Ulmaššitum-tukulti (dul-maš-ši-tim-tukul-ti)
‘Ulmaššitum is my help’. Ulmaššitum is a form of the goddess Ištar.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
BE 6/1 95
151.
Ummi- Ḥepet (um-mi- dḥe-pé-et)
CT 33 41
‘My mother is Ḥepet’. Akkadian/Hurrite name. Ummi: cf. Aja-Ummi. Ḥepet: Hurrite deity
mentioned frequently under form Ḥé-pét in rituals from Bogazköy ( GELB ET AL 1943: 216).
Used as name for slaves from Subartu (UNGNAD 1936: 137, 99).
Language: Akkadian/Subartian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
152.
Ummi-Šamši (um-mi-dutu-ši)
CT 2 23
‘My mother is my sun’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Šamši < šamšu: Sta. C. + 1 c. sg. pron. Suff.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
153.
Ummi-waqrat (um-mi-wa-aq-ra-at)
‘My mother is precious’ (STAMM 1968: 294).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 8– slaves: 3
SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118
154.
Urkitum-lamassi (dur-ki-tum-la-ma-sí)
‘Urkitum is my protective spirit’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
CT 2 41
156. Zabbatu (za-ba-tu)
‘A female ecstatic’ (CDA sub zabbatu).
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
VS 9 221
155. Waqar-abi (wa-qar-a-bi)
CT 45 27
‘My father is precious’, (cf. Abum-waqar, RANKE 1905: 174). Hypocoristic name. Waqar <
waqāru: ‘to become precious’.
Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
157. Zabitum (za-bi-tum) (can also be read sà-bi-tum)
No discussion of this name is to be found.
Language: uknown - attestations: 3– slaves: 1
PBS 8/2 256
49
158. Zikurtum (zi-ku-ur-tum)
CT 8 49a
This name can probably brought back to the root zikura, that might have been derived itself
from ‘zik’. As root it is prominent in Nuzi PN’s (Gelb et all 1943: 277). The termination –tum
might be Akkadian influence in this name. If it has the same meaning as ziki, it can be
translated as ‘sister’.
Language: unknown - attestations: 1– slaves: 1
B. ETHNOGRAPHY AND UNIQUENESS OF THE SLAVE NAME
If we look at the above mentioned group of slaves, of the 332 slaves used for this research, 58%
are female slaves, 42% are male. This does not correspond with the remark of Harris that twothirds of the slaves in Sippar are female (Harris 1975: 333). According to the same author, it is
likely that this proportion reflects the real situation, ‘namely the need for, and the predominant
interest in, slave girls as members of small households’. Although this idea does sound likely, we
have no evidence to proof it. We have to keep in mind that most of the slaves are probably
invisible in our sources and it is possible that we are dealing with a more or less 50/50 division
between male and female slaves. The idea of female slaves being part of the household sounds
plausible, but this confirms the typical view we developed around slavery. We have take on a
cautious approach when it comes to this topic.
When we turn towards a general overview of the origin of slave names based on the above
philological analyses, we can conclude that the Akkadian names (87%) are by far the most
popular. Only few can be recognized as Amorite 29 (2%), Subarian(0,5%), Hurrite (2%) or WestSemitic (0,5%). 8% of the studied PN’s of slaves have an unknown descent. The diagram below
summarizes the results:
Akkadian
Amorite
Hurrite
Subarian
W-Semitic
Unknown
If we compare this percentage with the slaves indicated as foreign on the tablets, we come to a
remarkable conclusion. Based on the study of the names, 5% of the slaves have a foreign origin.
Based on indications on the tablets, 11% of the slaves are indicated as being imported from
abroad 30. First of all, we can explain this difference by the number of names whose origin we
29
This sub-category of slaves was not indicated in the study of Harris (cf. supra).
These two percentages hold the middle between the 7% names of foreign origin that where calculated by
Harris (HARRIS 1977: 47).
30
50
cannot determine. Another possible way of explaining this phenomenon, is that foreign slaves
received another name once they arrived at Sippar and were bought into a (new) household.
How unique are the slave names? In order to understand the results from the database research,
we interpreted a name as unique when it only appears once or when the name only appears in
the context of slaves. When a name appears 5 times or more as a name among free people, it was
interpreted as a non-slave name. In case a name appears once as a slave name and has between
one and four attestations among free people, it was indicated as ‘unclear’. If a slave is
manumitted, he usually keeps his/her slave name (cf. infra). If a name appears once as a slave
and once as the name of a free person, it might be possible that the person who’s indicated as a
free man or woman is in fact a former slave. Masculine and feminine slaves are displayed
seperatly in the diagram below.
100
80
60
male slaves
40
female slaves
20
0
Slave PN
Free-PN
Uknown PN
The study of the names confirms the different patterns in male and female names, but the
pattern is not as outspoken as Harris stated in her article. PN’s that appear under the free
population are more common with male slaves (39%) than with female slave names (only 18%).
Unique slave names appear more often in the female slave population (62%), but half of the
male slaves (50%) have unique names, too. A large number of female slaves have a name we
cannot place into one of these two groups (20%), while this is the case with only a small amount
of male slaves (11%).
C. THY NAME IS SLAVE?
In conclusion, we see that there were typical slave names, more for women than for men, but
slaves could also have names used by free men or women, or could keep their foreign name.
Based on the numbers, Harris explained the overlap of male names by stating that enslaved men
kept their ‘free’ name, whereas the overlap of the female names is explained as manumitted
women keeping their slave name. We wonder whether both might be explained in the same way,
slaves keeping their names when freed, which would mean a large number of male manumitted
slaves, because they have the largest overlap. Classical antiquity shows that this is very well
possible (KAJANTO 1982: 73-78).
51
The reason for - at least some - foreign slaves to keep their name is less easy to fathom. Harris
cites an interesting example of three Subarian slaves, two men and a woman bought together.
The woman has a Subarian name but the two men have Akkadian names. Harris supposes the
woman was their mother and thus an adult, which would imply that the two males were
children whose name was exchanged with an Akkadian one. Hence her conclusion that where
adults kept their names, those of children would normally change.
Slaves were renamed when they were bought, but then disappeared from the written record,
since only very rarely, they were sold again (SNELL 1997: 21). If they lived long enough they
could be mentioned in inheritance contracts. The house-born slaves would in principle never be
mentioned in the written documentation unless on rare occasions they were sold or mentioned
on grounds of inheritance. We have no idea how large this group is, but simple logic and biology
would suggest they were the most numerous group of slaves. It is ironic that the most frequent
should be the most hidden (hiding their typical slave names from us, too) but this is not
infrequent in Assyriological matters.
52
‘The second major feature of the ritual
enslavement involved the changing of the
slave’s name’ (PATTERSON 1982: 54).
IV.
CONSTRUCTION OF SLAVE
NAMES
A. SLAVE NAMES AC CORDING TO STAMM
Stamm has already devoted a special section to slave names in his still fundamental study on the
Babylonian onomasticon (1968: §41, 307 sq.), showing that slave names often differed from the
names of free persons. According to Stamm, the names belong to the class of the ‘nachgebildeten
Namen’, containing requirements, statements of confidence and praise towards the master or
mistress of the slaves. Rarely, a wish towards the donor of the slave is expressed, and complaints
towards the slave owner are even more exceptional (STAMM 1968: 308).
In his sometimes ‘too involved and formalistic classification of the names’ (STOL 1991: 191),
Stamm distinguishes five subgroups of slave names, based on their content and meaning.
The first group contains names expressing desire and requests of the slave towards the master
(e.g. Bēli-libluṭ). Stronger are the pleas towards the master (e.g. Naplisi-bēlti). Another possibility
is the utterance of confidence (e.g. Atkal-ana-bētli) or praise towards the master (e.g. Bēltimagirat). A last group assembles the slave names which cannot be placed in any of the above
mentioned groups (e.g. Ina-qāti-bēli-lumḥur). Theophoric elements are not uncommon,
especially the name particle ili (my god), referring to the master of the slave rather that to a
personal ‘patron saint’ (STAMM 1968: 73, cf. infra) appears regularly.
With the exception of about ten names, the slave names studied in the administrative accounts
of Sippar are each attested only once or twice. The list of slave names we can indicate as
‘popular’, because they have more than two attestations, is given below. We have to remark that
in five of these cases, we are dealing with slaves exclusively mentioned in the tablets of the SFS
publication. These tablets are not dated and possibly, we are dealing with the same slave(s) in all
three attestations (98, 112 and 118).
Abum-bāni (CT 8 29b, CT 45 6, CT 48 30, CT Ištar-damqat (CT 33 38, CT 45 27, BDHP 20)
48 59)
Abi-liburram (CT 45 27, CT 47 54, CT 47 78)
Ištar-ummi (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118)
Ana-bēltim-taklaku (CT 8 24b, CT 6 7a, SFS Narāmtum (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118)
112)
Bēli-dūri (SGS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118)
Šamaš-nūri (CT 2 23, CT 8 22b, CT 28 27b, CT
48 30)
Erištum (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118)
Ili-imdi (CT 8 16a, MHET 106, VS 8 52/53)
Ummi-waqrat (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118).
Most of these ‘popular’ names belong to the feminine slave names, except for the first mentioned
slave Abum-bāni and in some attestations, abi-liburram (cf. infra).
53
The uniqueness of the names leads to the idea that there might have been a central office for
name registration, both for free people and slaves (Harris 1972: 120). A list of hundreds of
names found in the city of Sippar (CT 6 15-18) might confirm this idea.
B. SUB-CATEGORIES AMONG SIPPARIAN SLAVES
For the classification and interpretation of the sub-categories of slaves descending from the city
of Sippar, we have decided to mainly follow the division made by Stamm. As a main scheme, we
will split names up into five groups. The large fifth category of names will be subdivided into
several new categories. These categories are based on the paragraphs 11 and 35 in the work of
Stamm 31. Under the categories ‘Das prädikative Element’ (§11, 103 sq.) and ‘Zärtlichkeitsnamen’
(§ 35, 250 sq.), numerous slave names are mentioned which are not part of the analyses of slave
PN names in §41.
A. WISHES AND PRAYERS TOWARDS THE MASTER
The names belonging to the first category are mainly built around the verbs balāṭum (to live),
bâru (be happy, be cheerful), barû (to see), šalāmu (to be healty), nawāru (to shine) and uṣṣuru
(to protect). Since the names express a wish, the verbs are usually conjugated as a precative or
lū + stative, and in some rare cases, as a participium.
Balātum
Bâru
Barû
Daru
Nawāru
Šalāmu
Uṣṣuru
31
< libluṭ
< balṭat
< lībūr
< liburam
< liburram
< libura
< ludarat
< ludāri
< lū-dāri
< liwwir
< lišlim
< lušalim
< lū-šalim
< uṣri
< uṣur
Eg. Aḥi-libluṭ (M6)
Eg. Lībūr-bašti (F 101)
Eg. Abi-libura (F3)
Eg. Eulmaš-liwwir (F64)
Eg. Lišlim (F 103)
Eg. Šamaš-wēdam-uṣur (M
93)
For each division, a reference will be made to the paragraph of the work of Stamm (Stamm 1968).
54
B. QUESTIONS FORMULATED TO THE MASTER
A smaller category of slave names expresses questions from the slaves towards their master.
The types of requests vary heavily and are summarized by Stamm in § 22 (166 sq.). Four of these
‘Bitten’ categories are used for slaves. The grammatical forms used for these names vary, too.
The first ones are the ‘request for being heard and being granted mercy’ (§ 22 1a). The verbs
used to construct this type of names are šemû (to hear), amāru (to see), ḥâtu (to look at) and
naplāsu (to look).
Amāru
Ḥâṭu
Naplāsu
Šemû
< amranni
< amri
<āmur
<amur
< ḥiṭa
< ḥitanni
< naplusu
< naplissam
< naplis
< šimi
<šimanni
< šiminni
Eg. Āmur-gimilla-Šamaš
(M12)
Not documented in Sippar
Eg. Naplisi-bēlti (F 120)
Eg. Ili-išmeanni (M38)
The second group of slave PN’s in this category contains requests for reconciliation of the angry
gods (§ 22 1c). Napšaru (to release free), târu (to turn, return), nasḥuru (to protect), pašāḥu (to
cool down, to rest), nâḥu (to rest) and salāmu (to become at peace) are the elements we expect
to find in these names.
Nâḥu
Napšaru
Nasḥuru
Pašāḥu
Salāmu
Târu
< nuḥ
< līnūḥ
< napšuru
< napširam/napšēram
< napšir
< našhiram
< našhir
< pišaḥ
< pašaḥ
< silim
< silmu
< turam
Not documented in Sippar
Eg. Šamaš-napšēram (M89)
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Another group of requests from slaves towards their masters are those begging for rescue and
assistance (§ 22 1f). Six elements form the basis of this group of slave PN names: šūzubu (to
save, resolve), apālu (to pay answer) , ṣabātu (qāti) (to seize, take hold), kullu (to hold), nazāzu
(to make a swishing sound) and napāšu (to breath).
Apālu
<atpalam
<aplid
< apli
Eg. Marduk-āpili (VS 13 32)
55
Kullu
Napāšu
Nazāzu
ṣabātu (qāti)
Šūzubu
< kila
< killanni
< killinni
< Lippuš
< Luppuš
< pušqi
< izizam
< izziza
< ṣābit
< ṣabātu
< ṣabat
<šuzib
< šezib
< šuzibanni
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
The negative requests are the last category of names and correspond to Stamm’s category § 22 3.
For this category of names, it is not possible to put forward specific verbs.
C. STATEMENTS OF TRUST TOWARDS THE MASTER
Another category of names which among others express the relationship between the slave and
his/her master, are the statements of trust expressed by the slave. The name elements used for
these names come from the category of religious names of trust (§ 25 2) built around the
element qâlu (to lighten) , puqqu (to pay attention to) , bašu uzni (to be, to let happen) and
takālu ( to trust). Names constructed in the form dNN-relatives (§ 29) also are part of this group,
together with the names of the type Itti-Sin-milki (§ 31).
Qâlu
Puqqu
Bašû uzni
Takālu
dNN-relatives
Itti-Sin-milki
< aqal
< upaq
< upaqu
<upaqana
< ibašši-uzni-x
< taklaku
< takil
< dNN-abi
< dNN-ili
< dNN-tukulti
< dNN-ēpiri
< dNN-ḥāziri
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Eg. Ana-Bēltim-taklaku (F
31)
Eg. Ili-aṣiri (M35)
Eg. Itti-Ištar-libluṭ (F 91)
D. PRAISE FOR THE MASTER
A last large category of names are those glorifying their masters. In contrast with the categories
mentioned above, these names are built up around words and stative forms of verbs, rather than
regular verbs. The most common forms are bani (good, mercyfull) , damiq (good, be good), ṭāb
(good, sweet) , dan (strong), rabi ( big), le’I (to be a ble, powerful) and na’id (to be strong).
56
Bāni
Damiq
Dan
Na’id
Le’i
Rabi
tāb
Eg. Abum-Bāni (M1)
Eg. Damiq-Marduk (M20)
Eg. Dan-ēmissa (F 62)
Not documented in Sippar
Not documented in Sippar
Eg. Nadān-bēlti-rabi (F 119)
Eg. Tāb-wēdum-Šu(?) (F 148)
Furthermore, the names without exact equivalents in the statements (§ 32 1c) and the category
are indicated as ‘praise names’ (§33 1).
E.
SMALL CATEGORIES OF SLAVE PN’S
Having studied the four large categories of names, we conclude that only 83% of the slave names
are now accounted for. Of course, we have to keep in mind that for 27 names, that are 10%, it is
impossible to place them into above mentioned categories, as no translation of the name is
known. Keeping this in mind, we can still conclude that 7% of the names are missing. Stamm
places all these names into the category ‘others’. Is it possible, nonetheless, to distinguish further
types among these names? A closer look at these names shows that it is possible to categorize
them into about six groups.
1. Expression of Tenderness
The name ‘desire’ or erištum is documented no less than three times (SFS 98, 112 and 118). The
names Ḥunābatum (VS 9 63/64) and Narubtum (BAP 3) can both be translated as ‘the juicy’,
while Huzālatum means ‘little gazelle’ (CT 45 27). These names give us a little insight in the
popular (?) names used to indicate a beloved one. Of course, the name Narāmtum (SFS 98, 112,
118), ‘darling’, could have been used, too.
