Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 DOI 10.1007/s11256-013-0250-9 Critical Race Theory, Hip Hop, and Huck Finn: Narrative Inquiry in a High School English Classroom Jennifer L. Martin Published online: 19 June 2013 Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013 Abstract This study explores the impact of reading Huckleberry Finn through the lens of critical race theory for both teacher and students in a racially diverse urban high school environment. The teacher/researcher used narrative inquiry and creative non-fiction to examine student language usage, white privilege (including her own), and student reaction to the novel in a collaborative qualitative study. Major findings include distinct differences between students of color and white students in their level of teacher trust and their views on reclamation. Keywords Critical race theory Critical race pedagogy Narrative research Huck Finn Missing a few consecutive days because of a conference during the Huckleberry Finn unit was one of the worst teaching decisions of my career. Teaching this novel resides among my most difficult and dangerous classroom memories. A complex text, it is one I am not sure is appropriate for tenth grade as our district curriculum requires. The ‘‘N’’ word appears 219 times and although this is a historical text pointing out the ubiquity of racism, I can feel some of my students cringing each time they hear the word. I felt a little piece of Josiah, an African-American male, disappearing—219 times. Some of the difficulty with the language is because one cannot dismiss the user of the ‘‘N’’ word as a racist. Reading a novel such as To Kill a Mockingbird is much simpler. One can easily explain the use of the ‘‘N’’ word in the novel by dismissing the character that uses it as racist and ignorant. Not so with Twain. And this is the point. Getting students to examine the text in this way is difficult, as it is for them to separate the writer from the ideas conveyed, as it J. L. Martin (&) Department of Education, University of Mount Union, Alliance, OH 44601, USA e-mail: [email protected] 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 245 was to get Josiah to understand that when he made fun of other students based upon how dark their skin was that the implication was ‘‘light, so close to white, is right.’’ My students established that some people have access to the ‘‘N’’ word and others do not. A substitute erased weeks of work and struggle in a moment when she entered the classroom toward the end of our reading of the novel. She informed my students that Huck Finn was a racist text banned in the U. S. She stated that she would neither read this text to them nor would have it read in her presence, and that she would be contacting the Board of Education later that day to report me. She punctuated her argument with, ‘‘Your teacher is white, right?’’ A Teacher’s Purpose This paper tells one story of one classroom, illustrating how race still does much to measure the distance between people and their experiences. The story begins with my idea, as teacher, to problematize the traditional canonized texts depicting marginalized populations used within many literature classrooms, including, at times, mine. I reveal my challenges as a white educator teaching in an urban alternative school for students labeled ‘‘at-risk’’ using language and literature as vehicles to examine the impact of hegemony on students of varied races. This issue is universal for high school literature rarely changes, yet historically we are ever farther from the original context and thus must reexamine textual relevancy in light of the constantly changing social context of our classrooms. Texts that are categorized as Literature with a capital L should not be exempt from such analysis. Because I had had great trouble teaching Huckleberry Finn and making it accessible to my students, I developed a plan whereby my students and I would interrogate the text and investigate whether or not it was relevant and pertinent enough to study in our classroom. This approach, so I thought, would provide a unique way for students to engage with the text. When I learned of the revisionist version of Huck Finn adapted by Alan Gribben, where the word ‘‘nigger’’ is replaced by ‘‘slave,’’ I was immediately inspired to teach the novel in a way that would be more relevant to students. Providing students with access to the controversy would be my starting point, while also problematizing the issue of language usage already resonant in their lives, i.e., examining the prominent use of the ‘‘N’’ word in hip hop. I wanted to determine how students would make connections between the novel, the controversy over reading it, and their own language usage and lives with both ‘‘in school’’ (curriculum) and ‘‘out-of-school’’ (hip hop) literacies, and if such examinations would be transformative for students. The main question that guided this study was as follows: How would the analysis of race and racism in students’ lives through both in and ‘‘out-of-school’’ literacies contribute to a deeper and more critical reading of Huck Finn? This paper details critical conversations inspired by the reading of Huck Finn in an urban alternative high school. My theoretical framework represents intersections between critical race theory (CRT) and pedagogy (Bell 1992; Ladson-Billings 1999), anti-racist and culturally responsive pedagogy (Gay 2010; Nieto 2008; Sleeter 2008), and hip hop 123 246 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 consciousness (Hallman 2009; Neal 2003). Freire’s problem posing method (1998) is a pedagogical approach used throughout the classroom study described in this analysis. I will describe the struggles I faced as a white teacher/researcher attempting to center race in an effort to fight racism, and the struggles the students faced within our classroom during this teaching; I will provide insight into the relevancy of examining the literacies of race within fiction narratives and how we (both teachers and students) can use these opportunities to make sense of our lives. I will also underscore the necessity of culturally responsive pedagogy and provide details on how teachers can be more culturally responsive in classrooms by sharing lessons learned. Theoretical Context The main principles of critical race theory include the recognition of race and racism in society, a critique of the traditional western values of objectivity and neutrality, a reliance on the knowledge and experience of people of color in the definition of its tenants, an interdisciplinary focus, the goal of the elimination of all form of oppression (Lynn 1999), and, I would argue, CRT necessitates the advocacy of anti-racist whites. Because critical race theory seeks to determine how racism is perpetuated, for the purposes of undermining racial