Institutionen för humaniora
Engelska
Handledare: Magnus Levin
Examinator: Hans Lindquist
G2
Avancerad nivå
EN4304
15 hp
2009-06-03
G3
Avancerad nivå
Translating “Clarity, Style and
Precision”
The Economist 's Language from the Translator's Point of View
Birgitta Wernbro-Augustsson
Abstract
The following essay is an analysis of the translation process from English into Swedish of
four articles about the oceans of the world, printed in The Economist in December 2008. This
publication claims to be using a language characterised by “clarity, style and precision”,
wherefore these concepts provide the focus for the analysis. “Clarity” was looked at in terms
of metaphors, “style” in terms of quotes and allusions present in headlines, leads and
subheadings and “precision” was studied in terms of hedging.
Metaphor is employed as a clarifying device in scientific discourse. The 36
occurring metaphors were classified as either ‘dead’, ‘cliché’, ‘stock’ or ‘original’. Dead
metaphors, 50% of all, turned out to be highly effective in scientific discourse and therefore
the term ‘fixed metaphors’ would be preferred. The original metaphors used give evidence to
the writer’s literary ambitions. The translation strategy applied was in most cases literal
translation.
The publication makes frequent use of quotes, allusions and aestheticizing
devices in headlines, leads and subheadings. The origins of those stylistic elements are not
always transparent and had to be identified. In case of existing recognized translations those
were kept; when not available, original translations were attempted. Adopting the house-style
by taking balance, metre, rhyme and alliteration into consideration during the translation
process was time-consuming, indicating that a fully translated edition on a weekly basis is not
feasible. Literal translation was rarely possible, instead equivalence was aimed at.
Hedging is a means for increased precision in scientific discourse. The main
reason for using epistemic hedging with a proposition is face-saving, i.e. the writer avoids
responsibility for the truth value of the proposition. 62% of the sentences were found to
include at least one hedged instance. The instances of hedging of numerical data and
quantifiers were almost equal to the number of hedges referring to the writer’s personal
stance. Literal translation was adequate for the translation process.
Keywords: translation strategies, scientific discourse, metaphors, stylistic devices, hedging
Table of Contents
1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1
1.1. Aim and scope................................................................................................... 3
1.2. Material and method........................................................................................ 3
2. Theoretical background......................................................................................................... 5
2.1. Metaphor and clarity – theoretical framework ............................................. 7
2.2. Quotes, allusions and aestheticizing elements as stylistic devices –
theoretical framework................................................................................................................ 10
2.3. Hedging for precision – theoretical framework............................................. 11
3. Analysis ................................................................................................................................... 14
3.1. Metaphor and clarity ....................................................................................... 14
3.1.1. Dead metaphors .................................................................................. 15
3.1.2. Cliché metaphors ................................................................................. 16
3.1.3. Stock metaphors................................................................................... 16
3.1.4. Original metaphors.............................................................................. 17
3.2. Quotes, allusions and aestheticizing devices defining style........................... 18
3.2.1. Headlines............................................................................................... 18
3.2.2. Leads ..................................................................................................... 19
3.2.3. Introductory poems ............................................................................. 20
3.2.4. Subheadings.......................................................................................... 21
3.3. Hedging for precision....................................................................................... 22
3.3.1. Types and frequency............................................................................ 22
3.3.2. The translation of hedges .................................................................... 24
4. Conclusion………................................................................................................................... 27
5. References….. ......................................................................................................................... 29
Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 1. Introduction
The Economist is an international news and business publication with a weekly circulation of
1.3 million copies worldwide in 2008. Since its foundation in 1843 by a Scottish hat
manufacturer in order to serve the purpose of free trade it has developed into “one of the
world’s most authoritative and influential publications” (www.economistgroup.com/what_
we_do/), in 1996 extended by an on-line version. However, today the name of the publication
is somewhat misleading since besides reports on financial issues its targeted highly educated
readership can also engage in commentaries and in depth analyses on science, technology,
culture, society and the arts. The non-negotiable cornerstones of this in quality newspapers
frequently quoted periodical are editorial independence, a respect for facts, all articles being
anonymously written and a commitment to ensure topicality. Despite being printed on glossy
paper and on a weekly basis The Economist prefers being called a newspaper, justifying this
by the facts that “it covers news as well as opinion and works to a newspaper deadline” (ibid.)
each Thursday. The editorial philosophy has been summed up in the following mission
statement in which the publication aims at taking part in “a severe contest between
intelligence, which presses forward, and an unworthy, timid ignorance obstructing our
progress”, a statement that aligns naturally with Newmark’s view on translation, namely that
it “is not only the transmitter of culture, but also of the truth, a force for progress” (1988:7),
thus providing a first incentive to translate its texts for a wider audience.
The employed staff, currently a total of 75 journalists, three quarters of whom are
London-based, are subject to The Economist Style Guide which not only offers a set of rules
on punctuation and abbreviations, but also sheds light on the differences between American
and British English in terms of spelling, grammar and usage, where obviously the latter is
recommended. What is more important, to a large extent this guide book has been inspired by
George Orwell’s essay Politics and the English Language, published in 1946. In this work he
points out the importance of clarity in language, emphasizing the fact that only if “vagueness
and lumps of verbal refuse” is avoided can language be adequate enough to facilitate logical
thought and to convey abstract concepts. Examples of “verbal refuse” are pretentious diction
– referring to an exaggerated use of Latin and Greek words firm in the belief that they are
“grander than Saxon ones”−, meaningless or unnecessarily long words, and words wrongly,
or dishonestly, used.
1 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson Accordingly, on the inside cover of The Economist Style Guide the publication claims
to be famous for communicating with “clarity, style and precision”. Even though the reasons
for quoting the publication apparently are considered frequent and the fact that far from all its
readers are native English speakers The Economist has never been translated into any other
language, the odd article at the most (The Economist’s Customer Services and Mats
Bergstrand, DN). Supported by the principle that “everything without exception is
translatable” (Newmark 1988:6), the purpose of this study is to examine the translatability of
The Economist’s language, with special regard to “clarity, style and precision”.
The following examples will each illustrate the three fields of interest in this study:
(1)
That means it may now be profitable to
exploit the manganese crusts and other
minerals recently discovered. (p.6)
Det innebär att det nu kan bli lönsamt att exploatera
manganskorpan och andra mineraler som nyligen har
upptäckts.
(2)
Troubled waters (p.1)
Mörka vatten
(3)
Or so it has long seemed. (p.1)
Så har det i alla fall under lång tid sett ut.
The first example includes a ‘metaphor’, manganese crusts, which has been translated with
manganskorpan, by means of literal translation as described by Vinay and Darbelnet, quoted
in Munday (2008:57). Seeing as the singular form is to be preferred in Swedish a minor
modulation (ibid.) was also justified. The second example is a headline illustrating another
common stylistic feature in The Economist; ‘allusions’. Troubled waters to most readers is
likely to bear reference to Simon and Garfunkel’s famous song, however then in the singular,
“Bridge over Troubled Water”. The phrase originates from John Wyclif’s Bible translation
from the end of the 14th century: “The troblid flood that moistith Egipt”, which in the latest
English translation of the Bible (1995) has been altered into “dark waters” and in the Swedish
version mörka vatten, both from Psalm 18:11. This literal translation is now recognized in
Sweden, enforced by Åke Arenhill’s translation of the lyrics, and therefore ought to be kept.
The third example illustrates two cases of ‘hedging’, a scientific journalist’s way of
expressing his attitude to or commenting metadiscoursally on the text. The first hedge is
conjunctional and the second a verbal impersonal phrase, both of which were translated
literally.