In certain cases, the object of tenderness is mentioned in the name itself: Mutum-rāmā: ‘loves the
husband’ (CT 2 23).
2. Praise for physical defaults
Some male slaves mentioned on the inheritance document CT 45 79 wear names that refer to
their physical condition. Questions can rise about the physical condition of a slave who is named
‘cripple’, or in Akkadian: kubbulum. The same goes for the female slave mentioned in CT 45 27,
where the word Ḥummurum is used to identify (?) the slave as being cripple. A bad skin
condition might have been the inspiration for the slave name on CT 47 58: Maštum or ‘itchy
skin’. A headache might have been the basis for the name mentioned on SFS 112: sag.gig-nuttum,
‘the headache is ours’. The eye problem of ‘squinting’ is represented by the female slave name
Sarriqum/Zarriqum (CT 6 33a).
57
3. Reference to the character and intellect of slaves
Examples of this subcategory can be found in the female slave name Munawwirtum (Dalley, Iraq
42): ‘The brightener’. In the same category we can place Pīḥātum (CT 47 65) or ‘responsibility’
and Rībatum (BDHP 14): ‘compensation’.
The cleverness of a slave is the central reference in tablet CT 6 7a: Šaratta-Šīmātim: ‘the clever
acting queen’. Less positive is the slave name ‘karṣum’ (CT 45 79), which can be translated as
‘(to) slander’.
4. References to animals and plants
On tablet BE 6/1 58, one male slave is named after a young sheep: kalūmum, which can be
translated as ‘lamb’. Among the feminine slaves, we find a slave named after vermin: Ḥamaṣīrum
(OLA 21 71) or Ḥumaṣīrum (SFS 98), meaning ‘mouse’ or, possibly, ‘small rat’.
In the female name Šallūrtum we find a reference to fruit: ‘a fruit, most likely a plum’ (CT 8 5a).
Or should we categorize this expression as one of tenderness?
5. Names with geographical elements
The female slave in tablet CT 74 30 carries a name that refers to Inanna of the Kiš (Inanna-Kišummi). Kaniš is the city the slave woman of CT 6 7a, named kanišītum, comes from. Among the
female slaves we find another reference: Amāt-Amurrum (Dalley, Iraq 42): servant of the
Amorites, the god Amurru. Of course, we also find slaves whose name carries references to the
city of Sippar, e.g. Mār-Sippar (CT 45 6). Although Harris states in her article that there are no
gentiles or toponymics among the male slave names (Harris 1977: 47), we did find one
masculine slave whose name clearly refers to a city or a region.
Although these elements are more popular among female slaves, there is no large difference
with the masculine slaves. These names clearly indicate the home of the slave or, less likely, the
origin of the name-giver of the slave.
6. Signs of imprisonment
One male slave mentioned in a list of slaves on tablet CT 2 23 is named Asīrum, ‘a captive,
prisoner of war’. His name might refer to the way he ended up in slavery. Another name that
might reflect this way of imprisonment is that of the male slave Gal(l)ûm. When this name is
written with only one letter ‘l’, it refers to a demon. But we do can interpret it written as Galûm,
meaning ‘deportee’.
C. MALE NAMES FOR FEMALE SLAVES
A remarkable phenomenon we see among feminine slaves is the appearance of typical free
names…of masculine people. Of the 157 studied female names studies, 11 examples belong to
this special category:
58
Abi-maraṣ (CT 47 67)
Ili-dumqī (BE 6/1 58)
Annum-pîša (BAP 107)
Saniq-pîša (CT 48 2)
Ali-aḥi (CT 47 65)
Ḥamaṣīrum (OLA 21 71)
Ḥummurum (CT 45 27)
Ili-bāšti (BE 6/1 95)
Itti-Šamaš-milki (VS 8 12/13)
Sarriqum (CT 6 31b)
Šamaš-nūri (CT 2 23)
The names Annum-pîša and Saniq-pîša are hypocoristic names. Other than that, we cannot
distinguish any connection between these names. This phenomenon does not occur among the
masculine slave names.
Based on research of names of free people in the Sippar database, we do know that several
names can be worn by both man and women, e.g. Mattatum, Nuratum, etc. Nevertheless, this is
rather exceptional. Among the slave names, we only find one example of this type of name: Abilibura/Abi-liburam.
D. THEOPHORIC ELEMENTS IN SLAVE PN’S
Stamm observed that generally, especially male deities appear more frequently in the names of
female slaves than in names of free women (STAMM 1968: 309). A detailed study concerning
theophoric elements in the personal names in the city Sippar is carried out by Harris (1972: 102,
KOBAYASHI 1980: 70, 72). 70% of all names refer to gods belonging to the official pantheon. More
specifically, gods are represented as following: 20%: Šamaš, 15% Sin, 5,5% Adad, 5% Ištar, 4%
Ea and Enlil, 3,5% for Marduk, Nanna, Aja, while only 2% for Nabium and Amurru. Other
important gods of Mesopotamia occur only rarely in Sippar names. Based on a study including
several families, Harris concludes that the choice of a PN is not related to a family’s faithfulness
to one particular deity (HARRIS 1972: 104).
Is this reflected in the theophoric elements of the slave PN’s? The references we find among the
slave names of Sippar do refer to the Gods of the official pantheon (cf. scheme below),
representing 89% of the theophoric names. Three gods of the official pantheon are not
represented at all in the slave names: Ea, Enlil and Nabium. Whether there is a specific reason
for this, remains unclear. The phenomenon of theophoric name elements appears in Sippar
during the whole OB period. At first sight, we cannot make a chronological distinction.
A general tendency is that the masculine slave PN’s refer to male deities, however there are
some exceptions. E.g. the male slave Nanā-ibnīšu (OLA 21 39), whose name refers to the goddess
Nanā, mainly worshipped in Uruk, and the slave appearing in BAP 97, Mār-Ištar, referring to the
goddess of love, war and fertility. The feminine slave PN’s generally refer to feminine deities
such as Aja, Kabta, Illabrat, etc. The only exceptions are made here for the city god of Sippar,
Šamaš, and for the three main male gods: Adad, Marduk and Sîn.
In some cases, the slave names containing a theophoric element are combined with name
elements which are common among the free people’s names, such as wardu or ṣillu. These
59
elements, however, are combined with deities we do not find among the free population. This
confirms the conclusions Harris put forward in her study on slave names (HARRIS 1977: 47).
When it comes to the occurrence of theophoric elements, there is a major difference between
masculine and feminine slave names. While more than half of the male slave PN’s contain a
theophoric element (53% or 61 of 116 names), only less than a quarter (24,5% or 39 names out
of 157) of the female names do. An overview is given below:
Ilu/ilum/ili/dingir
Šamaš
Marduk
Aja
Sîn
Adad
Ištar
Kalkal
Lamma
Nabû
Nana
Išara
Agade
Irra
Illabrat
Eulmaš
Ningal
Kabta
Jašub
MALE SLAVE PN
18
23
4
0
5
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
1
FEMALE SLAVE PN
8
4
1
10
2
4
6
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
0
How can this phenomenon be explained? At first sight, there is no plausible explanation, as it
might also occur in the names of free people, and might thus be a typical phenomenon for OB
names. The frequency of the appearance of deities is quite similar in slave names and names of
free people 32. At first sight, the difference between the male and female slave names we can
generally observe is in this case, too, unexplainable. We can suggest that it was only fashion
playing a role in the selection of a slave name, as it is attested on numerous occasions in the
study of nadītu names (HARRIS 1972: 103).
A large number of names expresses wishes on behalf of the master or mistress, interpreted by
Kobayashi as a theophorous element also (KOBAYASHI 1980: 68). Beside the name elements bēlu,
‘master’, and bēltu, ‘mistress’, we see the appearance of many a reference to relatives, such as
‘abu’ (father), ‘ummu’ (mother), ‘aḥu’ (brother), ‘aḥātu’ (sister) etc. These name elements
express the close relationship that existed between the slave and the owner or the owner’s fine
sterling qualities. The references to the slave owner and his family mainly appear in the period
before Samsu-Iluna 33, as Stamm already remarked (STAMM 1968: 307). Certain elements such as
lamassu and baštu predominate among these names. Names composed with the element bâru,
‘to stay in good health or repair’, are particularly well-represented in the onomasticon.
32
The statistics were created by Harris. An overview is given in her article of 1972 (HARRIS 1972: 102).
This can also be said of the adoption of slaves. All these documents are mainly occurring in the period before
king Samsu-Iluna.
33
60
The almost complete disappearance of such references after this earlier period, suggests that the
paternalistic and more personal relationship of the owners to slaves gave way to a more
impersonal attitude, perhaps linked to the importation of foreign slaves. A slight difference
between the masculine and feminine slave names can be conceived and is summarized in the
scheme below:
Bēlu/bēltu
Relatives (abu, aḥu, etc.)
MALE SLAVE PN
2
14
FEMALE SLAVE PN
23
24
While we find only 16 cases or 14% among the male slave names, it is twice as much present
among feminine slaves: 30% or 47 of 157 studied female slave names. Can we put forward a
hypothesis for this phenomenon? As has been generally assumed, female slaves were among
other things used for household tasks or functioned as a second wife for the mistresses’
husband. In order to emphasize their subservient position, they were given a name that glorified
their master. Maybe it was also used to let the slaves understand how ‘happy’ they should be to
have found such a master or mistress. This, however, could also count for the male slaves, and
we cannot explain why this phenomenon doesn’t occur with male slave names.
E. SLAVES AND NADĪTU PRIESTESSES
Throughout this dissertation, we’ve already mentioned several times that nadītu priestesses
have an important role in slave documents. They might have had some importance in the slave
trade, but in the first place, they dealt in slaves because they were alone and needed personnel.
Harris notes the frequent appearance of the god Aja in the names of slaves whose mistress is a
nadītu priestess (HARRIS 1975: 350). Can we confirm the same for the slave names of Sippar? Are
there more patterns to identify the involvement of a nadītu in slave transactions?
Overview of the slave names of nadītu priestesses:
MALE SLAVE PN
Adad-mālik (CT 47 30/a)
Aḥi-umma-[…] (CT 48 62)
Ana-pī-Šamaš (CT 47 63)
Bēli-Epiri (BE 6/1 62)
Ebabbar-Lūmur (CT 8 29c)
Ḥadî-Amir-Šamaš (CT 47 52)
Iddin-Adad (BDHP 63)
Ili-matar (CT 8 42b)
Ili-Rimeanni (CT 8 15c)
Ina-qāti-Šamaš
Iplatassu (OLA 21 90)
Mār-erṣētim (BA 5 11, CT 47 61/a)
Lamma-muballiṭ (CT 4 48a)
Šalli-Lumpur (BE 6/1 116)
Šamaš-naḥrari (VS 9 114/115)
Šamaš-napšeram (CT 8 42b)
Šamaš-wēdam-uṣur (VS 13 34)
FEMALE SLAVE PN
Abi-libura(m) (CT 47 54, CT 47 78)
Aḥatāni (Dalley 1979)
Aḥi-šakim (CT 6 7a)
Aja-baniti (VS 13 34)
Aja-idišmi (TJDB 10-13)
Aja-lamassi (VS 8 99/100, TJDB 10-13)
Aja-gāmilat (TCL I 90)
Aja-rēmēni (TJDB 10-13)
Aja-Šemeat (MHET 18)
Aja-tāddinam (MHET 224)
Aja-Tillati (CT 47 48)
Aja-ummi (CT 6 7a)
Aja-ummi-alittim (CT 47 30)
Amāt-amurrum (Dalley 1979)
Amāt-Sîn (BE 6/1 32)
Ami-ṣabti (CT 8 35b)
Ana-bēlti-taklāku (CT 6 7a)
61
Taklāku-ana-Marduk (BE 6/1 116)
Ana-Šamaš-terri (CT 6 7a)
Annunitum-ummi (OLA 21 2, CT 8 6a)
Annun-pîša (BAP 107)
Aštumu (BE 6/1 116)
Atkalšum-libluṭ (Dalley 1979)
Belti-malê (CT 2 41)
Damīqtum (CT 8 43c)
Dan-ēmissa (Dalley 1979)
Dummuq-bēltim (CT 8 43c)
Ḥunābatum (VS 9 63/64)
Iltani (Dalley 1979)
Inanna-Kiš-ummi (CT 47 30)
Ina-īn-bašti (VS 9 109/110)
Ippalatum (TCL I 176)
Ištar-damqat (CT 33 38, BDHP 20, Dalley
1979)
Jamruṣṣi-ilum (CT 6 7a)
Kititum-haṣirat (CT 6 7a)
Kutibi (CT 8 25a)
Lalabitum (BAP 107)
Lamassāni (CT 48 61)
Lībūr-bašti (VS 9 101/110)
Lišlim (CT 8 20a)
Mad-dumuqša (Dalley 1979)
Maštum (CT 47 58)
Munawwirtum (Dalley 1979)
Mutatum
Nadān-bēlti-rabi (CT 6 7a)
Narubtum (BAP 3)
Ningal-ummi (VS 9 144/145)
Sadir-dummuqša (CT 45 18, CT 45 37)
Sîn-e[…] (BDHP 63)
Šalla-beltim-manni (CT 6 33a)
Šamaš-lamassi (CT 8 5a)
Šamaš-nūri (CT 8 22b)
Šarrat - tašimatim (CT 6 7a)
Šîma-aḥāti (CT 47 30)
Takil-bānuša (CT 6 7a)
Tarām-Adad (CT 6 7a)
Zikurtum (CT 8 49a)
First of all, we observe a large number of female slaves that can be linked to nadītu priestesses; a
total number of 57 or 76% of the total slave population linked to these priestesses. This
phenomenon can be explained in two ways: it is not uncommon for a nadītu priestess to receive
slaves as a gift at the moment she enters the gagûm. The gagûm was a place where solely
priestesses lived, even though in many cases, the supervisor of the nadītu was as man. In my
opinion, it is more logical to choose for female slaves when they have to help in the household of
the nadītu and when the slave has to live in a community mainly consisting of women (if we can
suppose, of course, that the slave stayed there). Nadītu priestesses also adopted slaves, always
women, in order to secure care in their old days if there was no family that might take up this
role. We have to suppose that for this care, the nadītu preferred a feminine slave, probably with
an emphasis on household tasks, like we know it from the classic view of slavery. According to
62
Harris, it was a common practice among nadītu priestesses to marry off the slave girl and thus
receive the bridal gift (the tirḥatu) from her husband (Harris 1975: 337), a practice that was also
common other slave owners, e.g. CT 8 30/a. When we look at the tablets studied for this
dissertation, we have to raise the question if this was indeed a common practice, since not many
attestations where found.
If we now return to our question and look at the names of the slaves owned, traded or hired out
by nadītu, we can conclude that the references to god(s) are present in 59% of all names, a much
higher percentage compared with to normal occurrence. This phenomenon is easily explainable:
if the mistress is a priestess dedicated to Šamaš or possibly Marduk, we can suppose she prefers
a slave name in which a god protects her servant. As the list above clearly proves this, might we
assume the nadītu renamed her slaves after they came into her possession?
The goddess Aja, consort of Šamaš, the patron deity of Sippar, is represented by a high
percentage among the slave girls belonging to nadītu priestesses (HARRIS 1977: 49). Looking at
the slave names in general (cf. chapter 2), we concluded that all the feminine slaves who have
Aja in their name, are in the possession of a nadītu. As this assumption is only based on ten
tablets, it remains risky to generalize this trend. Harris mentions that these slaves were also
named by the nadītu priestesses. Although we can clearly plead for this idea, we cannot find
evidence for it. But having Aja in their name is not compulsory, as the list above shows.
Twelve of the female slaves have a name which can be indicated as typical for a nadītu priestess.
It is highly remarkable that a person with the lowest possible social status received a name that
is typical for the upper class of society. It is significant that not one of these names belongs to a
slave owned by a nadītu. Harris suggests that these are ‘perhaps slave girls who were originally
free woman sold into slavery by their father or husbands’ (Harris 1972: 49). A summary of
typical priestess names among slaves is given in the overview below34. We have no evidence to
confirm the hypotheses suggested by Harris, nor can we find another explanation for this
phenomenon.