The translation strategies applied will be analysed and commented on in section 3.
2 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 1.1.
Aim and scope
The aim of this essay is to analyse a translation of four articles from The Economist’s Special
Edition from December 2008. The following aspects will be examined:
•
The translation of metaphors in view of “clarity”
•
The translation of quotes, allusions and aestheticizing devices in view of “style”
•
The translation of different types of hedging in view of “precision”
1.2.
Material and method
In order to meet the demands of today’s informed society academic popular science is a
growing genre (Brand 2008:1), whose aim it is to inform the public about findings which are
technical in nature in a comprehensible and interesting way (Gunnarsson 1996:1), thereby
applying a register and style adapted to the readership. The study of discourse popularisation
has been described as the “meeting point between science and the general public” (Moirand
1997, cited in Brand 2008:25), or “a three-cornered circuit, including scientists, the general
public and mediators (e.g. journalists)” (ibid.). Since a specialised lexicon is considered an
obstacle in this process, labelled “gobbledegook” by Crystal (1997:382) when intentionally
overused − and beneficial when used for professional communication − scientific journalists
must find ways to clarify concepts unknown to the reader. Also, various means to keep the
reader’s interest may be employed, such as quotes, allusions and alliteration.
The texts selected for the translation are four articles, comprising a total of 7 335
words, from The Economist’s Special Edition focusing on the oceans of the world in view of
carbon dioxide emissions and global warming, issued in December 2008. The first text
describes how ocean living organisms have been affected, the second one discusses the
attraction exerted by the seabed minerals, the third article deals with the reasons for rising sea
levels and the fourth, finally, aims at explaining what remains to be gained from the seas,
mainly in terms of power. Since the topic is the main focus of the communication the text
type is evidently ‘informative’, using Reiss’ taxonomy (Munday 2001:72). However, as
Munday further points out, there is “a host of hybrid of types” (ibid.) and in the text material
selected for this survey there are strong features of an ‘expressive’ text type, considering the
vast amount of figurative language, quotes and allusions. Given that the articles ultimately
have the intended effect on the reader, i.e. that a knowledgeable reader might also take
3 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson measures against global warming, it can also be argued that the text type is ‘operative’. Such
wide-ranging texts naturally add to the complexity of the translation process.
Besides a thorough study of the four articles constituting the source text (ST) for the
translation a study of translation theories has been undertaken. The main works for this
purpose have been A Textbook of Translation by Peter Newmark and Introducing Translation
Studies by Jeremy Munday, the former a comprehensive and practical guide to the craft of
translation and the latter an overview of translation theory over time. Further useful literature
proved to be Metaphors We Live By by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphor and
Thought compiled by Andrew Ortony, Den populärvetenskapliga texten by Gunnar Eriksson
and Lena Svensson, and Hedging in Scientific Research Articles by Ken Hyland. The use of
parallel texts has been essential in order to access terminology related to the subject area;
primarily Isabella Lövin’s Tyst hav, for example conveniently providing the Swedish word
rovdrift for the translation of slaughter in describing the cod depletion, but also a number of
websites have been consulted, two of them being those of the Swedish authorities
Naturvårdsverket and Livsmedelsverket.
Prior to the translation the three quoted keywords for this analysis “clarity, style and
precision” were defined, for which purpose Longman’s Dictionary of Contemporary English
was used and whose definitions are copied here. ‘Clarity’ is “the quality of being expressed
clearly, especially about a piece of writing, law or argument”. Undoubtedly, this must be a
crucial quality in science popularisation and the use of metaphors will illustrate a means to
achieve clarity. ‘Style’ is “a typical way of doing something, especially one that is typical of a
particular place, period of time or group of people”. In this study, characteristic features as the
use of quotes, allusions and various aestheticizing devices will be used to represent The
Economist’s style. ‘Precision’ is “the quality of being very exact or correct”. This is
necessarily a further essential feature in a publication that aims at delivering truths and facts
and will be discussed in view of hedging as a means to come to terms with scientific
circumstances. Alongside the translation process notes connected to the three concepts were
taken, notes on which the analysis following will be based.
During the translation process the aim has been to meet the demands of a Swedish
readership, equal to that originally targeted by The Economist, both in terms of scientific
knowledge, interest and commitment. Therefore, the intention was to avoid over-explicitness,
likewise explanatory footnotes have consistently been eschewed. On two particular occasions,
however, explanations of technical terms were strongly considered, namely in the translation
4 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson of manganese nodules and saline aquifiers. However, after studying a number of parallel texts
in the target language (TL) the decision was made to use direct translation solely (with minor
adaptations for syntactic reasons), mangannoduler and salina akvifärer, thus not running the
risk of underestimating the Swedish reader. For pragmatic reasons the chemical formula CO2
was translated with koldioxid, seeing as the explicit term is much preferred in Swedish science
popularisation.
It must be pointed out that it is advantageous that the two languages in question,
English and Swedish, forming the current ‘language pair’, are closely related in their common
Germanic origin. The fact that they have a similar syntactic structure, at large, and share a
lexicon that often includes parallel Germanic as well as Latin equivalents, facilitates both the
translation of scientific discourse and that of metaphors. To a large extent, literal translation is
hereby permitted. The translator’s awareness of this ‘situational factor’ is vital, also
emphasized by Ingo (2007:15).
The following analysis and the subsequent discussion based on the translation process
will hopefully be of interest to linguists, translation theorists − absolute beginners as well as
fully-fledged −, but also to anyone interested in the characteristic features of scientific
popularisation, such as deployed by a major publication.
2.
Theoretical background
The translator’s primary mission is to transfer a source language (SL) message into a target
language (TL) equivalent, thereby aiming at evoking the same thought processes, images,
emotions and ultimately responses as originally intended. Apparently, no two translators
would arrive at an identical translation of a given task, indicating that much of the translation
process is based on personal flair, creativity and ambition. Nevertheless, an increasing number
of translation theorists have identified translation strategies, some of which will be presented
below. Since language can be seen as a bag, pragmatically influenced on the outside, but
inside it holding a mixture of lexicon, grammar and syntax, all subject to fixed rules, these
same elements must also be taken into consideration during the translation process.
Nida favours two ‘types of equivalence’ (cited in Munday 2001:42): ‘formal
equivalence’ and ‘dynamic equivalence’. “Formal equivalence focuses attention on the
message itself, in both form and content” (ibid.) and allows the source text to exert a strong
conceptual power on the translation. Formal equivalence can be illustrated by an example
taken from the text material in this study:
5 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson (4)
Warmer water and slimier slime (p.2)
Varmare vatten och slammigare slam
Thus, in translating this subheading both form and content were taken into consideration. (The
important role of subheadings will be dealt with in section 2.2.) The intention was to keep
both the double alliteration and the rhythm, with the exception of the two comparative
adjectives, by necessity one syllable longer in Swedish. As regards content slemmigare slem
was considered, as was slemmigare slam, but since the correct noun for the phenomenon in
Swedish is slam, finally slammigare slam was decided upon as it implies a denser condition
of the same substance, just as “slimier slime” does.
Dynamic equivalence, on the other hand, is based on “the principle of equivalent
effect” (ibid.) in which adaptation to the needs and expectations of the target language users is
emphasized. This “receptor-oriented approach” is focused on ‘naturalness’, a pivotal concept
to Nida, implying “the closest natural equivalent to the source-language message”. From the
text material dynamic equivalence might be illustrated by the following sentence, including a
metaphor of the subspecies ‘metonomy’, where “the attribute of an entity is used in place of
the entity itself” (Crystal 1980:303):
(5)
Old hands cast doubt on theories that huge
quantities of minerals lie below the seabed.
(p.8)
Gamla rävar tvivlar på antaganden om att enorma
mängder mineraler ligger under havsbotten.
This is a typical example where the interests of the target language must not only affect, but
even determine, the translation. Gamla händer, i.e. literal translation, would be altogether
incomprehensible to the target reader, at least unnecessarily far-fetched.
Furthermore, the “translation-speak” provided by Vinay and Darbelnet (presented in
Munday 2001:56ff.) as early as in 1958, has constituted a reliable framework for this study. In
brief, their seven-fold model is divided in two major parts: ‘direct translation’ and ‘oblique
translation’. Direct translation contains three sub-levels; 1) ‘borrowing’, meaning that a word
is transferred from the source language into the target language without any alteration at all,
e.g. cap-and-trade system and off-shore, 2) ‘calque’, a borrowing by which an expression is
transferred into the target language by means of literal translation, e.g. rainforest which was
borrowed as regnskog and pre-industrial as förindustriell, 3) ‘literal translation’, which is
‘word-for-word’ translation and the “most common strategy between languages of the same
6 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson family and culture” (ibid.), by far the translation strategy used most in this study. Oblique
translation is intended for situations when literal translation is not possible and offers another
four procedures; 4) ‘transposition’, “changing one part of speech into another without
changing the sense”, see (18) below, 5) ‘modulation’, implying that the translator finds it
necessary to change “the semantics and point of view” of the source text and a technique
considered the “touchstone” for a good translation. Modulation is the strategy resorted to
when neither literal translation nor transposition has rendered a satisfactory result in terms of
grammar and idiomatic language and (17) below will illustrate this. 6) ‘Equivalence’ is the
strategy suitable for translating idioms and proverbs in that it aims at describing “the same
situation by different stylistic or structural means”, see (5) above. Finally, 7) the ‘adaptation’
strategy is used to replace a phenomenon non-existent in the target language culture by one
that is pragmatically valid and recognized, best illustrated in (23).
Newmark is evidently right in claiming that all translation theory basically consists of
“a large number of generalizations of translation problems” and that there are “no cast-iron
rules” (1998:21). However, he believes, just like Vinay and Darbelnet, that literal translation
is “correct and must not be avoided, if it secures referential and pragmatic equivalence to the
original” (1998:69). Though, usually adequate for one-word metaphors, literal translation has
obvious limitations above word-level, let alone for poetic language.
2.1.
Metaphor and clarity – theoretical framework
The intriguing field of metaphor has stimulated a host of linguists attempting to define their
metaphorical nature and function in various text types, categorizing them accordingly. The
following samples of this theoretical framework have all been useful in this study, most of
which will be referred to in the analysis.
Traditionally, there have been two main approaches to the study of metaphor (Ortony
1993:2): ‘non-constructivist’ and ‘constructivist’. The former approach refers to metaphor as
a pure phenomenon of language, where it is “considered to be a trope, an example of nonliteral language and is defined in terms of violations of linguistic rules” (Skorcynska
(2001:43). The constructivist approach, on the other hand, “eliminates the distinction between
the literal and non-literal, and views metaphor as instrumental in constructing reality” (ibid.),
and thereby making it the starting point of this study. Also Lakoff & Johnson share the view
that metaphor is much more than decorative language, they claim that metaphor “is pervasive
in everyday life” (Lakoff & Johnson 1980:3), that even “our ordinary conceptual system… is
7 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson metaphorical in nature“ (ibid.). Another thinker believing in the absolute “ubiquity of
metaphor” is Black (1993:21), emphasizing the “cognitive aspects” and the explanatory
power of metaphors to tell us “how things are”, be they ordinary objects or scientific
concepts.
Thus, with few exceptions, metaphors will not primarily be regarded as a stylistic
device in this study, but as a vital means to clarify unknown concepts to the readers of popular
scientific discourse, providing access to complex scientific subject areas. This clarification
strategy is essential to a readership like that of The Economist, for the reason that few of the
readers are likely to experience phenomena like ice sheets, kelp forests or manganese crusts
themselves. (It is therefore not surprising that both Newmark (1998:104 and 112) and
Skorcynska (2001:53) have quoted The Economist in order to illustrate the nature and purpose
of metaphors.) The use of metaphors efficiently makes these concepts transparent and
fathomable.
The terminology for the two parts of which a metaphor consists, ‘the object and the
image’ (Newmark 1998:104), offers a number of options: ‘topic and vehicle’ (Steen, cited in
Skorcynska 2001:45), ‘the primary subject and the secondary subject’, but previously ‘the
principal subject and the subsidiary subject’ (Black 1993:27), ‘the concrete and the abstract’
(Eriksson & Svensson 1979:6), among others. Henceforth, in this study ‘object and image’ are
preferred.
Furthermore, Skorcynska distinguishes metaphors as being either ‘implicit’ or
‘explicit’ (2001:45). An explicit metaphor is made clear to the reader through its immediate
context, whereas an implicit metaphor must be deciphered with reference to information
previously or later received, perhaps the reader must even turn to his own knowledge or
experience in order to fully comprehend the metaphor. Also, depending on the part of speech
of the core of the image she defines them as being either ‘nominal’ or ‘verbal’.
Most importantly, Newmark’s metaphor taxonomy (1998:106ff.) will be applied,
since it adequately covers the variety of metaphors occurring in the text material:
‘Dead metaphors’, such as
(6)
food chain (p.17)
näringskedja
are metaphors that have a defining and clarifying function and are frequent in scientific text
types. According to Ingo this kind of semantic metaphor is often lexicalized and will therefore
8 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson often be included in dictionaries (2007:119), whereas Black is of the opinion that “a so-called
dead metaphor is not a metaphor at all, but merely an expression that no longer has a pregnant
use” (1993:25). This view is contrary to the assumption underlying this study (and strikingly
remote from Black’s own view previously just cited) and will be discussed in the analysis.
‘Cliché metaphors’ are metaphors “that have perhaps temporarily outlived their
usefulness, that are used as a substitute for clear thought, often emotively, but without
corresponding to the facts of the matter” (ibid.), for which an illustrative example must be:
(7)
technology has advanced (p.6)
tekniken har gått framåt
‘Stock or standard metaphors’ are not easily distinguished from cliché metaphors and
are a type of “established metaphor which in an informal context is an efficient and concise
method of covering a physical and/or mental situation both referentially and pragmatically – a
stock metaphor has a certain emotional warmth – and which is not deadened by overuse”
(ibid.). This long definition fits the following example from a subheading in the text material:
(8)
Scramble for the seabed (p.5)
Kapplöpningen om havsbotten
where the source language scramble by necessity was replaced by the Swedish equivalent
kapplöpningen, since in both languages these nouns have connotations with the colonization
of Africa at the end of the 19th century.
‘Original metaphors’ are either created or quoted by the source language writer and,
being used with such afterthought, are likely to be paramount in their context, and therefore
also an enrichment for the target language. The example below will illustrate this:
(9)
Coral reefs, whose profusion of life and
diversity of ecosystems make them the
rainforests of the sea, … (p.2)
Korallreven, vars överflöd på liv och mångfald av
ekosystem gör dem till havets regnskogar, …
Obviously, no taxonomy of metaphors can be crystal clear since factors such as culture,
convention, language inherent connotations and even the language user’s own ability to
recognize images all synergize in the perception of them. Nevertheless, the four categories
introduced above proved adequate for the purpose of this essay and will be further discussed
in section 3.