Aḥāssunu (OLA 21 73)
Awāt-Aja (CT 2 24)
Damīqtum (CT 4 43q, CT 8 43c)
Hiššatum (SFS 98)
Ḥuzālatum (CT 45 27)
Iltani (Dalley 1979)
Munawwirtum (Dalley 1979)
Narāmtum (SFS 98, 112, 118)
Narubtum (BAP 3)
Nuṭṭuptum (CT 8 29a)
Rībatum (BDHP 14)
Šallūrtum (CT 8 5a)
F. CONCLUSION
Slave names certainly hold some specific characteristics, such as praise towards their
master/mistress. In slave names, common name parts are used in a creative way, hence the large
number of unique names (cf. chapter 2). Unless Stamm’s classification of slave names was
reckoned too formalistic by Stol, we show that it is still very usefully today, and that the slaves of
Sippar mainly belong into the scheme that was put forward by Stamm. We could remark, based
on the Sipparian slave names, that his second category ‘questions formulated to the masters’ is
34
All names presented in the scheme appear in at least two different tablets as nadītu woman (lukur dutu) in the
Sippar database. A small scale study concerning the names nadītu names was published by Harris (Harris 1962:
1-12).
63
too large. It has four sub categories, but only few slave names from Sippar fit into the category.
In the fifth category of Stamm, it is clearly possible to distinguish at least five sub categories. All
of these categories of names are known among the names of the free population.
We can distinguish numerous differences between the masculine and female slave names.
Although we can describe these patterns, it is hard to find an explanation for them. It seems that
the choice of the servile name was largely made by the slave owner, who has free rein it its
selection, as was suggested by Harris (Harris 1977: 51). The chosen name either represents a
self-image of the owner or serves as an expression of personal piety and/or dedication to a
particular deity. Theophoric elements are largely present among slave PN’s, but there is a
remarkable difference in the patterns of male and female slave names.
In many cases, these theophoric names refer to slaves who are in the possession of nadītu
priestesses, who might have felt the urge to name reference to a God in their slave names, as a
means of (extra?) protection. Among the large number of female slaves, many carry the name
Aja, the wife of the main god of Sippar, Šamaš – the god most of the priestesses are dedicated to.
64
‘1 sag.ìr PN mu.ni.im’ = ‘one slave from now
on being called PN’?
V. ON THE MEANING OF MU.NI.IM
In many Old-Babylonian administrative and legal documents dealing with slaves, the name of the
slave, often written on the first line of the text, since (s)he is the object of the transaction, is
preceded by 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme and followed by mu.ni.im. These are both Sumerian expressions,
meaning ‘1 (head of 35) slave, PN is his/her name’. The mu.ni.im, however, only appears in less
than half of the contracts about slaves. The object of this study is to find out whether this
variation is in some way meaningful; we start with the assumption that it is. As a general
principle, we consider that the scribes did not use formulas lightly and that the presence or
absence of certain words or expressions is indicative of different situations. What, then, might be
a plausible explanation of the presence or absence of mu.ni.im? Can it add to our current
understanding of slavery in ancient Mesopotamia?
The adjunction mu.ni.im is attested already before the Old Babylonian period. In the corpus of
UR III documents, 61 attestations 36 can be found, mainly in contracts such as sales contracts. The
wording is identical with that in the Old Babylonian documents: 1 SAG + specification37 PN
mu.ni.im. It is clear that in all cases, this refers to a slave. As far as we can see, in this period,
mu.ni.im is added in all cases. The existence of various versions with and without it is typically
Old Babylonian.
A. WHAT DOES THE TERM MU.NI.IM IMPLY?
Schorr was the first to comment on this formula, linking it to slave status. He remarked that in
adoption texts, slaves and free persons can be distinguished. Contrary to the free adoptees, the
names of the slave adoptees are preceded by sag.ìr/géme and followed by mu.ni.im (SCHORR
1913: 43-44).
In his study on adoption, David understood the term as a designation for people who not only
were slaves but also descended from slaves. In this way, he suggested that it had the same
identifying function as a patronymic for free people (DAVID 1927: 68-69).
Ellis disagrees with David. In her comments on an Old Babylonian adoption document from
Harmal, she devotes a section to mu.ni.im. She concludes that this term never indicates slave
status, it simply means “...PN by name, or ‘a certain PN’ (ELLIS 1975: 139-140). Her interpretation
is based on one text, IM 63303, which she publishes in her article. A young girl (sikil.tur PN
mu.ni.im) is adopted by a lady (ana marūtiša...ilqeši) in return for sustenance. The girl is given up
for adoption by her family (mother and brother), not by an ‘owner’, which leads Ellis to the
conclusion that she cannot be a slave. If she is not a slave, it means that the indication mu.ni.im
rēšum (the Akkadian equivalent of sag) could probably mean slave on its own, according to Stol (1991:
193).
36 Based on the available text corpus of the CDLI (Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative). The texts are
mainly from the cities of: Nippur, Waliyah, Ur and Umma.
37 The most common forms: SAG.MUNUS, SAG.NITA, SAG.MÍ.ÀM.
35
65
can be applied to free persons too. We tend to interpret this text differently. The family gives the
young girl to the adopting lady as a slave. Since the text has no manumission clause, it is as a
slave that the girl will sustain the lady as long as she lives. The text has a ‘no claim clause’, typical
for manumitted slaves, meaning the descendants of the lady don’t have the right to claim the girl.
This can only mean that after the lady’s demise, the girl is free. If this interpretation holds, there
is no reason to dissociate mu.ni.im from the slave status.
All remarks that have been made until now focused on mu.ni.im as an indicator of social status.
Nothing more needs to be added to this topic: it is attached to the names of slaves only, pace
Ellis. The remarks made do not explain why, in a number of cases, mu.ni.im is not added to the
name of persons who are slaves. Another approach is needed here.
B. SLAVE NAMES AND THE APPEARANCE OF MU.NI.IM
The study of slave PN names in chapter II concludes that on the one hand, typical slave names –
more for women than for men – existed. On the other hand, slaves could also have names
typically used by free men or women or keep their foreign name. Without any doubt, based on
the numbers, Harris explained the overlap of male names by stating that enslaved men kept
their ‘free’ name, whereas the overlap of the female names is explained as manumitted women
keeping their slave name.
We would expect to find some indication in the names themselves: if a new name was given,
then we could expect this to be a typical slave name. This would be easiest to ascertain in the
case of female names. What information do we have?
FEMALE SLAVES
With mu.ni.im
Without
Broken
Total
SLAVE PN
11
80
2
96
NON SLAVE PN
6
25
0
31
UNKNOWN PN
4
28
0
30
TOTAL
22
133
2
157
The small number of ladies with ‘normal’ names followed by mu.ni.im is worth a further
examination. The first woman is Aḥatani, who was sold in As 10 (CTMMA 1, 54). Beside the
association of her name with mu.ni.im, we learn that she comes from the city Namesuḥ. There
are two other slaves with the same name. One was manumitted and adopted under Apil-Sîn (CT
8 29a), the other is part of a donation probably dated under Samsu-Iluna (Dalley, Iraq 42). These
two references do not have the mu.ni.im, neither do they refer to a foreign origin. The first
reference can be interpreted as a foreign slave receiving a new (not typically slave) name. In the
two other cases, no need is felt to change her name. Also, the slave Ili-qāti (CT 8 27a), bought by
a physician, is said to have descended from ‘between the rivers’.
The third woman carries the name Lamassāni, which is certainly not a typical slave name. Many
nadītum priestesses of Šamaš bear this name and one might wonder why it was given to a slave
(cf. Chapter III). The text (CT 48 61) is very broken but seems to involve buying a slave as a
secondary wife. Might that be the reason her name was changed to a ‘non-slave’ one?
66
A comparable situation occurs on the tablets CT 4 43a and CT 8 43c, where we find another slave
wearing a typical nadītu name: Damīqtum.
In tablet OLA 21 2, we meet Annunītum-ummi 38, a house born slave purchased by the nadītu
Amat-Mamu from another priestess named ŠI-ŠU-IA(?)-madātim. Because we deal with a
houseborn slave, probably having extra privileges, they might have chosen to give her a notslave name.
The last slave of this category is named Šîma-aḥāti (CT 47 30). She appears in a will in which a
father gives numerous goods to his daughter, among others parts of a house, cattle, grinding
stones, etc. The girl had to indicate an heir between her brothers. This name is again a name
known as a nadītu in an unpublished tablet (BM 82095).
The results of the feminine slaves are comparable with those of the male slaves. An overview is
given below:
MALE SLAVES
With mu.ni.im
Without
Broken
Total
SLAVE PN
7
50
1
58
NON SLAVE PN
8
33
1
42
UNKNOWN PN
3
13
0
16
TOTAL
18
96
2
116
Slaves could be renamed when they were bought. However, then they would disappear from the
written record, since only very rarely, they were sold again (SNELL 1997: 21). If they lived long
enough they could be mentioned in inheritance contracts. The house-born slaves would in
principle never be mentioned in the written documentation unless they were sold, which is very
rare, or mentioned in the context of inheritances. We have no idea how many they were, but
simple logic and biology would suggest they were the most numerous group of slaves. It is ironic
that the most frequent should be the most hidden (hiding their typical slave names from us too),
however, this is not infrequent in matters Assyriological.
The reason for –at least some – foreign slaves to keep their name is less easy to fathom. Harris
(HARRIS 1975: 340) cites an interesting example of three Subarian slaves, two men and a woman
bought together. The woman has a Subarian name, but the two men have Akkadian names.
Harris assumes the woman was their mother and thus an adult, which would imply that the two
male were children, whose name was changed to an Akkadian name. Hence her conclusion that
where adult names would stay the same, those of children would normally be changed.
C. THE CORPUS
Of the 175 tablets in our corpus 39, 40 tables or 15% have the specification mu.ni.im, 229 or 83%
do not, and on 4 of them, the relevant part of the tablet is broken. A look at the genres is
instructive:
38
Although Harris suggested this name is a typical slave name (Harris 1975: 333), it is used among free people,
too. E.g. On tablet MHET 234, one of the witnesses listens to this name, while it is the name of the renter in
MHET 294. These two activities cannot be connected with people with a slave status.
39
Slaves are also mentioned in 88 letters, but the addition mu.ni.im never occurs in those. Since they do not tell
us anything concerning our study, we have left them out, too for this case study.
67
GENRE
Adoptionmanumission
Donation
Dowry
Exchange
Inheritance
Hire
List
Litigation
Purchase
Silver Loan
Wedding
Total
TOTAL
7
20
5
1
52
13
4
17
39
5
3
165 40
MU.NI.IM
3
5
0
1
6
3
0
1
24
0
2
NO MU.NI.IM
3
46
15
5
0
44
10
4
14
11
5
0
111
BROKEN
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
4
0
1
8
The only clear opposition is to be found in the genres of dowries, lists, exchange contracts and
silver loans. There is no clear-cut distinction for the other genres, however, some tendencies can
be observed.
A first general remark is that the expression often seems to be used in a context that implies a
change of ownership of the slave. This is the case in sales, exchanges, donations, inheritances or
wedding gifts. In rents, lists and litigations, there is no transfer of property, neither is there in
dowries (lists of existing property that will be handed over in the future). It is quite interesting
to see that in CT 2 23 (unfortunately undated), among other properties, a list is given of no less
than 13 males and just as many female slaves without the mention of mu.ni.im. Nevertheless,
there does not seem to be an absolute rule that governs the use of the specification mu.ni.um.
We will now discuss and examine the different genres and try to find out whether an
interpretation of the mu.ni.im as an indication of name change is possible or even plausible.
A. ADOPTION-MANUMISSION
All of the documents without mu.ni.im are adoptions and manumissions in exchange for support
(CT 8 48a (Ḥa), CT 8 29a/b (As). Two other documents (eg. BE 6/1 17 (As) are simple adoptions
with the traditional clauses in case one of the parties reneges. A last document, CT 48 46 (Ḥa), is
a freeing and is destined for temple functions. Unfortunately, the relevant line end is broken. It
would seem that the explicitly stated manumission makes the difference. It is only when the
slave really enters the family that a name change is operated. When he or she is merely freed,
this is not necessary. This would also sustain the idea that a change of status from slave to free
person did not necessarily entail a change of name.
40
As mentioned above, the study of the slave onomasticon included 175 tablets. 10 tablets are unidentified in
genre. None of these tablets contain mu.ni.im. They were excluded from this overview, which means we studied
165 tablets for the mu.ni.im case.
68
B. DONATION
Only in 5 out of 20 documents, the mu.ni.im is mentioned after the slave name. There is a change
of ownership which also fits into the mu.ni.im and name change theory. But why does it not
occur in 15 other examples? Let’s start with having a look at a remarkable tablet.
The donation CT 45 79 (n.d.) from a father to his nadītum daughter is particularly interesting.
Among other property, two female and two male slaves are given and only both of the males are
specified by mu.ni.im. All have unusual, i.e. slave names: Kubbulum= lame (quttulu Holma),
Kartsu= calumny(?). In two of the three other father-daughter donations, no mu.ni.im is used for
the slaves (CT 47 30/a,Ḥa: four male and three female; CT 47 78/a n.d.: tow female slaves).
Remarkably, in the last text a cow is given, which happens regularly, is named after Aja-dūri and
in the document, mu.ni.im is added. It is perfectly conceivable that, in principle, in a gift from
father to daughter, no change of the name of the slaves would be required. Occasionally it could
be done. One thing is certain: CT 45 79 proves that it is not the kind of transaction that is
decisive here. It must have happened due to circumstances not mentioned in the text.
In one of the father-daughter donations (CT 8, 20a), the name of the female slave is followed by
mu.ni.im: another personal choice.
C. DOWRY
The results of this type of document are clear: mu.ni.im appears in none of the 5 examined
tablets. Can we find a suitable explanation for this phenomenon? A dowry list summarizes the
gifts a girl will bring to the house of her man when she gets married. At the moment the list is
written, the marriage has not yet been performed. Therefore, there is no change of property yet,
which confirms our theory that a name only changes at the moment a slave actually enters a new
household. This idea can partly be confirmed by the results of the wedding contracts (cf. supra).
D. EXCHANGE
The one exchange document does entail a change of owner. The slaves change house as
expressed in the text (CT 8 6a, Si). Both their names are followed by mu.ni.im, which agrees with
a name change.
E. INHERITANCE
The texts determining a part of the inheritanceḥala)
(
also vary: in CT 8 50a (Ḥa), the female
slave is specified by mu.ni.im whereas in CT 6 31b (Si) this is not the case. One might argue that
the first text states that upon marriage, the slave will enter her husband’s house, where the
second text merely defines the part of two brothers. In the first case, the change of owner could
be adduced to warrant a change of name. The second case is the assessment of an existing
situation. In the same sense, in the case a man donates a slave to his wife (CT 8 34b), the slave
remains within the family, which could explain the absence of mu.ni.im.
69
F. HIRE
If mu.ni.im indicates a change of name, we would certainly not expect it to occur in documents in
which a slave is hired. Nevertheless in three cases out of thirteen it does appear. BE 6/2 80,
dated under Si, is a straightforward hiring contract of a slave called Ili-admati, which name is
followed by mu.ni.im. OLA 21 80, to be dated underḤa or Si, is another simple hire, this time of
an Iplatassu also specified by mu.ni.im. The first one is a typical slave name, the second has a
foreign overtone. No explanation can be offered.
G. LIST
A list consists of a series of objects, usually linked to estate and written down without any
further information about its purpose. In some cases, slaves are part of the enlisted goods. The
slave does not change owner. We do not expect to find mu.ni.im in this case, and this hypothesis
is congruent with what we find in the tablets.
H. LITIGATION
Just like the above mentioned lists, this is almost a clear cut genre. In a litigation, we do not
expect the slave to change his or her name and can thus fully account for the absence of
mu.ni.im.
Why, then, is it present in the tablet CT 48 28 (n.d.)? In this tablet, parents give a slave girl to
their daughter Marāt-erṣetim when she becomes a qadištum priestess. Years go by and the slave
girl gets a daughter. The family of the qadištum (the cousins and borthers) claims the slave girl
and her child. The standard of Sîn is brought in order to legitimate the oath. Witnesses are heard
and the old donation tablet with its declarations is studied. The claims of the family are denied
and the slave stays in the possession of Marāt-erṣetim, together with her girl.
The slave is the object of dispute in this tablet and as mentioned above, we usually don’t expect
mu.ni.im in the context of a donation. Only in very rare circumstances does this occur. The scribe
of this tablet might have used the mu.ni.im formula to underline the ownership by the priestess.
The slave received her slave name after she was given to Marāt-erṣetim, confirming that she is
now a part of her will, out of the voice of her brothers.
I. PURCHASE
If it is true that the name of a person is changed when he or she becomes a slave, then we do not
have any examples of that case in this category. All people sold already are slaves. If mu.ni.im
refers to a name change, then in the majority of slave sales, the name of the person was changed.
As far as we can see, the texts do not show any distinctive features, neither do they describe any
specific circumstances which would explain why the specification was added or not.
In most of the sales documents, the mu.ni.im appears after the name of the slave. It is highly
acceptable that the new owner would want to give a new name to his slave. It is equally
acceptable that in a number of cases, this necessity was not felt and the slave kept his or her
name – whence no mu.ni.im.
70
We want to remark that among the names who don’t have the specification, two have titles, a
very rare occurrence for OB Sippar slaves. They are a carpenter (nagar; CT 47 52/a, Si) and a
kezertum (CT 48 28, Si). Among the ones with mu.ni.im no title is found.
Foreign origin is found among both groups, in which case we must suppose that here, too, there
was a free choice to change the name or not. The same goes for house born slaves (wilid bītim).
J. SILVER LOAN
When slaves are mentioned in silver loan documents, it is because the future purchaser needed
extra capital for his new investment. The moment someone asks credit for his acquisition,
possibly, the exact object is yet unknown. Usually, no PN of a slave is mentioned in these
documents. Therefore we cannot expect to see mu.ni.im appear here.
K. WEDDING
The next step after the payment of a dowry is to complete the marriage. This document is
created at the moment the bride enters the household of her man. At this moment, the property
she received from her parent’s house changes its owner. Therefore we should expect mu.ni.im in
these documents. Apparently, the texts confirm this, except for tablet CT 45 55 (Sd), which is
largely damaged.
D. MU.NI.IM VERSUS NAME: THE ACCEPTANCE OF A NEW NAME?
Can we assume that the expression mu.ni.im is an indication of the acceptance of the new (slave)
name as a dedication to a new household? Should we read 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme PN mu.ni.im as ‘a
slave from now on called ‘PN’? Only one document describing the practice of slave name change
can be found: tablet ARN 59, originated from the city of Nippur. This document deals with a girl
who was illegally taken away from her mother’s house and forced into slavery. When entering
the new household as a slave, she was given a new name.
If mu.ni.im indicated a change of household, can we explain why it doesn’t appear in all of the
documents dealing with slaves? We have to keep in mind that the name change of a new slave
was not compulsory. The master could freely decide whether or not he or she wanted to keep
the birth name/current name of the slave. It is thought that exceptions could be made for slaves
with a special occupation or status. This might also count for slaves of a foreign origin. In Sippar,
slaves from Subartu in particular were in extremely high demand, which resulted in high prices.
If it was able to afford a slave of this origin, the prestige of the household was lifted. To underline
the foreign origin of the slave, the (original) Subarian name could have been used 41. This ritual of
name change, described by Patterson (cf. supra), also has a different value in regard to house
born slaves. In this case, the need for a name change probably was less urgent, as the change of
household didn’t include a change of social position. In none the above tablets we can
distinguish different patterns between masculine and feminine slaves.
41
In the analyses of the slave names in chapter II, only few Subarian names were found. This can be caused by
the absence of general studies about this type of names. Probably some of the names with unknown origin can be
categorized as Subartean.
71
E. MU.NI.IM AND OT HER OBJECTS
Is mu.ni.im a formula we come across in the context slave names only? This question can be
answered with a clear ‘no’. In a few unique cases, the formula is mentioned after the name of
animals: mainly cows. According to Prang, naming an animal by using existing persons’ names is
very exceptional in the OB period (PRANG 1976: 30, 31). Based on the letter BAP 2, Farber
concludes ‘dass es die Regel war, einem Rind einen Namen zu geben’ (FARBER 1982: 36). G.
Farber presents an overview of cattle names from the UR III and the OB period in the article she
published in 1982. Of the 16 cows and bulls mentioned, only four of them have names which are
followed by the formula. Those appear in three inheritance documents, CT 47 78,17 and CT 4, 1
(Sippar), VS 7 49,1 (Dilbat) and in one sale text A 32135, 1 (unknown origin). Mu.ni.im only
appears after cow names. Based on the text genres, we find mu.ni.im in situations where the cow
gets another owner. Remarkably, the formula doesn’t appear next to bull names, then again, too
few documents are available to make the general conclusion that it uniquely appears by the
name of cows.
F. CONCLUSION
The expression mu.ni.im following a PN has implications for the person it refers to. It is a
reference to the social status of the person, identifying him/her as a slave. But it is also more
than an indicator of social status. It is probably a reference to one of the fundamental rituals of
enslavement of a person: a name change as the indication of an identity change (PATTERSON
1982: 54). Eventually, in this context, its function can be regarded as similar as that of the
patronymic among the free people (DAVID 1927: 69).
Typical slave names exist which are more represented among woman than among men. We can
assume that freeborn people weren’t given a slave name by birth. Two documents (STOL 1991:
209 and ARN 59) show us clear indications of this practice. Slaves kept their name after being
manumitted, which can explain why we find certain slave names among the free people. The
acceptance of a slave name was not compulsory and probably depended on the master of the
slave. In the examined texts, three exceptions of slaves keeping their names appear: foreign
slaves, house born slaves and slaves having a special position/occupation.
The expression mu.ni.im is represented in 15% of all the administrative documents dealing with
slavery, mainly in purchase contracts. If we have a closer look at the genres in which it appears,
we can conclude that it does appear in a context where the slaves enters slavery or changes from
household/master. Therefore, it is acceptable to state that the formula mu.ni.im is an indication
of the change of a name. This implies that we should read 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme PN mu.ni.im as ‘one
slave from now on being called PN’.
Mu.ni.im is not exclusively documented in the context of slave names. The expression also
emerges next to the names of some cows and one snake. Again, these documents are to be placed
in a context dealing with a change of owner. As only few documents are available, it is dangerous
to make general statements regarding cows and name change.
72
VI.
CONCLUSION
The aim of this dissertation was to gain new information and new insights about slaves and the
phenomenon of slavery during the OB period, specifically in the city of Sippar. As this theme
clasps numerous aspects of research, we chose for a detailed study of the onomasticon with the
aim to find possible answers to our questions.
We can answer the question whether it was possible to distinguish people with a slave status
from other people, with a straightforward yes. Slaves were physically distinguished by the
abbutu, a specific hairdo exclusively worn by slaves. In some cases, which probably concerned
some sort of misbehavior, they wore fetters. Another way of distinguishing slaves is by their
specific slave name, a name that was chosen by the slave owner according to his taste.
For the onomastic study of names, we mainly used legal documents and administrative accounts,
as in most cases, this sort of documents mentions the name of the slaves. This is not the case in
letters and literature and for this reason, these sources were not included. In all studied
documents, we see many nadītu priestesses appear.
If we study the names of the slaves, we first of all conclude that there are more female slaves
(58%) than male slaves (42%). This may be due to the higher amount of interest in slave girls
who are used in the household of the upper-class Sipparian citizen. This tendency, the difference
between the male and female slaves, becomes a constant value for all the extra research carried
out concerning slave names, except for the representation of foreign names among the in
essence Akkadian names.
When we determine the uniqueness of the slave names, meaning that the name occurs only once
or only among people indicated as slaves, we see a difference of 12% between the masculine
(50%) and feminine (62%) population. With an exception of about 10 PN, slave names appear
only once in the records of the city Sippar. Personal names in Sippar are in most cases genderrelated. Only few examples of names that can be considered as unisex are known. So far, only
one slave name, Abi-liburram, is known to belong to this group. Remarkably, there is a group of
female slaves who are named after free men’s names. We have no arguments to explain this
phenomenon.
Do slave names have a specific linguistic composition, as was discussed by Stamm? In general
lines, we can confirm the division made by Stamm, although we have to remark that one
category of names, ‘the questions formulated to the master’, is only partially applicable to the
slave names of Sippar. Meanwhile, his last category indicated as ‘others’ can clearly be divided
into several sub groups, such as names with geographical components, names referring to
animals, physical defaults, etc.
When we study the language in which the slave names are written down, we conclude that 5% of
the slaves have a name of foreign origin, 2% are Amorite and an equal number can be indicated
as Hurrite. Only 0,5% are indicated as West-Semitic, and the resting 0,5% as Subartean.
Interestingly, 11% of the slaves studied in our documents are indicated as of foreign origin.
There are two possible ways to explain this phenomenon. First of all, we have a group of names
of which we cannot define the languages. This group represents 7% of all names studied. It is
just as likely, however, that slaves imported from abroad where renamed once they entered
Sippar. Therefore, in this research they were placed into the group of autochthon slaves.
Can we confirm the theory of Patterson that ‘the second major feature of the ritual enslavement
involved the changing of the slave’s name’ (PATTERSON 1982: 54)? The evidence given in this
73
dissertation proves that something like a slave name existed. Except for the house born slaves,
we cannot assume that people were given a slave name by birth, predicting their future. The
name change was one aspect of the enslavement process, if this was the specific wish of the slave
owner. In certain cases, and especially when the slave had a special status or function, it was
more likely that the person could keep his or her birth name.
If we assume a name could have been changed, can we find evidence of this practice in our
studied documents? There is one formula in particular that caught our attention in regard to this
question: the Sumerian formula mu.ni.im, present in 15% of the slave documents and mainly in
the context of purchase contracts. If we have a closer look at the types of documents in which it
appears, we can conclude that it does appear in a context where the slaves enters slavery or
changes his household/master. Therefore, it is acceptable to state that the formula mu.ni.im is an
indication of the change of a name. This implies that we should read 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme PN
mu.ni.im as ‘on slave from now on being called PN’.
If a slave was renamed after being enslaved, did a name change happen at the moment he/she
was manumitted? Two documents (STOL 1991: 209 and ARN 59) give us clear indications of this
practice. Slaves kept their name after being manumitted, which can explain while we find certain
slave names among the free people. This practice is also known from classical antiquity.
This study shows that 11% of the slave population is identified as foreign. How exactly did these
slaves exactly end up in the city of Sippar? Was this usually out of private initiatives of wealthy
people or did something like a slave trader exist? Did certain families have a monopoly on the
slave trade and the import of slaves in the city of Sippar? Was there a central place where slaves
were sold and did there actually exist a sort of central database collection of all the names of
slaves? Which were the exact tasks of these slaves? Did they, as the communis oppinio suggests,
mainly end up in the household? And where did these slaves stay in the small houses of Sippar?
Who exactly became a slave, what kind of work was done by slaves, which and how many
families had slaves, how many slaves were owned by a family? What is the difference in number,
position and tasks of male and female slaves? How many of them were manumitted, in what way
and for what reasons? On a broader level: what was the place of male and female slaves in the
OB society?
Before these questions can be answered, large scale research is concerning slaves in the OB
period is needed. Only this will hopefully lead us to new insights, enabling us to answer at least
some of the above mentioned questions.
74
VII.
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LEEMANS, W.F., 1968 : ‘Old Babylonian letters and economic history. A Review article with a
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80
VIII. APPENDIX
A. LIST OF USED SL AVE TABL ETS
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
PUBLICATION
DATE
GENRE
BAP 3
Aṣ 3/7/3
Purchase
BA 5 11
BAP 4
BAP 7
BAP 97
BAP 100
BAP 107
BDHP 14
BDHP 20
BDHP 37
BDHP 46
BDHP 63
BE 6/1 17
BE 6/1 18
BE 6/1 28
BE 6/1 58
BE 6/1 62
BE 6/1 84
BE 6/1 93
BE 6/1 95
BE 6/1 101
BE 6/1 116
BE 6/2 80
CT 2 14
CT 2 23
CT 2 24
CT 2 25
CT 2 28
CT 2 41
Ḥa 42/12/20
Aṣ 10/5/6
Ḥa 39/-/Ḥa 31
Si 2/10/5
Aṣ 16/1/30
Im -
Si 18/12/18
Im -
Si 33/-/11
Si 1/12a/4
Aṣ -
Sm 1/-/-
Ḥa 29/11/3
Si 11/3/6
Si 26/7/11
Ad 31/12/30
Aṣ 2-3/8/5
Aṣ 13/10/20
Aṣ 12/11/15
Sd 17/12/Si 8/3/22
Ḥa 11/-/-
Ae -/4/10
Ḥa 10/6 /28
Ḥa -
Ḥa 38/6/13
Hire
Silver loan
Donation
Adoption – manumission
Litigation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Purchase
Silver loan
Purchase
Purchase
Adoption – manumission
Purchase
Inheritance
Litigation
Inheritance
Dowry
Other
Donation
Dowry
Donation
Hire
Purchase
Donation
Donation
Purchase
Other
Inheritance
81
30
CT 4 41a
-
Other
32
CT 6 7a
Si 5/12/15
Litigation
31
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
CT 4 43a
CT 6 28a
CT 6 29
CT 6 31b
CT 6 33a
CT 6 47b
CT 8 4a
CT 8 5a
CT 8 5b
CT 8 6a
CT 8 12c
CT 8 13c
CT 8 15c
CT 8 16a, MHET 106
CT 8 20a
CT 8 22b
CT 8 22c
CT 8 25a
CT 8 27a
CT 8 29a
CT 8 29b
CT 8 34b, MHET 117
CT 8 35b
CT 8 42b
CT 8 43c
CT 8 45a
CT 8 48a
CT 8 49a
CT 8 50a
CT 33 38
CT 33 39
CT 33 41
CT 45 6
Ḥa -
Ad 1/4/25
Si -
Si 8/4/-
Ḥa 24/12/24
Sm -
Ḥa 41/6/11
Ḥa 33/-/-
Si 23/11/1
Si 20/-/-
Ḥa 14/7/11
Si 21/-/16
Sm Sm -
Ḥa 12/2/3
Ḥa 21/10/35
Sm 7/-/-
Ae -/1/6
Aṣ -
Aṣ 1/-/-
Sm 25/01/11
Ḥa -
Sm -/4/8
Ḥa 18/9/24
Sm -
Ḥa 28/7/11
Aṣ -
Ḥa 2/-/-
Ḥa 34/6/3
Ḥa 41/7/12
Ad 4/1/20
Sm 20/-/-
Donation
Inheritance
Litigation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Litigation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Exchange
Hire
Inheritance
Hire
Inheritance
Inheritance
Purchase
Purchase
Inheritance
Purchase
Donation
Adoption – manumission
Donation
Purchase
Hire
Purchase
Purchase
Adoption – manumission
Adoption – manumission
Inheritance
Purchase
Other
Purchase
Donation
82
65
CT 45 17
Sm 17/-/-
Litigation
67
CT 45 29
Ḥa -
Inheritance
66
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
CT 45 27
CT 45 34
CT 45 37
CT 45 44
CT 45 45
CT 45 55
CT 45 58
CT 45 79
CT 45 97
CT 45 105
CT 45 112
CT 47 30
CT 47 30/30a
CT 47 47
CT 47 52
CT 47 53
CT 47 54
CT 47 58
CT 47 61/61a
CT 47 63
CT 47 65
CT 47 67
CT 47 78
CT 48 2
CT 48 24
CT 48 28
CT 48 30, CT 48 28b, CT 48 47b
CT 48 33
CT 48 46
CT 48 47
CT 48 55
CT 48 59
CT 48 60
Ḥa 20/1/35
Si 15/5/1
Si 27/10/3
Ad 2/12/14
Ad 4/-/20
Sd -
Aṣ 9/10/1
-
Ḥa 10/3/20
Ḥa 10/-/-
Ḥa 43/1/Si 17/6/1
Si 2/1/23
Si 4/9/27
Si 6/10/22
Si 8/11/12
Si 14/11/20
Si 25/12/30
Si -/12/-
Ḥa -/-/30
-
Si 9/6/10
Sli -
Ḥa 34/2/14
Ḥa 8
Ae -/12/14
Ad 48 55
Aṣ -
Si 24
List
Inheritance
Litigation
Purchase
Purchase
Wedding
Hire
Inheritance
Other
Donation
Donation
Donation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Purchase
Purchase
Purchase
Inheritance
Purchase
Other
Inheritance
Inheritance
Donation
Litigation
Litigation
Purchase
Litigation
Donation
Adoption – manumission
Silver loan
Dowry
Inheritance
Purchase
83
100
CT 48 61
-
Purchase
102
CT 48 63
Si -
Purchase
101
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
CT 48 62
CT 48 64
CT 48 65
CT 48 66
CT 48 98
CT 66 49b
Dalley, 1979, 10
Dalley 1979, 16
Edzard, TeD 31
Edzard, TeD 31
Edzard, TeD 45
Edzard, TeD 129
JNES 21 (65) 72
MHET 18
MHET 99
MHET 143
MHET 224
MHET 248
MHET 257
MHET 333
MHET 444
MHET 449
MHET 460
MHET 570
MHET 616
MHET 720
MHET 853
MHET 921
OLA 21 2
OLA 21 21
OLA 21 24
OLA 21 71
OLA 21 73
Ḥa 40/10/25
Ḥa 38/9/10
Ḥa 37/4/30
Ad 22/7/10
-
Si 6/10/22
-
Aṣ 2/8/20
-
Sd 11/2/20
Sli -
Sm -
Ḥa 3/-/-
Ḥa 26/12/6
Ḥa 32/4/Ḥa -/-/34
Ḥa -
Si 27/2/7
Si 28/11/2
Si -
Ḥa 32/4/-
Ḥa 29/10/-
Si 8/11/13
Ad -/diri6/20
Ḥa 40/-/-
Aṣ 13/7/20
-
Purchase
Hire
Purchase
Silver loan
Purchase
Other
Dowry
Inheritance
Silver loan
Other
Other
Other
Purchase
Litigation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Purchase
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Purchase
Other
Litigation
Inheritance
Dowry
84
135
OLA 21 75
-
Purchase
137
OLA 21 96
Si 22/-/30
Litigation
136
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
OLA 21 90
PBS 8/2 199
SFS, 98 sq
SFS 112
SFS 118
TCL I 89
TCL I 90
TCL I 97
TCL I 98
TCL I 98/99
TCL I 147
TCLI 156
TCL I 170
TCL I 176
TJDB
TLB I 10
22913
VS 8 4/5
VS 8 12/13
VS 8 15/16
VS 8 52/53
VS 8 52/53
VS 8 69/70
VS 8 99/100
VS 8 123/124
VS 9 63/64
VS 9 109/110
VS 9 144/145
VS 9 163
VS 9 164
VS 9 214/215
Vs 9 221
-
Si 4/12/1
Sm Sm Sm -
Ḥa 30/-/-
Ḥa 33/4/-
Ḥa 37/6/11
Ḥa 37/5/20
Ḥa 37/5/22
Ad -/4/1
Ad 37/12/11
Aṣ -/11/15
Si 5/12/-
SSi 3/9/20+x
7/8/
-
Za -
Ḥa -
Ḥa 3/-/-
Ḥa 14/-/-
Ḥa 37/5/1
Ḥa 42/12/30
Ḥa 24/11/10
Ḥa Ḥa -
VS 9 219
-
VS 13 32
Ḥa 13/2/2
VS 9 227
-
Hire
Hire
Donation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Wedding
List
List
Inheritance
Purchase
Purchase
Purchase
Hire
h
Donation
Wedding
Inheritance
Donation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Donation
Hire
Donation
Hire
Hire
Inheritance
Donation
Purchase
Inheritance
List
Purchase
Purchase
Litigation
85
171
VS 13 34
-
Inheritance
173
YOS 14 163
Sm -
Litigation
172
183
YOS 14 163
Litigation
86
B. CHRONOLOGICAL OVERVIEW OF THE SLAVES BY GENDER AND THE APPEARANCE OF MU.NI.IM AND NADĪTU
Male slaves
PUBLICATION
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Imerum
BDHP 37
Sumu-la-el
CT 48 30, CT 48 28b
Apil-Sin
CT 8 29b
CT 48 59
CT 8 48a
CT 8 49a
CT 8 29c
Sîn-Muballiṭ
BE 6/1 18
CT 45 6
DATE
43
MU.NI.IM? 42
FUNCTION
GENRE
Im -
Ili-Tillati
Gift
Loan
Sli -
Abum-bāni
Disput
Litigation
As
As
As
As
As
Abum-bāni
Abum-bāni
Ili-ābili
Aḥum-kīnum
Ebabbar-lumur
manumitted
Inherited
Gift
Gift
Gift
Adoption
Inheritance
Adoption
Adoption
Donation
Sold
Gift
Purchase
Donation
Gift
Donation
1/-/-
Sm 1/-/Sm 20/-/Sm
25/01/11
Sm -/04/08
42
NAME SLAVE
Sm -/-/16
Ina-qāti-Šamaš
Abum-bāni
Ḥabil-kīnum
Mār-Sippar
Šamaš-mutapli
Sēniq-qabe-Šamaš
Ili-matar
Šamaš-napšeram
Waqar-Abum
When the formula is present, it is indicated by a ‘x’.