9 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson The ubiquitous quality of metaphors is apparent also in the second area of study,
seeing as The Economist makes frequent use of them in headlines and subheadings.
2.2.
Quotes, allusions and aestheticizing elements as stylistic devices – theoretical
framework
According to Brand the textual structure of an article is divided into two parts: summary and
story (2008:41). “The summary includes the headline and the lead. They have an immediate
eye-catching and hence attention-getting function and are designed to be distinct from the rest
of the text.” Besides, in popular scientific discourse headlines, introductions and subheadings
help make the text more accessible, they increase the reader’s curiosity, may carry features of
moral and allow time for reflection (Gunnarsson 1996:86). In this text type the delaying
function is of major importance (Eriksson & Svensson 1979:4), as the reader not fully in
command of the subject field would have difficulties following a text too rich in facts. The
delay might also have a relaxing or emphasizing effect.
Aestheticizing devices creating rhythm, balance and sound-effects, e.g. alliteration,
are employed in order to provide the desired ambience. Also, the use of fiction and quotes can
affect the reader in a positive way without ruining the main purpose of delivering facts.
Furthermore, the phenomenon of word-play is increasingly observed both in daily newspapers
and periodicals, most likely encouraged and enhanced by “netspeak” and texting, means of
communication limited by time and space. This emotional charge that can be acquired in a
variety of ways is vital for the perception of the message.
Partington correctly points out that “much of what is seen as creative use of language
is not invented ‘out of the blue’, but is an imaginative reworking of the usual” (1998:121,
author’s italics) labelling the phenomenon “unusuality”. However, this does not depreciate
either the writer’s imaginative ability or the effect on the reader. The concept of adapting or
borrowing ideas in order to produce a new “original” must be considered very common and
one of the oldest of all within the art of writing. In a survey of headlines in The Independent
Partington has found the occurrences of such “preconstructed word strings” to be most
frequent in the arts pages, followed by the sports pages, whereas the news pages displayed the
least (ibid.).
To a large extent, the second area of study has been characterized by Newmark’s
advice: “If you translate for a publication, you adopt its house-style” (1998:159). Much of The
Economist’s style lies within the choice of headlines, leads, introductory quotes or poems and
10 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson subheadings. In section 3.2., two of each of the constituents mentioned will be analysed in
terms of style and translation strategies.
2.3.
Hedging for precision – theoretical framework
Scientific discourse is traditionally expected to be characterized by precision and rational
statements, for the reason that the human brain has an urge to understand how things really
are and function, an urge for the truth, to put it simply. An inherent problem for the scientific
writer, however, is the fact that few phenomena or findings are indisputable facts. Due to
“preliminary results, uncertain predictions, small samples or imperfect techniques” (Hyland
1998:54) items more often than not therefore suggest, indicate or seem, rather than prove. The
technique by which scientific writers convey their attitude or ‘stance’ (Biber et al. 1999:557)
to such propositions is metaphorically labelled ‘hedging’.
Since Lakoff in 1972 first defined the concept of hedges as “words whose job it is to
make things more or less fuzzy” (Hyland 1998:1), limiting the concept to include phrases like
kind of and sort of, the term has been widened and modified by such a large number of
linguists that Markkanen & Schröder even speak about “a state of definitional chaos”
(1997:15). (Lakoff’s definition has been adopted by the grammarians Biber et al. 1999.)
Originating in logic and semantics hedging now “extends to areas like metacommunication
and to communication strategies like mitigation and politeness” (ibid.). The crucial definition
issue appears to be how hedging relates to modality, and which is the wider concept. This
study will adopt the view that both areas “are treated as overlapping domains of language use,
with neither covering the other completely” (Mauranen 1997:115), supported also by
Markkanen & Schröder claiming that the “connection is very clear in the case of modal verbs
with epistemic meanings” (ibid:7). ‘Epistemic logic’, according to Crystal, is “concerned with
the logical structure of statements which assert or imply that propositions are known or
believed” (2008:171).
There is a peculiar paradox in the role of hedging, depending on the type of discourse
in which it is being used. In plain conversational discourse vague language or hedges such as
kind of and sort of may be significant for an unassertive and indecisive character, whereas in
scientific discourse epistemic adverbs such as about and most have the opposite effect. In
truth, hedges may thus “serve to strengthen the argument” “by weakening the claim” (Meyer
1997:21). Obviously, the conclusion cannot be the more hedges, the stronger the argument,
since the above is only valid up to a certain – but vague − point.
11 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson Not only is the effect of hedging context-dependent, the individual hedge as such is
never an isolated phenomenon; its meaning is always linked to the immediate co-text. Three
sentences from the selected material will illustrate this:
(10) Here can be found sulphur-eating
bacteria… (p.7)
Här finns svavelätande bakterier…
(11) …shrimps…that can mend their DNA…
(p.7)
…räkor…som är kapabla att laga sitt DNA…
The modal auxiliary can in (10) and (11) indicates a factual statement of ability and are
therefore not classified as hedges. However, in the next example could has an epistemic
function and is therefore regarded as a hedge since it expresses possibility:
(12) Various measures could reduce this
pollution. (p.16)
Ett antal åtgärder skulle kunna minska denna
nedsmutsning.
Thus, hedges tend to be textual phenomena and therefore it is not possible to establish lists of
these elusive elements of language.
Hedges can be separated in two major types, both of which have been included in this
study: “those that affect the truth-conditions of propositions, ‘approximators’, and ‘shields’,
which do not affect the truth-conditions but reflect the degree of the speaker’s commitment to
the truth-value of the whole proposition” (Markkanen & Schröder 1997:5). Examples (13) and
(14) will illustrate this respectively:
(13) About a third of this CO2 is taken up by
the sea… (p.3)
Ungefär en tredjedel av denna koldioxid tas
upp av havet…
(14) Even George Bush junior eventually came
round to it… (p.6)
Till slut ändrade sig till och med George W.
Bush…
There are several reasons why hedging is frequently used in scientific discourse, the
most obvious being that the writer simply lacks knowledge and needs a protective “facesaving device ” (Meyer 1997:23), in order to prevent future accusations of having been
wrong. Accordingly, hedging also brings the writer “closer to the truth” (ibid:39). However,
this use of hedges also allows the writer to modify his “responsibility for the truth value of the
propositions expressed” (ibid:5) and even manipulate the text by confusing the reader as to
who has claimed what. Furthermore, being deferentially tinged hedging is a strategy to
express politeness to the reader, following conventional discourse rules. Hence, hedging is a
12 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson rhetorical device, effecting both ‘ethos’ − “emphasising the reliability of the writer” − and
‘pathos’ – “moving the reader emotionally” − (Markkanen & Schröder 1997:9).
This rhetoric of science writers use for “two principal orientations: towards the
content of their propositions and, to their readers” (Hyland 1998:253). Reasons, orientations,
types and context thus synergistically determine each hedge. This study will focus on lexical
and strategic hedges with an epistemic function, “concerned with a writer’s standpoint,
judging the truth of statements in terms of possibility, probability or certainty” (Hyland
1998:44) in the four texts from The Economist. Lexical hedges will be categorized as:
‘epistemic modal auxiliaries’, ‘epistemic lexical verbs’, ‘epistemic adjectives’, ‘epistemic
adverbs’, ‘epistemic nouns’, ‘epistemic prepositions’ and ‘epistemic hedging of numerical
data’ (including quantifiers). The strategic non-lexical hedges referring to limited knowledge
have also been included. However, expressions such as indeed and there is no doubt claim
propositions to be true, and have therefore not been regarded as hedges.