When a nadītu priestess is involved into the transaction, an ‘x’ is written down.
X
Hired
Hired
sold
Loan
Purchase
NADĪTU? 43
X
X
X
X
87
Sm 10
11
CT 8 4a
SFS 98sq
Sm Sm - (oath)
12
SFS 112 (+F)
Sm - (oath)
13
SFS 118
Sm -(oath)
14
15
16
Ḥammurabi
CT 47 30/a
VS 13 32
CT 45 27
Ḥa 10/3/20
Ḥa 13/2/2
Ḥa 20/01/35
Ana-Šamaš-taklāku
Rē’ûm-ilum
Sîn-napšeram
Tešhum
Dingir-[…]
Ana-Šamaš-taklaku
Bēli-Abi
Egigie(?)
Ili-Bānī
Luštamar
Šamaš-e[…]
Šamaš-muballiṭ
Watār-pī-Šamaš
Wēdum
Abum-lilum
Ana-Šamaš-Taklāku
Iš-[…]-um
Sîn-naṣir
Šamaš-muballiṭ
Šamaš-napšēram
Šamaš-[…]idi
Wedum-lu[…]
Ili-Bānī
Luštamar
Wedum-Ilišu
Zikir-pi-Šamaš
Inherited
Inheritance
Inherited
Gift
Inheritance
Donation
Inherited
Inheritance
Gift
Inheritance
Adad- Mālik
Marduk-Apili
Aḥam-arši
Ana-Šamaš-taklāku
Hazib-Šušu
Ili-Išmeanni
Itti-Šamaš-temî
Gift
Disput
unknown
Donation
Litigation
List
X
88
17
18
19
VS 9 144/145
CT 8 48a
BE 6/1 28
Ḥa 24/11/10
Ḥa 28/07/11
Ḥa 29/11/3
21
22
23
CT 48 65
MHET 248
MHET 616
Ḥa 37/4/30
Ḥa 32/4/Ḥa 32/4/-
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
TCL I 97
CT 48 64
CT 48 62
CT 33 39
BA 5 11
CT 45 29
CT 2 28
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
20
24
25
33
34
TCL I 89
TCL I 98
TCL I 98/99
Samsu-Iluna
BDHP 63
CT 47 53
Ḥa 30/-/-
Ḥa 37/5/20
Ḥa 37/5/22
37/6/11
38/9/10
40/10/25
41/7/12
42/12/20
-
Si 1/12a/4
Si 2/1/23
Sîn-Eeš
Ṣilli-Agade
Ubār-Sugal
Uṣur-Mālik
Warad-Ninsiana
Šamaš-nahrari
Lamma-muballiṭ
Kalūmum
Ṣaphur-liphur
Iṣrupanni
Kanišu
Lūmur-Gimil-Šamaš
Lūšalim-bāšti
Tarībum
Warad-Eru
Damiqtum
Ili-Haṣiri
Ibnu-Amurrum
Marduk-Abi-Ilī
Šamaš-uṣranni
Lūmur-Gimil-Šamaš
Tarībum
Warad-Eru
Šamaš-uṣranni
Ša-Šamaš-damqā
Aḥi-Umma-[…]
Not mentioned
Mār-erṣētim
Ana-Šamaš-taklāku
Not mentioned
Iddin-Adad
Jadurim
Inherited
release
Inherited
Inheritance
Adoption
Inheritance
Sold
Gift
Gift
Purchase
Inheritance
Inheritance
unknown
Hired
Sold
payment
Rented
Gift
Inherited
List
Rent
Purchase
Account
Rent
Inheritance
Partnership
settlement
Sold
Sold
Purchase
Purchase
Donated
uknown
Inherited
X
X
X
X
Inheritance
List
Inheritance
X
X
X
X
89
35
36
BAP 100
TJDB 10-13
Si 2/10/5
Si 7/8/-
37
38
39
BE 6/2 80
CT 47 61/61a
CT 47 63
Si 8/3/22
Si 8/11/12
Si 14/11/20
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
CT 47 52
CT 8 12c
CT 8 15c
OLA 21 95/96
CT 48 60
BE 6/1 62
BDHP 46
MHET 460
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
49
Abi-Ešuḥ
OLA 21 21
50
51
52
53
Ammi-ditana
CT 6 29
CT 45 44
CT 48 66
TCL I 156
48
54
55
56
CT 48 63
Ammi-Ṣaduqa
BE 6/1 93
CT 45 58
BAP 4
17/6/1
20/-/21/el/16
22/-/30
24
26/7/11
33/-/11
-
Si -/3/-
Not mentioned
Galûm
Uṣur-bitam
Šamaš-nahrari
Ili-ummati
Mār-erṣētim
Ana-pî-Šamaš-nadi
Sîn-Mašmaš
Unknown
Hadî-Amir-Šamaš
Ili-Rimeanni
Ili-Rimeanni
Atta-Iluma
Ammu-Pi
Bēli-ēpiri
Damiq-Marduk
Šūzub-Šamaš-ra[…]
Uqâ-ilum
Aḥuni
X
X
X
X
claimed
Inherited
Litigation
Inheritance
Hired
Sold
inherited
Hire
Purchase
Gift of fields
Sold
hired
hired
Inherited
Sold
Inherited
Sold
Gift
Purchase
Hire
Hire
Litigation
Purchase
Inheritance
Purchase
Inheritance
Sold
unknown
Bought by palace
Division
Ad
Ad
Ad
Ad
Warad-Bunene
Sîn-matê
unknown
Ilima-[…]
Claim
Sold
Will be sold
Sold
Litigation
Purchase
Loan
Purchase
Received ration
Hired
Table
Rent
Aṣ 2-3/8/5
Aṣ 9/10/1
Aṣ 10/5/6
Not mentioned
Nabium-Naṣir
Za-[…]
Not mentioned
X
sold
X
X
X
X
Purchase
Ae /diri6/20
1/4/25
2/12/14
22/7/10
37/12/11
X
X
Loan
90
57
BAP 107
58
59
Samsu-Ditana
JNES 21 75
BE 6/1 116
60
Undated
CT 45 79
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
CT 45 98
CT 4 41a
CT 45 105
CT 45 112
CT 6 28a
CT 48 24
CT 2 23
Aṣ 16/1/30
Ṣilli-Irra
Inherited
Inheritance
Sd 13/7/16
Sd 17/12/-
Not mentioned
Šalli-Lūmur
Taklaku-ana-Marduk
Will be sold
Donated
Gift
Loan
Donation
Donation
-
Karsum
Kubbulum
Ibni-[…]
Not mentioned
Mannum-Balum-Šamaš
Šamaš-ḥāzir
Šamaš-tappê
Iddin-Addad
Ilum-šarikum
Aḥam-nirši
Akbu-dada
Aṣīrum
Awīl-Ilī
Elaja
Etelum
Habil-kīnum
Halīwum
Ili-bānî
Iṣu-mada
Jašub-ilum
Manni-ālišu
Mutam- rāmā
Mutum
Nūr-Išhara
Ṣima-ili-[…]
Lūmur-[…]
Iplatassu
Gift
Inheritance
Gift
Donation
-
68
MHET 570
-
69
70
OLA 21 75
OLA 21 90
-
X
X
X
X
X
sold
Part of property
Inherited
Gift
Inherited
lawsuit
X
X
Purchase
Inventory
Donation
Donation
Inheritance
Litigation
Gift
Inheritance
sold
Hired
Purchase
Hire
X
X
91
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
Edzard, TeD 31
Edzar, TeD 129
Dalley 1979
VS 8 21
VS 9 219
VS 9 92
VS 9 221
VS 9 227
VS 13 34
VS 8 4/5
VS 8 52/53
YOS 14 163
-
Āmur-gimila-Šamaš
Not mentioned
Sîn-Puṭrum
Kubi-[…]
Šamaš
Išpi-teššup
Ana-Šamaš-Taklaku
Ili-aṣiri
Ibni-[…]
Šamaš-wēdam-uṣur
Dingir-kirû-lu
Ili-Tukulti
Not mentioned
-
Given as pawn
Sold
Inherited
-
Sold
Inherited
Becomes slave(?)
Inherited
Donated
Loan
Payments
Inheritance
Fragment
Fragment
Purchase
List
List
Purchase
Inheritance
Wedding
Inheritance
Jurdical
FUNCTION
GENRE
Sold
X
X
X
Female slaves
1
2
3
4
5
PUBLICATION
DATE
NAME SLAVE
Imerum
BDHP 14
Im -
Rībatum
ownership
Inheritance
Za -
Itti-Šamaš-milki
Inherited
Inheritance
Sli Sli -
Šamaš-nūri
Aja-šemē-itti
Disputed
Gift
Litigation
Donation
Sm 7/-/-
Kutibi
Inherited
Inheritance
Zabium
VS 8 12/13
Sumu-la-el
CT 48 30, CT 48 27b
MHET 18
Sin-Muballiṭ
CT 8 25a
MU.NI.IM?
NADĪTU?
X
92
6
7
8
9
10
11
CT 45 17
CT 45 6
CT 8 34b
CT 8 4a
CT 8 20a
CT8 16a
Sm
Sm
Sm
Sm
Sm
Sm
15
SFS, 112
Sm -
16
SFS 118
Sm -
12
14
MHET 99
SFS, 98sq
17/-/20/-/25/1/11
-
Sm Sm -
Sadir-dummuqša
Šallūrtum
Ana-Bēltim-taklāku
Šallūrtum
Lišlim
Ili-imdi
Belētum
Amāt-Ilabrat
Abi-dūri
Naplisi-bēlti
Narāmtum
Bēli-dūri
Erištum
Bēlessunu
Ištar-ummi
Ummi-waqrat
Hiššatum
ṭap(?)-x-rapšu
Ištar-ummi
Erištum
Bēlti-erišti
Ga ga […]
Babu-rabiat
Sag.gig-nuttum
Ana-bēlti-taklāku
Narāmtum
Bēli-duri
Muštal-bēlti
Ummi-waqrat
Bēlti-[…]
Naplisi-bēlti
Abi-dūri
Bēlti-dṣri
Narāmtum
Bālessunu
X
Subject of trial
Donated
Donated
Inherited
Donated
Inherited
Litigation
Donation
Donation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inherited
Inheritance
Gift
Inheritance
Gift
Gift
X
X
Inheritance
Donation
93
17
YOS 14 163
18
19
20
21
Ḥammurabi
CT 8 50a
MHET 143
VS 8 99/100
CT 47 30
22
23
24
25
26
27
Sm Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
2/-/3/-/3/-/10/3/20
CT 2 25
CT 2 14
CT 8 22b
CT 8 13c
CT 8 43c
CT 45 27
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
10/6/28
11/-/12/2/3
14/7/11
18/9/24
20/01/35
28
29
30
31
CT 6 47b
CT 8 22c
VS 9 144/145
MHET 224
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
20/12/24
21/10/35
24/11/10
26/12/6
32
33
MHET 853
BE 6/1 28
Ḥa 29/10/Ḥa 29/11/3
Erištum
Ummi-waqrat
Ištar-ummi
Ṭab-wedum Šu(?)
Not mentioned
Ali-Abi
Tabnī-Ištar
Aja-lamassi
Šîma-aḥāti
Inanna-Kiš-ummi
Aja-ummi-alittim
Humaṣirum
Not mentioned
Šamaš-nūri
Marduk-Aški(?)