Hedges will also be examined from a translator’s point of view, with particular regard
to Markkanen and Schröder’s warning that in order to adequately translate hedges the
translator must “know the intentions of the original writer, i.e. how assertive or tentative s/he
intended to be” (Markkanen & Schröder 1997:14). No doubt, this is an aggravating factor for
the translation process, besides the fact that “rules of appropriateness vary across cultures”
(ibid:13).
13 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 3
Analysis
In this section the results for the three fields of study will be presented and alongside
comments on the translation strategies applied will be made.
3.1.
Metaphor and clarity
Metaphors of all four categories as defined in section 2.1. occurred in the selected articles
from The Economist on word, phrase and sentence level, i.e. they were explicit and some of
the original metaphors were found to be implicit. The frequency and ratio of a total of 36
metaphors were as follows (there were 33 different metaphors, but three dead metaphors were
used twice):
Table 1. Distribution of metaphors in numbers and percent
Dead metaphors
Cliché metaphors
Stock metaphors
Original metaphors
18
7
5
6
50%
19%
14%
17%
From this overview can be concluded that dead metaphors, making up 50% of the in all 36
items, have been considered vivid and lucid enough to play an important and clarifying role in
popular scientific discourse. On the other hand, the in this context relatively high number of
original metaphors, 17%, indicates a journalistic ambition to be creative and inventive. A
further justified step would be to add the number of stock metaphors and that of original
metaphors which then would display a large proportion of metaphors with an emotive quality,
supporting the expressive feature − by extension also the operative feature − within the text
material. Three samples from each category will be examined in greater detail, whereby
examples already used in the study have been avoided.
14 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 3.1.1.
Dead metaphors
The following three metaphors may represent the major category – dead metaphors:
(15)… on the slopes of continental shelves…
(p.7)
…på kontinentalhyllornas sluttningar…
(16)… at the bottom of the food web. (p10)
… längst ner i näringsväven.
(17)… deep beneath the ocean floor. (p.7)
… djupt under oceanens botten.
By means of direct translation, more precisely literal translation, metaphors (15) and (16)
have been translated into the TL. For pragmatic reasons in (17) this was not possible, since
the literal translation oceangolvet would definitely conjure up the wrong picture to a Swedish
reader. Oceanens botten is simply the Swedish equivalent and it cannot be helped that a copy
of the image could not be transferred, a slight modulation was necessary. (In truth, the
suitability of the word floor might be questioned, having connotations to a flat surface and
polish. Is it perhaps possible that the metaphor was coined in the days of trodden earth
floors?) Just like (17), example number (15) makes use of the conceptual mapping of the
ocean as a home or house and the image of shelves makes perfect sense. The English word
web can mean either ‘nät’ or ‘väv’ in Swedish and only culture specific usage can determine
which is right. The dead metaphors are also nominal and explicit, i.e. they are understood
within the sentence, usually within their co-text. It can hardly be a coincidence that in this
study all dead metaphors were nominal, and therefore also more concrete than the other
categories. Surely it is nearer at hand to apply the term ‘dead’ to the body of a noun, than to a
verb. However, it is beyond the scope of this study to pursue this hypothesis.
A further observation of the dead metaphors is their common Germanic origin, which
again emphasizes their intrinsic power to efficiently explain scientific phenomena since their
meaning will be deeply rooted in the reader familiar with a Germanic language.
Taking the above into account, it cannot be argued that this type of metaphor is no
metaphor at all (Black 1993:25), or that they “have no pregnant use”. On the contrary, they
avoid ambiguity and serve an immediate purpose of clarification. However, a change in
terminology is hereby suggested – ‘fixed metaphor’ would be more adequate – saving
linguists the trouble of dealing with the complex task of issuing death certificates to
metaphors.
15 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 3.1.2.
Cliché metaphors
In order to represent the cliché metaphors the three samples below were selected:
(18) Investment in deep-sea mineral extraction
came to a halt. (p.6)
Investeringarna i mineralutvinning i djuphaven gjorde
halt.
(19) … a series of happenings is set in
motion. (p.4)
… en rad händelser har satts i gång.
(20) In all, about 15m square kilometers are at
stake. (p.5)
Totalt står ungefär 15 miljoner km2 på spel.
Examples (18) to (20) are verbal metaphors, just like (7) above, seemingly typical of cliché
metaphors. Even though the examples above all include a noun, the conceptual focus is on the
verbal part, thus the verbal ‘image’ turns the ‘object’ into an action, viz. ‘stop’, ‘initiate’ and
‘risk’ respectively. In the ST a post-modifying prepositional phrase follows the verb, in (19)
and (20) also transferred into the TT. In (18), for pragmatic reasons, a minor transposition
was necessary in the translation process in that a phrasal verb was used to replace the
prepositional phrase. The cliché metaphors were explicit, on phrase level, and it must be
agreed, act as “a substitute for clear thought”. Just like the dead/fixed metaphors the cliché
metaphors are likely to be found in dictionaries.
3.1.3.
Stock metaphors
Another three examples will illustrate the stock metaphors:
(21) … far removed from the scene of the event.
(p.18)
(22) … the Arctic Ocean was used …as the
resting-place for 18 unwanted nuclear reactors…
(p.15)
…på långt avstånd från platsen för skådespelet
…användes den Arktiska oceanen…som
vilorum för 18 icke längre önskvärda
kärnkraftsreaktorer...
(23) …the plankton through photosynthesis
would descend to Davy Jones’s locker… (p.18)
…planktonen genom fotosyntesen stiga ned till
sjömännens grav…
The sampled stock metaphors are frequent − they are in stock – and certainly have a touch of
“emotional warmth” (Newmark 1998:108), whereas their clarifying function seems to be less
emphasized. It is not surprising that (22) and (23) are euphemisms for ‘grave’, seeing as this
is a “life domain” which is rather not mentioned in so many words, and the number of
metaphors in this field is abundant. The current language pair facilitated literal translation in
both (21) and (22), whereas (23) required equivalence. Few TL readers will know the
reference of Davy Jones’s locker – a euphemism for the ocean as the resting place of drowned
16 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson mariners (www.phrases.org.uk) − for which a close TL equivalent is en sjömansgrav, but in
order to fit into the wider, general context this had to be slightly altered and the plural was
used. (Davy Jones is in nautical slang the spirit of the sea, the sailor’s devil, according to the
OED.) The stock metaphors were all nominal and explicit on word or phrase level.
3.1.4.
Original metaphors
A final three metaphors will illustrate the fourth category, original metaphors:
(24)…the waters angry or calm, the ocean
itself is eternal. Its moods pass. Its tides keep to a
rhythm. (p.1)
…vattnet ursinnigt eller lugnt; oceanen själv är
evig. Dess humör växlar. Dess tidvatten behåller
sin rytm.
(25) But the sea can be harnessed for energy,
and to store carbon . (p.15)
Men havet kan tämjas för att leverera energi och
för att lagra koldioxid.
(26) A vast amount of carbon is swilling about
or sitting in the deep sea below 200 metres, where a
biological pump pushes it round in such a way that
any carbon atom entering ... The pump is driven by
phytoplankton, the tiny… (p.9)
En enorm mängd koldioxid sköljs omkring eller
ligger i djuphavet under 200 meters djup, där en
biologisk pump driver runt det på ett sådant sätt, att
varje kolatom som kommer… Pumpen drivs av
växtplankton, de mycket små...
Example (24) occurred in the very first paragraph of the first article on the oceans and is of
paramount importance. The purpose of this metaphor, tinged with a literary style, is to set the
reader in the right mood, explaining that the oceans are immensely powerful and also have a
life of their own. The conceptual mapping is that of an animal − or a human being −,
providing the ocean with a range of moods, with a pulse and with a self. Lakoff & Johnson
rightly claim that this metaphorical ‘personification’ “allows us to comprehend a wide variety
of experiences with nonhuman entities in terms of human motivations, characteristics, and
activities” (1980:33). Also in (25) the same image is evoked. The ocean is here an animal – or
a slave − on which humans have put a harness in order to domesticate it and to gain as much
as possible from it. For the translation of (25) the TL utnyttjas was considered, but was
discarded as being too flat. Example (26) is more down-to-earth, but nevertheless original,
and it differs from the previous two in that it is obviously intended to clarify how the carbon
dioxide is circulated. (24), (25) and (26) are all on context level and implicit, i.e. the readers
must use their imagination or knowledge previously gained in order to comprehend the
metaphor. Literal translation was possible in all three metaphors.
It can be concluded, that at least 50% of the metaphors used in the text material
primarily have a clarifying function and in the name of this explanatory ability should not be
called “dead”, but “fixed”. Another 19%, the cliché metaphors, can also be argued to
17 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson contribute to the understanding of the scientific discourse in view of their verbal
reformulation technique. Of the remaining 31%, the original metaphors mostly display a
fictional function whereas the stock metaphors seemingly carry a combined task.
3.2.
Quotes, allusions and aestheticizing devices defining style
In order to explain to its readership the fact that there is something rotten in the state of our
oceans The Economist in headlines, leads and subheadings has made use of a number of
stylistic devices such as quotes and allusions. The examples below will illustrate this and the
attempts to adopt the “house-style” in the translation process.
3.2.1.
Headlines
The headlines are short, eye-catching and include both sound-effects and balance.
(27) The curse of carbon (p.9)
Förkolnad förbannelse
(28) More abused than used (p.15)
Mer utnyttjat än nyttjat
When translating (27) into the TL literal translation, kolets förbannelse, was out of the
question for several reasons. First, carbon in the given context is koldioxid in Swedish, and
besides, the alliteration would have been lost. In view of our burning of fossil fuels the choice
of förkolnad (without the traditional connotations of charcoal) is justified, and the repeated
prefix för- allows for keeping both alliteration and rhythm. The repetitive l-phoneme adds to
this effect. The SL original cur/car syllables of course show signs of alliteration, but with a
tinge of assonance. In the attempt to take both form and content into account the translation
strategy applied was formal equivalence, let alone in combination with obligatory
transposition, where for ‘the coal part’ in the TL a participle was used as an attributive
modifier, instead of the SL postmodifying of-phrase. On the other hand, in (28) literal
translation was conveniently used. The English prefix ab-, implying ‘to remove’ finds an
equivalent in the Swedish prefix ut-, with a similar meaning, and therefore both balance and
rhythm could be retained. As expected, a Google search proved that the pair abuse/use is not
rare in word-play.
3.2.2.
Leads
The leads are longer than the headlines and have the primary aim to provide the reader with
the intended emotional setting. (29) obviously displays a feature of moral, encouraging the
18 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson readers to reflect on their origin and to recognize the importance of the oceans.
(29) All of us have in our veins the exact
percentage of salt in our blood that exists in the
ocean… And when we go back to the sea… we
are going back from whence we came.
John F. Kennedy (p.1)
Blodet vi alla har i våra ådror har exakt samma
salthalt som oceanerna har… När vi återvänder
till havet... återvänder vi till vårt ursprung.
(30) The latest land-grab is under water and
under way (p.5)
Nutida landerövringar – på botten på väg
The two selected examples are of two different kinds: a quotation of the US president John F.
Kennedy in 1962 from a speech given in connection with the America’s Cup Races (sailing),
and a witty lead that turned out a challenge translation-wise. In translating (29) an equivalent
effect was aimed at, recommended also by Newmark: “Authoritative statements, being
addressed to a readership rather than individual readers, if written in ‘public’ language should
produce equivalent effect” (1998:49). The quote is in this position given a somewhat more
serious charge, notwithstanding its original context. The word order had to be altered, the
singular form of the noun ocean was traded for the generic plural form in Swedish, go back
was translated with the more poetic återvända (compared with gå tillbaka), which also can be
considered a compensation for the modulation where the archaic adverbial whence was
translated with the prepositional object vårt ursprung.
Also in (30) literal translation was discarded as being inadequate. The SL under water
and under way is imaginative in its parallelism and ambiguity and the ambition was to
transfer this aesthetic and expressive combination. First, the dash was used to replace the
verbal function. No satisfactory solution including vatten/väg was found, and in the final på
botten på väg the alliteration has been sacrificed, however, the parallel prepositional phrases
and the ambiguous use of the preposition as both literal and figurative has been retained. The
conjunction och was considered in joining på botten och på väg but was decided dangerously
misleading and was therefore omitted.
The parallel expression “under water and under way” is also a typical example of the
frequent similar parallels in all four articles; “courage and adventure”, “fear and romance”,
“the landscape and the atmosphere” are a few more. The traditional magic number of three
has apparently been replaced by two, thus creating balance and conveying a sense of “all
inclusive”.
The translation strategy applied in both leads was mainly formal equivalence with a
strong influence of the SL in terms of both form and content.
19 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 3.2.3.
Introductory poems
As an extension of the lead two of the articles included an introductory poem, with the same
aesthetic and expressive function as the lead, but of course with a more fictional touch.
(31) Roll on, thou deep and dark blue Ocean –
roll!
Ten thousand fleets sweep over thee in vain;
Man marks the Earth with ruin – his control
Stops with the shore (p.5)
Lord Byron
Upprulla, djupblå ocean, din prakt!
Dig tiotusen flottor fåfängt rida.
Folk ödelägga landen, deras magt
Sin bölja lägger här.
D.A. Kruhs
(32) Sad were my thoughts that anchor’d
silently
Of the dead waters of that passionless sea
Unstirr’d by any touch of living breath:
Silence hung over it, and drowsy Death,
Like a gorged seabird, slept with folded wings
On crowded carcasses – sad passive things
(p.15)
Thomas Hood
Sorgsna mina tankar, stilla för ankar
I lama havets döda vatten
Försmått av livets andedräkt:
Tystnad rådde och döden dåsig
Likt övermätt albatross, i sömn på vingen vikt
På välbesökta kadaver – sorgliga, passiva ting.
B. W-A
In 1882 D.A. Kruhs successfully – keeping the iambic pentameter − translated Lord Byron’s
Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812−1818) into Swedish (31), and since this is a near
contemporary and recognized version there was no reason for a new attempt.
However, Thomas Hood’s poem The Sea of Death: A Fragment from 1827 has not
previously been translated into Swedish and the translation above (32) is mostly a result of
dynamic equivalence. In order to achieve naturalness alterations on the structural, semantic
and lexical levels have been performed, a few of which will be commented on here. As there
is no consistent metre in the ST there was no such requirement for the TT. The abandoned
rhymes breath/Death and wings/things can be said to have been compensated for through the
use of the in-line rhyme tankar/ankar and the alliteration of vingen vikt. The major goal,
however, was to enable the final three words – sorgliga, passiva ting – reference to: tankar,
havet, döden, albatross and kadaver, a goal that was reached. As this is the essence of the
poem the desired equivalence can be said to have been achieved.
20 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 3.2.4.