Dummuq-bēltim
Damkina-rēmēni
Abi-liburam
Ištar-damqat
Hummurum
Waqar-abi
Huzala-[…]
Atkalšim
Bēlti-māgirat
Ningal-ummi
[…]-Kalatum
Aja-tāddinam
Ištar-na[…]-ri
Ištar-[…]
Not mentioned (x2)
Amat-Sîn
Ili-dumqi
Ali-abūša
Gift
Litigation
X
Inherited
Gift
Hired for harvest
Gift
Inheritance
Inheritance
Hire
Donation
X
Sold
Sold
Sold
inherited
Sold
-
Purchase
Purchase
Purchase
Inheritance
Purchase
List of animals
Dispute
Sold
Inherited
Inherited
Gift
Inherited
Inherited
Inherited
Gift
Litigation
Purchase
Inheritance
Inheritance
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Inheritance
94
34
35
36
TCL I 89
MHET 248
CT 8 5b
Ḥa 30/-/Ḥa 32/4/Ḥa 33/-/-
38
39
40
41
42
CT 33 38
MHET 255
VS 9 63/64
TCL I 98
CT 2 41
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
37
43
44
45
46
47
CT 48 33
BAP 7
CT 48 62
OLA 21 24
CT 8 5a
VS 9 109/110
Ḥa 34/2/14
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
34/6/3
34
37/5/1
37/5/22
38/6/13
39/-/40/10/25
40/-/41/6/11
Ḥa 42/12/30
48
CT 47 47
Ḥa 43/1/-
55
56
57
CT 8 35b
CT 8 43c
MHET 333
Ḥa Ḥa Ḥa -
49
50
51
52
53
54
CT 48 2
MHET 257
CT 45 29
CT 4 1b, MHET 328
CT 4 43a
CT 2 28
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
-/-/30
-/-/34
-
AšratumŠik-basal
Adad-x-Sîn
Adad-Liburam
[…]-Haditum-maruṣ
Bālti-abi-qīšim
Gururtum
Qibî-ašimma-tikla
Ištar-damqat
[…]-iqtum
Hunabatum
Ašratum-ummi
Bēlti-malê
Uriktum-lamassi
Adad-dumqi
Broken
Mami-dumqi
Šamaš-Lamassi
Ina-īn-bašti
Lībūr-bašti
Mutatum
Bēltum-Magirat
Mamu-Tillanu
Sāniq-Qabuša
Dumuq-[…]
Aš-ia-su2-ni-ti (?)
Hami-še’im-arši
Damiqtum
Not mentioned
Ammi-ṣabti
Damiqtum
Šurinnum-[…]
Ama-[…]
Inherited
Gift
Inherited
Inheritance
Inheritance
Inheritance
Donation
X
Sold
Gift
Not mentioned
Inherited
Inherited
Purchase
Inheritance
Rent
Inheritance
Inheritance
X
Gift
X
X
X
X
Gift
Sold
claimed
Indicated as
neighbour
Hired
Gift
Object of trial
Inherited
Inherited
Donated
Dispute
Part of division
Sold
Dispute
Gift
Donation
Purchase
Litigation
Inheritance
Hire
X
X
X
X
X
X
Inheritance
Litigation
Inheritance
Inheritance
Donation
Litigation
Partnership
settlement
Purchase
Litigation
Inheritance
X
X
95
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
VS 9 163
VS 8 52/53
VS 9 164
Samsu-Iluna
BDHP 63
BAP 100
TLB I 229
CT 47 54
PBS 8/2 188
CT 6 7a
Ḥa Ḥa Ḥa -
Itti-Ištar-libluṭ
Ili-imdi
Broken (x2)
Si
Si
Si
Si
Sîn-e[…]
Not mentioned
Ana-Šumija-libluṭ
Abi-liburram
Aja-ummi
Ama-dummuq-bēlti
Aḥa-libluṭ
Nadān-bēlti-rabi
Takil-bānūša
Šaratta-šimatim
Tarām-Adad
Kititum-haṣirat
Ana-bēlti-taklāku
Jamruṣṣi-ilum
Ana-Šamaš-terri
Aḥi-šakim
Ippalatum
uknown
Maštum
Aja-Idišmi
Aja-lamassi
Aja-rēmēni
Šala-bēltim-manni
Annunitum-ummi
Anaṭṭal-iniša
Ištar-lamassi
Bēlti-rēmēni
Bēltum-kima-abi
Ištar-damqat
Mannum-balušša
1/12a/4
2/10/5
3/9/20+x
4/9/27
Si 4/12/1
Si 5/12/15
67
68
69
70
TCL I 176
CT 66 49b
CT 47 58
TJDB 10-13
Si
Si
Si
Si
5/12/6/10/22
7/8/5
7/8/-
71
72
73
74
CT 6 33a
OLA 21 2
CT 48 28
CT 45 34
Si
Si
Si
Si
8/4/8/11/13
9/6/10
15/5/1
75
76
BDHP 20
OLA 21 96
Si 18/12a/18
Si 22/-/30
X
Gift
Inherited
Sold
Donation
Inheritance
Purchase
Purchase
claimed
Gift
Sold
Sold
Litigation
donation
Purchase
Hired
Part of division
X
X
Hire
Litigation
X
X
X
Hired
Given as pawn
Inherited
Inherited
Hire
Pawn
Inheritance
Inheritance
X
Gift
Purchase
Sold
Inherited
Inheritance
Sold
Purchase
Inheritance
X
X
Sold
Inherited
Purchase
Litigation
X
X
96
Bēlti-Tillati
Mad-dumuqša
Annunitum-[…]
Ma[…]
Pīhātum
Adad-dumqi
Ali-Aḥi
Mamu-[…]
Amāt-Sîn
Kabtat[…]
77
CT 8 6a
Si 23/11/1
79
BE 6/1 62
Si 26/7/11
80
81
82
MHET 444
CT 45 37
MHET 449
Si 27/2/7
Si 27/10/3
Si 28/11/02
83
84
CT 47 67
CT 6 31b
Si -/12/Si -
Amu-[…]
Sadir-dumuqša
Išim-[…]
Mannum-balum-kīma
Mamu-[…]
Iddin-[…]
Abi-maraṣ
Sarriqum
Ae
Ad
Ae
Ae
Ili-qāti
Mamma-[…]
Awāt-Aja
Not mentioned
Ad 4/1/20
Ad 31/12/30
Ummi-Ḥepet
Bulaṭatum
Šarrat-Sippir-na[…]
Aṣ 2/8/20
Aṣ 3/7/3
Aṣ 13/7/20
Not mentioned
Narubtum
Eulmaš-liwir
78
85
86
87
88
CT 47 65
Abi-Ešuḥ
CT 8 27a
TCL I 147
CT 2 24
CT 48 47
89
90
Ammi-Ditana
CT 33 41
BE 6/1 84
91
92
93
Ammi-Ṣaduqa
Edzard, TeD 45
BAP 3
OLA 21 71
Si 25/12/30
-/1/6
-/4/1
-/4/10
-/12/14
X
X
Exchanged
Exchange
X
Part of a will
Inheritance
Sold
dispute
Gift
Purchase
Litigation
Inheritance
X
X
X
Gift
Inherited
Inheritance
Inheritance
X
X
Sold
Sold
Sold
Shall be sold
Purchase
Purchase
Donation
Loan
X
Sold
Gift
Purchase
Dowry
Will be sold
Sold
inherited
receipt
Purchase
Inheritance
X
Inherited
Inheritance
X
X
97
94
BE 6/1 95
Aṣ 13/10/20
96
BAP 107
Aṣ 16/1/30
95
97
98
99
100
BE 6/1 101
TCL I 170
CT 48 59
CT 8 49a
CT 8 29a
Samsu-Ditana
101 JNES 21(65) 72
102 BE 6/1 116
103 CT 45 55
Undated
104 CT 47 78
105 CT 45 97
106 CT 48 61
107 CT 2 23
Aṣ 15/11/15
Aṣ
Aṣ
Aṣ
Aṣ
-/11/15
-
Sd 11/2/20
Sd 17/12/-
Hamaṣīrum
Ulmaššitum-tukulti
Ili-bāšti
Tarām-Agade
Annum-pîša
Lalabitum
Amāt-kabta
Bēlti-erime
Zikurtum
Tarām-Agade
Nuṭṭubtum
Hašija
Aštumu
broken
Aja-Tillati
Abi-Liburram
Ilumma-itti-abi
Lamassani
Aja-Šemeat
Inim-d(?)-SU(?)
Kanišītum
Šamaš-nūri
Bēlti-tillati
Lībūr-māti
Akijatum
Ummi-Šamaši
Aḥi-libluṭ
Naplussa-Mudammiq
Ina-īn-bēl-ilišu-damiq
Bēltum-kīma-abi
Ḥaḥunu
Gift
Donation
Inherited
Inheritance
Gift
Sold
Inherited
Donated
Gift
X
X
Dowry
Purchase
Inheritance
Adoption
Donation
Sold
Gift
Gift
Purchase
Donation
Wedding
Gift
Donation
Part of table
Sold + marriage
Gift
Purchase
Donation
X
X
X
X
X
X
98
108 CT 6 25b
109 MHET 921
110 Dalley, 1979
111 MHET 720
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
MHET 921
PBS 8/2 256
OLA 21 73
VS 9 214+216(?)
VS 9 221
VS 13 34
VS 8 15/16
VS 8 69/70
-
Aḥi-liburam
Dummuq-Bēltim
Aššumija-lībūr
Aḥatani
Mād-dumuqša
Dan-ēmissa
Amat-amurrum
Iltani
Munawwirtum
Iḥtar-damqat
Atkalšum-libluṭ
Šāt-Šamaš-qādu-[…]
Bēlti-ummi-qadum
Mami-rēmēni
Zabitum
Aḥāssunu
Ali-a[…]
Zabbatu
Aja-baniti
Muti-bašti
Sāniq-qabuša
In list
Donated
Gift
Gift
X
Gift
Gift
?
Inherited
Inherited
Given as wife
Gift
Inventory
Inheritance
Dowry
X
Inheritance
Inheritance
list
Dowry
Inheritance
List
Inheritance
Donation
Donation
X
99
C. LIST OF THE TABLETS BY GENRE AND THE APPEARANCE OF MU.NI.IM
AND NADĪTU
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
PUBLICATION
DATE
Adoption – manumission
CT 48 46
CT 8 48a
BAP 97
CT 8 29b
CT 8 29a
CT 8 49a
BE 6/1 17
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Aṣ
Aṣ
Aṣ
Aṣ
Donation
CT 45 6
CT 8 34b, MHET 117
SFS, 98 sq
CT 47 30
VS 8 123/124
CT 48 33
BAP 7
CT 4 43a
VS 9 163
TLB I 229
CT 2 24
BE 6/1 95
CT 8 29a
BE 6/1 116
CT 2 23
CT 45 105
CT 45 112
CT 47 78
VS 8 15/16
VS 8 69/70
Dowry
BE 6/1 84
CT 48 55
BE 6/1 101
Dalley, Iraq 42, 10
OLA 21 73
Exchange
CT 8 6a
Inheritance
BDHP 14
VS 8 12/13
CT 8 25a
CT 8 4a
CT 8 16a, MHET 106
8
28/7/11
31
1/-/-
Sm 20/-/Sm 25/01/11
Sm Ḥa 10/3/20
Ḥa 14/-/Ḥa 34/2/14
Ḥa 39/-/Ḥa Ḥa Si 3/9/20+x
Ae -/4/10
Aṣ 13/10/20
Aṣ Sd 17/12/-
MU.NI.IM?
NADĪTU?
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Ad 31/12/30
Ad 48 55
Aṣ 12/11/15
Si 23/11/1
Im
Za
Sm
Sm
Sm
7/-/-
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
100
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
CT 8 20a
MHET 99
SFS 112
SFS 118
CT 8 50a
MHET 143
CT 47 30/30a
CT 8 13c
VS 9 144/145
MHET 224
MHET 853
BE 6/1 28
TCL I 89
MHET 248
MHET 616
CT 8 5b
TCL I 98/99
CT 2 41
CT 8 5a
CT 47 47
MHET 257
CT 45 29
MHET 333
VS 8 52/53
CT 47 58
TJDB 10-13
CT 6 33a
CT 45 34
CT 47 65
BE 6/1 62
MHET 449
CT 47 67
CT 6 31b
MHET 460
BAP 107
OLA 21 71
BAP 107
CT 48 59
CT 6 28a
CT 45 79
MHET 570
MHET 720
MHET 921
VS 8 52/53
VS 9 214/215
VS 13 34
Dalley 1979, (16)
Hire
CT 8 42b
VS 8 99/100
VS 9 63/64
CT 48 64
BA 5 11
Sm Sm Sm Sm Ḥa 2/-/Ḥa 3/-/Ḥa 10/-/Ḥa 14/7/11
Ḥa 24/11/10
Ḥa 26/12/6
Ḥa 29/10/Ḥa 29/11/3
Ḥa 30/-/Ḥa 32/4/Ḥa 32/4/Ḥa 33/-/Ḥa 37/5/22
Ḥa 38/6/13
Ḥa 41/6/11
Ḥa 43/1/Ḥa -/-/34
Ḥa Ḥa Ḥa Si 6/10/22
Si 7/8/Si 8/4/Si 15/5/1
Si 25/12/30
Si 26/7/11
Si 28/11/2
Si -/12/Si Si Aṣ 16/1/30
Aṣ 13/7/20
Aṣ 16/1/30
Aṣ Sm
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
Ḥa
-/4/8
3/-/37/5/1
38/9/10
42/12/20
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
101
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
VS 9 109/110
PBS 8/2 199
TCL I 176
BE 6/2 80
CT 8 12c
CT 8 15c
CT 45 58
OLA 21 90
List
CT 45 27
TCL I 98
TCL I 97
VS 9 221
Litigation
CT 48 30, CT 48 28b, CT 48 47b
MHET 18
CT 45 17
YOS 14 163
VS 13 32
CT 6 47b
OLA 21 24
CT 48 2
BAP 100
CT 6 7a
BE 6/1 58
OLA 21 96
CT 45 37
CT 6 29
CT 48 24
YOS 14 163
Purchase
BE 6/1 18
CT 8 45a
CT 2 25
CT 2 14
CT 8 22b
CT 8 43c
CT 8 22c
CT 33 38
CT 48 65
CT 48 62
CT 8 35b
VS 9 164
BDHP 63
CT 47 53
CT 47 54
CT 47 61/61a
OLA 21 2
CT 48 28
CT 47 52
BDHP 20
Ḥa 42/12/30
Si 4/12/1
Si 5/12/Si 8/3/22
Si 20/-/Si 21/-/16
Aṣ 9/10/1
-
X
X
X
X
X
Ḥa 20/1/35
Ḥa 37/5/20
Ḥa 37/6/11
Sli Sli Sm 17/-/Sm Ḥa 13/2/2
Ḥa 24/12/24
Ḥa 40/-/Ḥa -/-/30
Si 2/10/5
Si 5/12/15
Si 11/3/6
Si 22/-/30
Si 27/10/3
Ad 1/4/25
Sm 1/-/Sm Ḥa 10/6 /28
Ḥa 11/-/Ḥa 12/2/3
Ḥa 18/9/24
Ḥa 21/10/35
Ḥa 34/6/3
Ḥa 37/4/30
Ḥa 40/10/25
Ḥa Ḥa Si 1/12a/4
Si 2/1/23
Si 4/9/27
Si 8/11/12
Si 8/11/13
Si 9/6/10
Si 17/6/1
Si 18/12/18
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
102
139
140
141
142
143
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
CT 48 60
MHET 444
BDHP 46
CT 48 63
CT 8 27a
CT 45 44
CT 33 41
CT 45 45
TCLI 156
TCL I 147
TCL I 170
BAP 3
JNES 21 (65) 72
CT 48 98
CT 48 61
OLA 21 75
VS 9 219
VS 9 227
Silver loan
BDHP 37
CT 48 47
CT 48 66
BAP 4
Edzard, TeD 31
Wedding
TCL I 90
CT 45 55
VS 8 4/5
Other
CT 2 28
CT 33 39
CT 66 49b
CT 47 63
OLA 21 21
BE 6/1 93
Edzard, TeD 45
CT 4 41a
CT 45 97
Edzard, TeD 31
Edzard, TeD 129
Si 24
Si 27/2/7
Si 33/-/11
Si Ae -/1/6
Ad 2/12/14
Ad 4/1/20
Ad 4/-/20
Ad 37/12/11
Ad -/4/1
Aṣ -/11/15
Aṣ 3/7/3
Sd 11/2/20
Im
Ae
Ad
Aṣ
-
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
-/12/14
22/7/10
10/5/6
Ḥa 33/4/Sd Ḥa Ḥa 41/7/12
Si 6/10/22
Si 14/11/20
Ad -/diri6/20
Aṣ 2-3/8/5
Aṣ 2/8/20
-
X
X
X
103
D. SLAVES IN THE C ODEX ḤAMM URABI
Probably the best known document of the Old Babylonian period and undoubtedly the most
famous document of the reign of king Ḥammurabi, is his renowned law code. The stela
discovered in 1901 on the Acropolis of Susa (Veil 2005: 9), is carved in diorite and exhibit at the
Louvre Museum in Paris. King Hammurabi is celebrated as a lawgiver, whose code is the best
know and most eloquent testimony of the legal thoughts of the people of the ancient Middle East
(VAN DE MIEROOP 2005: vii). His 275 up to 300 laws 44 prescribe what to do in many areas of the
daily lives of the people whom he ruled. By numerous people, it is regarded to as the earliest
expressions of ideas of justice.