Subheadings
Each of the four articles included in the study contained at least two subheadings, all of which
were either imaginative (containing puns, word-play etc.) or allusions (i.e. no transparent
quotations) to world literature. Two of them will be analysed below.
(33) Inestimable stones, unvalu´d jewels (p.7)
Otaliga juveler, ädla stenar
(34) Realms of ocean, fields of air (p.18)
Makt över alla hav och himlens vindar
Both subheadings were without source reference and the lucky serendipity principle made it
possible to trace the origin of the allusions. (33) turned out to be a quote from Shakespeare’s
Richard III (approx. 1591), act 1:4. Allan Bergstrand translated the play into Swedish (1977),
for this passage using ädelstenar, pärlor och juveler. However, an older version by Carl
August Hagberg (1893), otaliga juveler, ädla stenar, is an equivalent much preferable in
terms of metre, balance and content and was therefore copied here.
Example (34) is a quote from Virgil’s last hexameter epic, the Aeneid, Book 1 (29−19
BCE). In Ingvar Björkeson’s translation (1988) the current line goes: makt över alla hav, den
fruktade treudden, erhöll jag genom lottning, ej han. Thus,”fields of air” was omitted in the
translation process. This is unfortunate since the “realms” covers both “oceans” and “fields of
air”, referring to the powerful winds, essential in times when ships were the most important
means of transport. Above all, the second part, fields of air, is paramount in this context since
the article focuses on wind power. Consequently, och himlens vindar was added, also yielding
balance to the passage and making Virgil speak Swedish, referring to Dryden’s preface to his
translation of the Aeneid (quoted in Munday 2001:35), where he writes: ”I have endeavoured
to make Virgil speak such English as he would himself have spoken, if he had been born in
England…” The translation strategy applied in both subheadings was formal equivalence,
since both form and content were taken into consideration.
The above examples give support to Newmark’s conclusion that “the greater the
quantity of a language’s resources (e.g. polysemy, word-play, sound-effect, metre, rhyme)
expended on a text, the more difficult it is likely to be to translate, and the more worthwhile”
(1998:17). The pieces interdepend and interact in the jigsaw puzzle of such language in the
ST already and transferring the intended response into the TL obviously requires the
translator’s awareness and commitment.
21 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson A word must be said on the advantages and disadvantages on the use of anonymous
subheadings as exemplified in (33) and (34). As previously stated, the intention is to allow the
reader time to think, to relax and above all to want to read on. Surely, the initiated reader will
smile in recognition, flattered and admiring the journalist’s literary skills. Partington has
defined this “smugness effect” (1998:140) by which the reader and the paper will gain mutual
respect and admiration for a cleverness they have in common, “a sense of collusion” is
created (ibid.). However, what if the allusion is never discovered? What if the reader, on the
contrary, is made to lose his focus and does not want to read on? There must be an obvious
risk that not only the non-native reader never discovers the origin of the allusion, and even
worse, that the reader much later finds out and most probably will feel patronized, perhaps
even ostracized, by the paper. A risk that The Economist apparently is willing to run.
3.3.
Hedging for precision
All hedges have been identified, counted and categorized according to type and listed
according to frequency. The first section contains tables and comments on the findings. Then
follows a section on the translation procedures applied.
3.3.1.
Types and frequency
In the study material a total of 233 lexical and strategic hedges were found. This might at first
seem very few out of a total of 7 335 words in the ST, more precisely 3.2%, however, it must
be remembered that each hedge affects a string of language and often a complete sentence.
205 sentences were hedged, implying that in some of them 28 hedges occurred in clusters of a
minimum of two hedges. The four texts comprise 332 sentences, which in fact means that
62% of all sentences contained at least one hedge. Evidently, hedging is a device frequently
used in scientific discourse.
Table 2 displays the different types of hedges according to the previously explained
classification:
22 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson Table 2. Distribution of hedges in numbers and percent
Lexical hedges
N
%
Epistemic modal auxiliaries
65
28
Epistemic lexical verbs
16
7
7
3
28
12
Epistemic nouns
5
2
Epistemic prepositions
1
0.4
101
43
10
4
233
100
Epistemic adjectives
Epistemic adverbs
Epistemic hedging of numerical data
Non-lexical hedges
Reference to limited knowledge
Total
By far the most frequent type of hedging, 43%, applied in the articles from The Economist is
obviously connected to numerical data and quantifiers; e.g. many of these creatures, several
effects on the sea, plenty of rubbish and most of the coral reefs. In other words, the journalist
is “saying no more than is warranted by available evidence” (Hyland 1998:1). It must be
beyond the individual journalist to know exactly how many of these creatures, how many
effects on the sea, how much rubbish and how many of the coral reefs are included in the
proposition, since not even scientists can be expected to have this information, especially not
in the case of an ongoing process. (The fact that they make up 43% of all hedging instances is
particularly interesting, since quantifiers were not originally meant to be included in the study,
having been considered far less important than other categories.) Modal auxiliaries as a group,
on the other hand, account for 28% of all hedges in the study, a result that could be expected.
Hyland claims that they “occur more often in informal speech and in personal writing than in
published texts” and further that “overall, scientific writing seems to contain a lower density
of epistemic modals and employs a more restricted range than academic writing generally”
(1998:108).
It is by no means possible to give a full coverage of all hedging instances (and their
context) in this study, but Table 3 nevertheless presents the most frequent lexical ones in each
category, numbers out of 233:
23 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson Table 3. Distribution of the most frequent epistemic hedges
Mod. aux.
Lex. verbs
Adjectives
Adverbs
Nouns
Prep.
Num. data
would 25
seem 6
vast 2
too many/
possibility 2
according to 1
some/of 25
much 6
may 23
suggest 2
huge 2
likely 3
evidence 2
most/of 14
could 8
tend 2
newish 1
chiefly 2
appearances
many/of 12
1
might 6
think 2
uncertain1
almost 2
about 10
should 4
consider 1
enormous 1
relatively 2
much/of 6
must 1
appear 1
perhaps 1
more/than 6
Since hedging is a means to express hypotheses it is hardly surprising that the modal auxiliary
would is the most frequent single item (together with some/of) in this study, nor that may,
expressing possibility, is third after would and some/of. It is worth mentioning, however, that
can was never used with a clear epistemic function. In all instances where can might have
been suitable, may was used instead. The lexical verbs are either judgemental or evidential,
used by the journalist to express an attitude to what is actually known, and it is important to
point out that think both times was used to quote: Most scientists think… Again, the striking
findings are those related to hedging of numerical data and quantifiers which writers use to
reach “an acceptable degree of imprecision to specify the accuracy with which information is
presented, often suggesting that imprecision is adequate for current purposes” (Hyland
1998:140).
The only 4% non-lexical hedges in the survey with reference to limited knowledge
were for example: no one quite knows and the big question is when. These reader-oriented
hedges enable the writer to reduce “the reader’s expectations of exactitude” (Hyland
1998:142) and differ from lexical hedges in that they depend on content rather than on
structure.
3.3.2. The translation of hedges
Was Markkanen and Schröder’s warning about the translation difficulties of hedging
justified? Was it necessary to make cultural adaptations, and, above all, was it important to
24 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson “know how tentative or assertive the original writer intended to be” (Markkanen & Schröder
1997:14)? Having translated the 233 hedges in the study material, with 205 sentences
affected, the answer to both questions above is rather ‘no’, than ‘yes’. With the single
exception of the modal auxiliaries all hedges in Table 3 have lexical equivalents in Swedish
and literal translation was the natural option for all of them. For example, the six instances of
seem were translated with either tyckas, verka or förefalla and suggest was translated with
peka på and antyda. The remaining categories, especially the quantifiers, offer few translation
alternatives, if any. They all seem to have their natural equivalents.
The translation of the epistemic modal auxiliaries was much facilitated by the
closeness in grammatical structure within the current language pair; however, a few
comments are justified. The 25 instances of would were 24 times translated with skulle, all of
them being part of more or less explicit conditional clauses. On one occasion, for pragmatic
reasons, the sentence was reformulated and the present tense of the main verb was used. May
occurred 23 times and all but two were translated with kan. The two exceptions were actually
translated with må, which is slightly more formal than kan, but were selected for stylistic
reasons. Example (35) will illustrate this:
(35) Such cautions may be wise, but they will
Sådana varningar må vara kloka, men de
not stop the scramble. (p.8)
stoppar inte jakten.
As was explained earlier, in (10) and (11), the modal auxiliary could (and can) was not easily
distinguished in terms of ability and possibility. Thus, the following example must be said to
provide a border-line instance:
(36) Humans could afford to treat the sea as an
Vi kunde unna oss att betrakta havet som en
infinite resource when they were relatively few
outsinlig resurs när vi var relativt få till
in number,… (p.4)
antalet,…
The implication of the proposition expressed is that the writer thinks it was possible for
humans to treat the sea as an infinite resource, and that they therefore also were able to do
this. After some consideration, this instance was included in the study, because it seems that
the phrase primarily expresses possibility. In six out of eight instances could was translated
with skulle kunna, (36) being one exception, and once the tense was altered and kan was used.
Might was the modal auxiliary varying most in the translation process. Out of the six
25 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson occurrences the translation was twice a construction with kanske, twice with kan and twice
with skulle kunna. Might seems to have an inherent flexibility within this language pair.
Should was used four times and three of those were translated with borde and once with
skulle, but with the same implication. The single must was translated with måste.
Thus, the distribution of the different types of hedging was a striking finding. The
hedges applied by the journalist to express a personal attitude or stance to propositions in the
text were 53% of all instances. The remaining 47% were either hedges with regard to
numerical data or quantifiers or strategic hedges with reference to a lack of knowledge. In all,
hedging was employed in order to achieve precision almost equally frequently for both
personal judgement and approximate data. Finally, translating the hedges into Swedish turned
out to be less complicated than expected.
26 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson 4.
Conclusion
It has been the aim of this essay to analyse a translation into Swedish of four articles printed
in The Economist in December 2008. The texts focus on several aspects of the oceans of the
world in view of CO2 emissions. Since the publication claims to communicate with its
readership in a language characterized by “clarity, style and precision” these concepts were
made the departure for the essay and were looked at in terms of ‘metaphors’,
‘quotes/allusions/aestheticizing devices’ and ‘hedging’ respectively. Newmark provided two
main threads for the translation process; first and foremost, “…that everything without
exception is translatable…” (1988:6) and second, “If you translate for a publication, you
adopt its house-style.” (ibid:159). For the efforts to achieve naturalness in the target text and
an equivalent effect on the target reader the translation theories of mainly Nida, Vinay and
Darbelnet were applied.
To begin with, metaphors were looked upon as a clarifying device, rather than one of
many stylistic devices. A total of 36 metaphors were identified and classified as either dead,
cliché, stock or original. Lakoff’s view, that “human thought processes are largely
metaphorical” (1980:6) is supported already by the fact that 50% of the metaphors in this
scientific discourse were classified as dead metaphors, thus making obvious their usefulness
and ability to make facts explicit, to add to clarity. This, in turn, proves the inadequacy of the
term ‘dead metaphor’, since they seem highly valid and effective. Instead, ‘fixed metaphor’
would be a justified term. Furthermore, a consequence of Black’s limiting definition of
metaphors; “dead metaphors have no pregnant use” (1993:25), and considering the fact that
also cliché and stock metaphors are likely to be lexicalised, would be that only original
metaphors are true metaphors, and giving them a stamp of being disposable like paper coffee
mugs. Once used, used. This is of course a waste of imagination and useful language. Given
the closeness between English and Swedish, and the fact that the metaphors included lexemes
of Germanic origin, literal translation was possible in most cases.
The second characteristic feature of The Economist’s language examined in this essay
is the extensive use of quotes, poetry and allusions in headlines, leads and subheadings.
According to several linguists, (Brand 2008:42, Gunnarsson 1996:87, and Eriksson &
Svensson 1979:4) the functions of headlines and subheadings are to be eye-catching, to
provide the reader with an incentive to read on, to allow for a short break for reflection, and to
convey the right emotional state for the reading experience. Included in this style concept is
27 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson the journalist’s awareness of aestheticizing devices such as rhythm, alliteration and wordplay. However, allusions are printed without the slightest hint as to their origin and surely
some readers will be disconcerted by headlines and subheadings that simply do not make
sense. On the other hand, the knowledgeable reader is likely to feel pleased and flattered in
the recognition of such items which therefore gives evidence to the “smugness effect”
(Partington 1998:140). From a translator’s perspective this was the more challenging part of
the three areas studied. First, the allusions had to be identified, a task for which Google
provided an efficient tool. Translations that were considered recognized in the target language
were consistently kept, but in one case two parallel alternatives were at hand, one of which
was obviously more suitable regarding reference and metre than the other. Not all allusions,
quotes or poems had previously been translated into Swedish and striving for an equivalent
effect turned out to be a time-consuming challenge, especially when taking balance,
alliteration, metre, rhyme and ambiguous word-play into account. As expected, literal
translation could rarely be employed in the translation of these stylistic devices and the
experiences gained suggest that a translated edition of The Economist on a weekly basis is not
feasible. Translating world literature, even in minute quantities, requires more patience,
imagination, commitment – and therefore time – than would be reasonable to ask in the fast
moving world of newspapers.
The third area explored in this essay was the use of epistemic hedging for increased
precision in scientific discourse. No doubt, hedging is a justified rhetoric device in scientific
texts, mainly for the “face-saving” (Meyer 1997:3) purpose, in case the writer should later be
proved to have been wrong. In the study material 62% of the sentences included at least one
hedge. 43% of the hedges regarded numerical data or quantifiers, indicating instances where it
must be beyond the writer to know exact amounts or measures. Expressions such as some of
and most of were frequent. Hedges can also be used by the writer to display an attitude to the
truth of a proposition and 53% of all instances were related to this function. The remaining
4% of the hedges the journalist used with reference to limited knowledge. Hedging does bring
the writer closer to the truth, but it would be interesting to further examine to what extent this
is valid. There must be a point at which a text is too vague, where too many propositions are
hedged so that the text is of no interest at all to the reader. Surely, George Orwell, who
inspired The Economist’s guidelines, would have accepted the amount of “vagueness”
demonstrated in the study material. Hedges such as I’m afraid, and stuff and sort of Orwell
most likely would have classified as “verbal refuse” and did not occur at all. At least within
28 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson this language pair translating the hedges was not a major difficulty and literal translation was
convenient at most times. Also, the “rules of appropriateness” (Markkanen & Schröder
1997:14) are probably rather homogeneous within the world of science.
5.
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30 Växjö universitet Translation Institutionen för humaniora Essay EN4304 Birgitta Wernbro‐Augustsson Parallel text
Lövin, Isabella. 2008. Tyst hav. Stockholm: Ordfront.
Internet source
Oxford English Dictionary – online.
http://www.economistgroup.com/
E-mail references
"Economist.com Customer Services" [email protected] (19 February and 24
March, 2009)
[email protected] (6 April, 2009)
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