Of the corpus of about 300 laws, 32 deal with slaves and slavery and the last part is exclusively
dedicated to persons belonging to this social category. An overview 45 is given below. While the
slave as legally seen ‘as a mere chattel’ and as ‘movable property’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 64), both
law and society were forced to take into consideration the constantly self-asserting humanity of
the slave, creating a highly ambiguous situation. On the one hands, the slave was considered as
possessing the qualities of a human being, while on the other hand, he was recognized as being
void of the same and regarded as a mere ‘thing’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 64).
Overview of the law codes mentioning slaves
I
LEGAL PROCEEDINGS (§ 1-5)
No slaves mentioned.
II
OFFENSES AGAINST PROPERTY (§ 6-25)
§7
§15
§16
§17
Šumma awīlum lu kaspam lu ḥurṣam lu wardam lu amtam lu alpam lu immeram lu
imēram u lu mimma šumšu ina qāt mār awīlim u lu warad awīlim balum šībī u riksātim
ištam u lu ana maṣṣarūtim imḥur, awīlum šû šarrāq iddâk.
If a man [has bought]: gold, a slave, a slave girl, on ox, a sheep, a donkey and anything
else
out of the hand of a man’s son or a man’s slave, without properly witnessed receipts,
even if he has accepted them just to look after them, that man is a thief, and shall be
killed.
Šumma awīlum warad ekallim lu amat ekallim lu warad muškēnim lu amat muškēnim
abullam ušteṣis, iddâk.
If a man has taken a slave or a slave girl from the palace or from a workman outside
the city gate, he shall be killed.
Šumma awīlum lu wardam lu amtam ḥalqam ša ekallim u lu muškēnim ina bītišu
iraqīma ana šitīt nāgirim la uštīṣiam, bēl bītim šû iddâk.
If a man has hidden a slave or a slave girl who has disappeared from the temple or
from a workman in his house and does not produce them when the alarm is raised, the
owner of that house shall be killed.
Šumma awīlum lu wardam lu amtam ḥalqam ina ṣērim iṣbatma ana bēlišu irtediaššu, 2
šiqil kaspam bēl wardim inaddiššum.
44
The exact number of laws is unknown because a set of columns was erased in the twelfth century (Van de
Mieroop 2005: 101).
45
The transcription/transliteration is based on the work of E.S.J. Bergmann (1953), A.S.J. Pohl et. Al. (1950)
and D.H. Veil (2005a/b).
104
§18
§19
§20
III
§116
§118
§119
IV
§129
§146
§171a
If a man has found a lost slave or slave girl in the open country and has brought them
back to their owner, the owner of the slave shall give him two shekels of silver.
Šumma wardum šû bēlšu la izzakar, ana ekallim ireddīšu. Warkassu ipparrasma ana
bēlišu utarrūšu.
If that slave will not declare the name of his owner, to the temple authorities he shall
bring him back, were his record can be examined, and they shall return him to his
owner.
Šumma wardam šuāti ina bītišu iktalāšu, warka wardum ina qātišu ittaṣba, awīlum šû
iddâk.
If he has held that slave captive in his house and later the slave is found in his
possession, that man shall be killed.
Šumma wardum ina qāt ṣābitānišu iḥtaliq, awīlum šû ana bēl wardim nīš ilim izakkarma
ūtaššar.
If a slave has escaped from the hand (= possession) of his captor, the man [involved]
shall solemnly swear by the god to the slave’s owner and shall be innocent.
FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS (§ 26-126)
Šumma nipûtim ina bīt nēpīša ina maḥāṣim u lu ina uššušim bēl ûtim
nip tamkāršu
ukšanma. Šumma mār awīlim mārašu idukkū.Šumma warad awīlim 1/3 mana kaspam
išaqqal u ina mimma šumšu mala iddinu ītelli.
If the secured person has died on the property of the creditor after a beating or cruelty,
the owner of the secured person shall prove the merchant involved guilty. If it was the
man’s son, they shall kill his son. If it was the man’s slave, he shall pay a third of a
mana of silver. Moreover he shall forfeit his right to anything at all that he has given.
Šumma wardam u lu amtam ana kiššātim ittandin tamkārum ušetteq, ana kaspim
inaddin ul ibbaqqar.
If he has given a slave or a slave girl into bound service, the merchant may pass them
and sell them for silver. The person cannot be reclaimed.
Šumma awīlam e’iltum iṣbassuma amassu ša mārī uldušum ana kaspim ittadin, kasap
tamkārum išqulu bēl amtim išaqqalma amassu ipaṭṭar.
If a man is gripped in poverty and has sold his slave girl for silver after she has born
him sons, the slave girl’s owner may pay back the silver the merchant has loaned and
redeem his slave girl.
WOMAN, MARRIAGE, FAMILY PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE (§ 127-194)
Šumma aššat awīlim itti zikarim šan
îm ina it
ūlim itta
ṣbat ikassûšunūtima ana m
ê
inaddûšunūti. Šumma bēl aššatim aššassu uballaṭ, u šarrum warassu uballaṭ.
If the wife of a man has been caught copulating with another male, they shall tie them
and throw them into the water. If the husband of the woman, allows his wife to live,
similarly the king may allow his slave to live.
Šumma awīlum nadītam īḥuzma mārī la ušaršīšuma ana šugītim aḥāzim panīšu ištakan,
awīlum šû šugītam iḥḥaz. Ana bītišu ušerrebši. Šugītum šî itti nadītim ul uštamaḥḥar.
If a man has married a nadītu priestess and she has given a slave girl to her husband
and she has born sons, but afterwards that slave girl takes over the position of her
mistress because she has born sons, her mistress may not sell her for silver. She shall
put on her the mark of slavery and she shall be treated as a slave girl.
U šumma abum ina bulṭišu ana mārī ša amtum uldušum, ‘mārūa’ la iqtabi, warka abum
ana šīmtim ittalku ina makkūr bīt abim mārū amtim itti mārī ḥīrtim ul izuzzū. Andurār
amtim u mārīša ištakan. Mārū ḥīrtim ana mārī amtim ana wardūtim ul iraggumū.
However, if the father has not stated while he was alive to the sons the slave-girl bore
105
§175
§176
V
§199
§205
§ 213
§214
VI
§217
§219
§220
him, ‘my sons’, the slave girl’s sons shall not share the treasures in the father’s house
with the first wif’s sons afer the father has passed to his destiny. An emancipation shall
be arranged for the slave girl and her sons. The first wife’s sons shall have no rights of
slavery over the slave girl’s sons.
Šumma lu warad ekallim u lu warad muškēnim mārat awīlim īḥuzma mārī ittalad, bēl
wardim ana mārī mārat awīlim ana wardūtim ul iraggum.
If a slave of the palace or the slave of a working man marries a man’s daughter and she
bears sons, the slave’s owner shall have no right of slavery over any son of the
daughter of the man.
U šumma warad ekallim u lu warad muškēnim mārat awīlim īḥuzma inūma īḥuzuši
qadum šeriktim ša bīt abiša ana bīt warad ekallim u lu warad muškēnim īrubma ištu
innemdū bītam īpušū bīšam iršû warkānumma lu warad ekalli m u lu warad muškēnim
ana šīmtim ittalak, mārat awīlim šeriktaša ileqqe. U mimma ša mussa uî šištu innemdū
iršû ana šinīšu izuzzūma mišlam bē : wardim ileqqe. Mišlam mārat awīlim ana māriša
ileqqe.
Šumma mārat awīlim šeriktam la išu, mimma ša mussa u šî ištu innemdū iršû ana šinīšu
izuzzūma mišlam bēl wardim ileqqe. Mišlam mārat awīlim ana mārīša ileqqe.
Moreover if the slave of the temple or the slave of the working man has married the
girl and after he has married her she entered the house of the slave of the temple or
the slave of the working man with a dowry from her father’s house, and after they have
settled down, built a house and acquired property, subsequently the slave of the
temple or the slave of the working man has passed to his destiny, the man’s daughter
shall keep her dowry.
Then they shall divide into tow that which she and her husband acquired after they
had settled down: the slave’s owner shall take half and the man’s daughter shall take
half for her sons.
ASSAULT (§ 195-214)
Šumma īn warad awīlim uḥtappid u lu eṣemti warad awīlim ištebir, mišil šīmšu išaqqal.
If he (= a man, § 196) has destroyed the sight of another man’s slave or broken a bone
of another man’s slave, he shall pay half his value in silver.
Šumma warad awīlim lēt mār awīlim imtaḥaṣ, uzunšu inakkišū.
If a man’s slave has struck the cheek of another man, they shall cut off his ear.
Šumma amat awīlim imḥaṣma ša libbiša uštaddīši, 2 šiqil kaspam išaqqal.
If he (= a man, § 209) has struck a man’s slave girl and made her lose her unborn child,
he shall pay two shekels of silver.
Šumma amtum šî imtūt, 1/3 mana kaspam išaqqal.
If that slave girl (§ 213) has died, he shall pay a third of a mana of silver.
PROFESSIONAL FEES AND RESPONSIBILITIES (§ 215-240)
Šumma warad awīlim, bēl wardim ana asîm 2 šiqil kaspam inaddin.
If it was a slave (cf. § 215: a physician safe the life of a person), the slave’s owner shall
give the physician two shekels of silver.
Šumma ašum simmam kabtam warad muškēnim in akarzilli siparrim īpušma uštamīt,
wardam kīma wardim iriab.
If a sphysician has made a deep incision with a surgeaon’s knife on a working man’s
slave and has caused his death, he shall make recompense with slave for slave.
Šumma nakkaptašu ina karzilli siparrim iptēma īnšu uḥtapid, kaspam mišil šīmišu
išaqqal.
If he has opened up his eye-socket and destroyed his sight, he shall pay half of his
106
§223
§226
§227
§231
value in silver.
Šumma warad awīlim, bēl wardim ana asîm 2 šiqil kaspam inaddin.
If it was a man’s slave (cf. § 221: a physician mended a broken bone or freed a painful
joint), the slave’s owner shall pay the doctor two shekels of silver.
Šumma gallābum balum bē : wardim abbutti wardim la šêm ugallib ritti gallābim šuāti
inakkisū.
If a barber has shaved away the mark of a slave without knowing the slave owner, they
shall cut off the hand of that barber.
Šumma awīlum gallābam idāṣma abbutti wardim la šêm ugdallib,
īlam
aw šuāti
idukkūšūma ina bābišu iḥallalūšu. Gallābum ina idû la ugallibu itammāma utaššar.
If a man has tricked the barber and he has shaved away the mark of a slave which is
not his own, they shall kill that man by hanging him in his doorway. The barber shall
swear: ‘I did the shaving without proper information’, and he shall go free.
Šumma warad bēl bītim uštamīt, wardam kīma wardim ana bēl bītim inaddin.
If it has caused the death of a slave of the owner of the house, he shall give a slave for
the slave to the owner of the house.
VII
AGRICULTURE (§ 241 – 267)
VIII
RATES OF HIRE (§ 268 – 277)
No slaves mentioned.
§252
IX
§278
§279
§280
§281
§282
Šumma warad awīlim, 1/3 mana kaspam inaddin.
If it was the slave of a man (§ 251: slave that was killed by an ox), he shall give a third
mana of silver [to the owner].
SLAVES (§ 278 – 282)
Šumma awīlum wardam amtam išāmma waraḥšu la imlāma benni elišu imtaqut ana
nādinānišu utârma šayyimānum kasap išqulu ileqqe.
If a man has bought a slave or a slave girl and before they have finished the first
month, sickness has struck them down, he shall return them to the seller and the
purchaser shall take back any silver he has paid.
Šumma awīlum wardam amtam išāmma baqrī irtaši nādinānšu baqrī ippal.
If a man has bought a slave or slave girl and then claims are found to exist, the one who
sold to him shall be responsible for the claims.
Šumma awīlum ina māt nukurtim wardam amtam ša awīlim ištām inūma ina libbū
mātim ittalkamma bēl wardim u lu amtim lu warassu u lu amassu ūteddi. Šumma
wardum u amtum šunu mārū mātim, balum kaspimma andurāršunu iššakkan.
If a man in a foreign country has bought a slave or a slave girl from someone, and when
he is travelling in the home land the owner of the slave or the slave girl has told him
that it is his slave or his slave girl, he shall arrange the emancipation of such slaves and
slave girls without payment provided, they are sons (= citizens) of the land.
Šumma mārū mātim šanītim, šāyyimānumma ina maḥar ilim kasap išqulu iqabbīma, bēl
wardim u lu amtim kasap išqulu ana tamkārim inaddinma, lu warassu lu amassu ipaṭṭar.
If they are sons (= citizens) of a different land, the purchaser shall state the amount of
silver the pain in the presence of the god and the owner of the slave or the maid shall
pay the silver to the merchant and redeem his slave or his slave girl.
Šumma wardum ana bēlišu ul bēli atta iqtabi, kīma warassu ânšuma
uk
bēlšu uzunšu
inakkis.
If the slave has stated to his master ‘you are not my master’, his master shall prove that
it is his slave and cut off his ear.
107
E. THE SIGN OF A SL AVE
In the Old Babylonian period, the terms for chattel slaves are ‘ìr’ for the male
slaves and ‘géme’ for the slave women, usually preceded by the neutral term ‘sag’,
rēšu or qaqqadu in Akkadian and to be translated as ‘head’ or ‘person’ 46. While
this term is rather general, it is quite obvious in its application to slaves. It is used
for male and female individuals without any qualification. It is attested from the Pre-Sargonic
times onwards and its use was continued during the Sargonic and Ur III era. However, it mainly
emerges in legal texts and rarely appears in administrative texts (GELB 1982: 89). This
phenomenon, combined with the sign ìr or géme is characteristic for the OB period (GELB 1982:
89).
The syllabic value ‘ìr’ (equated with the sign arad, or the variant ir11, equated with
árad 47) is more ambiguous. This sign has an identical value with the sign ‘nita’,
which was popular in use during the Ur III period. This equivocation used to lead
and still leads to numerous confusions (GELB 1982: 82,83). Although the signs
‘arad’ and ‘ír’ both mean ‘slave’, they may express different kinds of dependence (GELB 1982: 87).
It was Jacobson who put forward that the term ‘árad’ (written urda) and the Akkadian wardu
meant ‘slave’. He equated the word ‘ìr’ with the word tîrum. According to the CAD this word
means ‘courtier’ or ‘palace-servant’ (JACOBSON 1953: 37; CAD T sub tîru). Until the Ur III period,
this difference might have been under discussion. Probably a change in the use of this sign took
place in the following period of time (cf. supra).
Gelb wrote in his conclusion that the signs ‘ìr’ and ‘ir11’ reflect two distinct forms of slavery.
In this case, ir11 represents the older and native term, referring to a ‘qualified’ slave, while the
younger and clearly Semitic-borrowed term ‘árad’ has the meaning of ‘chattel slave’. In other
words, the term ‘ir11’ stands for a native-born individual representing a domestic, patriarchal
type of slavery, in contrast to the full chattel slavery derived from foreign areas (GELB 1982: 87).
Interesting is the remark of Limet, who suggested that the Sumerians borrowed their word for
‘slave’ from the Akkadians, arguing that ‘slavery is something ‘foreign’ in their type of society’
(LIMET 1968: 88).
A paleographical development, parallel to the word for male slaves (‘árad’), can be
found for the sign ‘géme’, which defines female slaves. The discussion about this
sign is less complicated, even though the word ‘géme’ has been more consistently
mistranslated than any other (GELB 1982: 91). The meaning ‘female slave’ only
appears in contracts dealing with the sale or purchase of individuals, court records, litigations
and administrative texts. According to Gelb, in many contexts, the words merely means ‘woman
of dependent classes’ (GELB 1965: 238), analogue with the male ‘guruš’. In Akkadian, the word eṭlum refers to a man with a social status described as ‘the counterpart of the Sumerian ‘sal’; used
for woman of a more or less independent status’ (GELB 1965: 239; GELB 1973: 83). As a
conclusion, we can say that we deal with persons who have a semi-free or slave status and who
Patterson defines as ‘serf classes’.
In the Sumerian literature of the Old Babylonian period, another term for ‘slave’ can be found:
‘šubur’, e.g. the Lugalbanda epos or the Epic of Gilgameš. In lines 177 and 222, Gilgameš
indicates Enkidu as his slave. Because this dissertation does not include literature of the OB
period, we will extend this discussion. For the same reason, no attention is paid to the
46
Translation is based on the ePSD, the Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. (cf.: http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/ ,
search under SAG.)
47
Detailed information about this equalization and the development towards ìr is mentioned by Gelb (1982: 85).
108
occurrence of abstracts and collectives towards slaves. A summary of these terms, especially
appearing in the pre-OB period, can be found in the work of Gelb (Gelb 1982: 93—94).
F. THE ABBUTTU AND MAŠKANNU
As was already mentioned in the introduction, slaves are physically distinguished from free
people by the abbuttu or/and the (maš)kannu. In this supplement, we want to further investigate
the exact form and content of these words. Greengus also mentions tattoos or brands as an, in
this case permanent, way to distinguish slaves from the (half-)free people (GREENGUS 1995: 477).
A.
ABBUTTU
According to the CAD and the AHW, the abbuttu 48 is the characteristic hair style of slaves: a lock
of hair placed on an undefined part of the head (cf. CAD A1 sub abbuttu, AHW I sub abbuttu). The
CAD mentions that in some cases, the term refers to a metal clasp holding the abbuttu lock. This
is based on the assumption that abbuttu denotes a lock, curls or tuft of hair growing on that part
of the head, which is also called abbuttu (cf. CAD A1 sub abbuttu 4). It was placed upon the head
of a free person who was enslaved, in order to make him immediately recognizable as a slave. It
was also a punishment of disobedient people, e.g. if an adoptee rejected to recognize his/her
new parents (STOL 2004: 810).
The abbuttu hairdo was placed upon (šakānu) or shaven into (gullubu) the head. The verb
šakānu was used when a free person became a slave, or when an overbearing slave girl was
degraded (cf. CH § 146). It could refer to two slightly different activities: the way of cutting the
hair so that only the lock of hair remained, or the placing of the metal claps around the abbuttu
so that it stood out conspicuously. The verb gullubu can also be used to denote the removal of
the lock if an enslaved person is manumitted, e.g. CT 6 29: 13:
Elleta abbuttaka gullubat
You are free, your abbuttu is shaved/has been shaved.
The character of the Ancient Babylonian slave mark is yet not clear. Three main interpretations
are suggested 49. Based on the meaning of the verb gullubu (to cut, to shear, to shave),
Mendelsohn suggests that the abbuttu was a mark incised with a hot iron and that its removal
(cf. CH § 226-227) required the skill of a surgeon (MENDELSOHN 1949: 43). Mendelsohn based this
interpretation on tablet MSL I, 2 col. Iv 1-15. This tablet deals with a fugitive slave or a fugitive
pledge. It states that in case the fugitive is recaptured, the master will shave him and put the
abbuttu on him. Esp. the passage ḥalāq ṣabat ina panišu iqqur, translated as ‘[…] in his face, he
did cut’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 43) can be an indication that in the case of a runaway slave, a mark
was cut in the slave’s face.
The second possibility, regarded as the most plausible theory according to Mendelsohn and
based on a translation of Chiera, interprets the abbuttu as a small tablet of clay or metal hung on
48
In some cases it’s written as appatu (cf. CAD K sub kannu B).
For the overview of the possibilities, I used the standard work for Mesopotamian Slavery of Mendelsohn
(1949).
49
109
a chain around the neck, wrist or ankle of the slave (MENDELSOHN 1949: 44). This theory is
mainly based on slave documents from the city of Nippur, which state that the ‘mark’ was
broken after the slaves has been declared manumitted (eg. UMBS VIII 137: 6 BI nam.géme-ni-šu
in-gaz. The ‘BI’ of her slavery, she has broken 50’.) Evidence of slaves wearing a tag can be found
in the Nuzi documents, e.g. nuzi 751 (MENDELSOHN 1949: 45, CHIERA 1927: 42). The mark would
usually identify the slave’s owner 51.
The last option is based on knowledge of slaves in the Neo-Babylonian period 52 who where
tattooed around the wrist (MENDELSOHN 1949: 44). It was thought that this was a possible way of
explaining the abbuttu mark for a slave. We can understand that in this case, the mark was
placed (šakānu) or cut, if gubbullu is used as verb. Most likely the tattoo was cut on a visible
place of the slave’s body.
An overview of several interpretations concerning abbuttu is presented in the following table:
‘Haartracht, etwa in Form eines Zopfes’
‘eine Haarformation oder Haartracht’
‘tatouage’
‘tattooed mark or tablet around neck’
‘ slave mark…branded or incised or tattooed in the flesh’
‘a mark in the in shape of a ring or a tag which was fastened by
means of a chain to the body of the slave’
‘ne désigne pas une coupe de cheveux particulière mais
simplement une marque’
‘Il parait donc probable que l’abbuttu n’était pas une marque
indélébile…mais plutôt un signe discriminatoire comme
pourrait l’être justement une coupe de cheveux d’un type
particulier.
‘the slave mark placed on his head’
‘hair style typically worn by slaves’
‘either be places on the feet or on the head’
‘upper part of the skull or scalp’… ‘tuft of hair growing on this
part of the head’
‘characteristic hairdo or lock of hair (originally fetter)’
‘hair of the back of the head’
‘Haartracht der Sklaven’
DAVID 1927: 50
KRAUS 1947: 182
SZLECHTER 1949: 404
MENDELSOHN 1949: 44
DRIVER ET AL1952: 422
GOETZE 1956: 149
CASSIN 1963 : 116
CASSIN 1969 : 136
SPEISER 1963: 69
LEICHTY 1970: 68
STOHLMAN 1972: 169
CIVIL 1973: 58
HARRIS 1975: 333
FOXVOG ET AL 1975: 6
BORGER 1979: BAL XLVII
‘tattooed mark or tablet around the neck’
DANDAMAYEV 1984: 234
‘apparently a kind of hair worn prominently on top of the SNELL 1997: 54-55
head’
‘une coiffure distinctive’… ‘probablement une mèche qui était JOANNES 2001: 309
coupées solennellement par le barbier si l’esclave était
This kind of formulation is not found in Old Babylonian slave documents of the city of Sippar. The ‘BI’, of
which the interpretation is unknown, is interpreted as the ‘mark of slavery’ by Chiera and Mendelsohn.
51
Several Aramaic documents refer to this way of marking slaves with their owners name or to another
method of identification (LINDENBERGER 2003: 22). Mendelsohn combines the biblical and the Mesopotamian
worlds in his study. These two worlds stand for two different cultures and we have to be careful of a too wide
generalization towards slavery. In Pharaonic Egypt, both distinctive hairstyles and branding were used to
distinguish slaves (BAKIR 1952: 68).
52
The practice of tattooing a slave is discussed in depth in the work of Dandamayev (1984: 229-234). The
terminology used for these tattoos are šimṭu, šindu or šindu amēlūti. They all have a completely different root
than the here mentioned word abbuttu.
50
110
affranchi’.
‘eine bestimmte Haartracht’. ‘Das Anbringen
Haartracht… ist das Entfernen der Sklavenmarke’.
dieser STOL 2004 :910
Can the Sumerian language contribute to the exploration of the meaning of the word abbuttu?
The CAD mentions the notation qa-ar gàr and uzu.gàr = abbuttu (cf. CAD A1 sub abbuttu). The
logographic gàr is amongst other things translated by the ePSD 53 as ‘hairstyle and knob’.
According to Civil, the Akkadian abbuttu is borrowed from the Sumerian ‘ugu.dù’ 54, with the
phonetic variants ‘ubudu’ and ‘abudu’ (Civil 1973: 34). This word, ‘ugudu’, is mentioned on a
lexical list: MSL 9, 53. If we look at the context of this word, we see it appear in a long list of
designations for hair and hairstyles. No link can be found towards the interpretation of a tattoo
or a ‘pendant’.
Moreover, if we take into account § 226-227 of the codex Hammurabi (cf. supplement D), some
critical notes can be added to the last mentioned interpretation. These two paragraphs deal with
a barber (gallābum) who removes the slave mark by shaving him. If we would interpret abbuttu
as a tattoo, it might be hard to ‘shave’ it away the moment a person no longer belongs to the
lowest social status. It is very unlikely that the barber could be seen as the surgeon mentioned
by Mendelsohn (MENDELSOHN 1949: 43). Since it was not uncommon for a slave to be
manumitted, it would be contradictory to permanently mark people as slaves. It might have
happened that a fugitive slave received a permanent mark, e.g. in his face, once he/she was
recaptured, but then again, the abbuttu is not limited to fugitive slaves. The citation of the codex
doesn’t mention the suggested use of a ‘hot iron’ that would brand slaves. If fugitive slaves
actually were marked in the face, no matter what kind of sharp object could have been used in
order to create scars.
Similar problems appear if we interpret the abbuttu as a small tablet, a tag attached to the slave
in order to label him/her. When the slave was freed, it is unlikely the scriba would write: ‘they
shave the tablet and the slave has been manumitted’.
Keeping in mind the evidence of the Codex Hammurabi and the Sumerian information
concerning abbuttu, we’re inclined to say that it is evident that the word refers to a hairstyle
uniquely used by slaves, thus following the current tendency to accept the definition of the CAD
and AHW. Since no (detailed) portrayals of slaves during the OB period are known, it is hard to
make an image of this hairdo. Since the Sumerian sign ‘gàr’ also means ‘knot’, we might suggest
that the abbuttu hairdo was a small knot of hair left on a shaven head. If this knot was placed on
the head or in the neck, is a question that probably shall remain unanswered, unless new textual
or illustrative evidence is found.
B.
(MAŠ)KANNU
A second possibility to mark the slave status is the maškannu and/or kannu. The last item
mentioned is an object, described by the CAD as a fetter, band, rope, belt or wisp to straw to bind
a steaf (cf. CAD K sub kannu Ba). Another possibility to translate this word is a band to tie the
hair (cf. CAD K sub kannu Bb). Maškannu is translated as ‘a fetter’ (cf. CAD M1 sub maškannu 5).
53
Cf. http://psd.museum.upenn.edu, search under gàr.
Ugu.dù or ugudu is translated by the ePSD as ‘tuft of hair’ and equalized with the Akkadian abbuttu. (cf.
http://psd.museum.upenn.edu, search under ugudu or hair).
54
111
In his general work about Old Babylonian history, Stol concludes that the maškannu can be
interpreted as ‘a fetter made of copper’ , while he reads kannu as a ‘footblock’ made of wood
(STOL 2004: 911). This sort of insignia of slavery is especially known from the Ešnunna law codes
(cf. supra; STOL 2004: 911).
§ 51 wardam u amtum ša Ešnunaki, ša kannum maškanam u abbuttam šaknu abul
Ešnuna ki balum belīšu ūl uṣṣi 55.
[When] a male or female slave on whom the kannu, maškannu and abbuttu has
been laid, shall not go out of the gate of Ešnuna without the owner’s permission.
What can we learn about the object itself, based on the textual passages? Unfortunately, a
description is nowhere given. Again, the Sumerian precursors of these words can provide us
with more information if we look them up in the lexical list. In the list MSL VII, we find the words
maškannu and abbuttu on the numbers 201 and 202a, with only the word zuqaqīpu 56 mentioned
in between. In general, we can describe the context as a summarization of metal objects.
Therefore it is acceptable to state that both the maškannu and the abbuttu also refer to metal
objects, confirming the interpretation made by Stol (cf. supra). Particularly interesting in this
context is the citation of BBVOT I 23:10 mentioned by Stol:
Urudu 57 kannam u abbuttam iškunanni
They placed me a kannu and abbuttu of copper.
If we limit the textual sources down to Sippar, we don’t find any passages which mention these
two objects. Therefore, there is no evidence of a slave wearing a maškannu or kannu in Sippar
(HARRIS 1975: 333).
C.
ARE THE PHYSICAL FEATURES COMPULSORY?
Were the abbuttu, the kannu and the maškannu optional or compulsory for slaves? According to
the dictionaries CAD and AHW, all slaves were marked from the moment they entered slavery, as
a sign of their social status (DANDAMAYEV 1984: 233). Szlechter, on the other hand, regarded the
hairstyle as a sign of punishment only (SZLECHTER 1949: 404). This idea was followed by Yaron,
who believes the slave owner was free to choose whether or not he set the abbuttu when he was
dealing with a fugitive slave (YARON 1989: 163).
Hurowitz mainly uses the Ešnuna law code to answer this question. ‘From the prohibition on a
marked servant exiting through the gate alone or without permission, one may learn that
unmarked slaves as well roamed the city and that such slaves could come and go at the city gate
a will’ (Hurowitz 1992: 60). He concludes that slaves were marked to display their inclination to
flee or disobey. Thus, they could be watched with extra care.
The study of the Old Babylonian administrative texts clearly shows that not all slaves had the
abbuttu. For example, a slave wouldn’t have one if she was given as a second wife. In that case
the abbuttu would only be given to the slave in case she refused to recognize her mistress or
55
Transcription and translation based on the publication of the Ešnuna laws by Szlechter (1949: 405)
This word can have numerous interpretations. In the context of the MSL list, it refers to a barbed metal point.
(cf. CAD Z sub zupaqīpu 4 and MSL VII 201b).
57
Cf. http://psd.museum.upenn.edu, search under urudu.
56
112
would become disobedient. The following anecdote, found in the lexical series ana ittišu tablet II
column 14 58 is highly interesting:
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
11.
12.
13.
14.
ugallibsu
abbutta iškunšu
ana kaspi iddinšu
ana bēlīšu ul [imgur]
ištu bīt bēlīšu ihliq
ištu ihliqu utērūniššu
ištu [ihliqu] utērūniššu
kurṣa ana sēpišu iškun
šeršerata īpassu
bukanna ušētiq
halaq ṣabat
ina pānīšu iqqur
He has shaven him.
He has given him the abbuttu.
He has sold him for silver.
He has not [complied] with his master.
He has fled from his master's house.
After he fled, he returned him.
After [he fled] he returned him,
(and) placed a fetter on his foot.
He made him a chain.
He handed over the bukannu 59
‘He is a runaway, capture him’
He incised on his
face.
This text mentions a person who is sold into slavery. At the moment he is about to be sold, the
slave merchant (?) shaves the abbuttu hairdo. In my opinion, this text reflects the standard
procedure used to designate the new social status. The mentioned slave was disobedient to his
master and decided to run away from his house. When he was recaptured, he received a
punishment: he was chained, which we can interpret as being held in detention. Since the
bukannu was handed over, we can suppose that he was sold to a new household. In order to
prevent the slave from running away again and probably to make sure an eye was held on him,
he was given an incision in his face. Rather than a textual sign, this could be a certain symbol or
drawing. We’re inclined to say this explains the difference between the abbuttu hairdo and the
use of the (maš)kannu.
Another, more severe, punishment for slaves who misbehave or who are disobedient, is to cut
off one of their ears. This is mentioned in the Codex Hammurabi. In § 205, an ear was cut off
after a slave struck the check of another (free) man. The same penalty comes to order if a slave
doesn’t recognize his master (§ 282), similar to the situation on the above mentioned tablet.
Presumably it was the slave owner who could decide which punishment he preferred for his
slave.
Some more evidence can be found in the OB letters. In the letter AbB I 27, Awīl-Adad sent away
his slave girl in order to put her in chains of 5 mina of sliver to prevent her to flee, after she
claimed not to be his slave. A slave whose owner goes on a journey, has to undergo the same lot
in order to prevent a runaway in letter AbB I 15 and 27.
The transcription of the text is based on the publication of the ana ittišu tablet and the work of Hurowitz
(1992: 62).
58
We can interpret this as ‘he sold him’, see bukannu in the purchase documents (MALUL 1985: 6677).
59
113