bias within systems and institutions, dismantling white privilege is a necessary component of this mission. This necessitates the cooperation of white allies. By extension, critical race pedagogy seeks, through education, to identify, problematize, and ultimately transform institutions and society with the goal of ending all forms of oppression. I used CRP in the classroom in an attempt to develop critical consciousness (Freire 1998) in my students so they would make connections between the racism in the novel and the racism around them with the ultimate goal of social and political critique. My students already possessed a critical consciousness of the world outside of the school. I wanted to connect their insight to the classroom as well. Critical race theory is a lens allowing for the interrogation of social, educational, and political issues by prioritizing participant voices (Chapman 2007). Critical race theory/pedagogy possesses an activist component, the end goal of which is social justice (DeCuir and Dixson 2004). According to Chaisson (2004), critical race theory in the classroom is a ‘‘pedagogical approach that allows for the critical examination and challenging of traditional epistemologies of race’’ (p. 345) and which can be initially ‘‘disruptive to the identities’’ of some students. Culturally responsive pedagogy (Gay 2010) runs parallel to CRT because it requires educators to possess not only the will to end oppression but the knowledge to inform their choices and actions. Howard (2006) defines ‘‘responsiveness’’ as dealing with ‘‘…our capacity as teachers to know and connect with the actual lived experience, personhood, and learning modalities of the students who are in our classroom’’ (p. 131). Thus, culturally responsive educators take the extra time necessary to research the experiences, individuality, and learning styles of all of their students in order to better reach/teach them by meeting them where they live. Anti-racist pedagogy involves selecting culturally responsive curriculum, problematizing the curriculum, engaging in conversations about students’ lived 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 247 experiences, engaging in social and political critique, problematizing one’s privilege and standpoint, and facilitating critical thinking. These theoretical frameworks coalesced in Freire’s problem posing method. I used this approach that involves students working toward a learning goal in conjunction with their teacher(s), whereby all parties learn from one another. The teacher is not the ultimate authority for knowledge production; rather, the students, along with their teacher, work together, using their own stories and experiences, to develop a critical consciousness. I facilitated the process of traditionally academically disengaged students honing their skills of critical consciousness and applying them to the classroom. In this sense, education can serve the cause of liberation: students and teacher working together to claim an education that does not undermine personal identity. In order for youth to transform their lives they must understand the oppressive forces that impact them and their communities and possess the ability to relate to other oppressed groups in order to engage in transformational social action (FloresGonzales et al. 2006). Progressive hip hop (Ginwright and Cammarota 2002) has the potential to inspire this critical consciousness with its critique of social forces that contribute to colonialism, racism, patriarchy, and other forms of oppression. Youth labeled ‘‘at-risk’’ are often subject to what Valenzuela (1999) deems ‘‘subtractive schooling’’ which strips youth of their particular social and cultural resources by devaluing their linguistic and cultural backgrounds and, by extension, their appearance, mannerisms, and styles of speech, views them as operating from intellectual deficits, and thus often funnels them into basic skills programs (Hallman 2009). In order to encourage the application of critical consciousness to the classroom, students brought their counter-narratives about identity and schooling into the classroom to bridge the gap between what Hallman (2009) identifies as ‘‘schoolbased’’ and ‘‘out-of-school’’ literacies. We did this through the incorporation of hip hop in our negotiation of racial dialogues within school and within curriculum. Such a ‘‘multi-literacy’’ approach opens up participatory spaces for students where they are encouraged to question curriculum and identity (Hallman 2009). In order for my approach to be transformative, with the cause of social justice at its heart, students’ counter-narratives were respected and embraced and not viewed as threatening to the culture of the school (Freire 1998). Counter-narratives can counteract dominant and negative portrayals of students labeled ‘‘at-risk,’’ and of students with non-dominant linguistic and cultural backgrounds (which are often viewed as one and the same). As Hallman (2009) argues ‘‘…hip hop, when paired with a study of canonical texts in a high school classroom, can push students toward sophisticated and complex understandings of their society and their identity as individuals who are a part of that society’’ (p. 39) and can serve as a ‘‘critical bridge’’ between in-school and out-of-school literacies. According to Hallman (2009): By viewing youth’s out-of-school literacies and affiliations as having an impact on classroom practice, students’ learning, as well as students’ construction of their own identities is reconsidered. Educators and researchers must continue to work toward classroom-based initiatives that feature recruiting students’ out-of-school literacies as critical bridges to both social change and ‘‘at-risk’’ students’ in-school success. (pp. 48–49) 123 248 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 Because hip hop is self-referential for many of my students, as well as a reflection upon and often a critique of the larger social context, it became my jumping off point to view language and text critically. A Culturally Responsive Approach to Teaching Huck Finn? English teachers often have to grapple with teaching historical narratives, but to ignore race in the classroom, to read traditional canonized texts that deal with the issue of race for example, without problematizing historical and current issues of race in our lives, is to succumb to institutionalized racism. Huck Finn is a required text in 70 % of public high schools (Webb 2001), but in most American classrooms the text is not read through the lens of critical race theory or paired with hip hop consciousness. According to the National Center for Education Information, 84 % of the teaching force in the US is white (Feistritzer 2011). Teacher educator ranks are not getting more diverse, despite the fact that the student population is becoming increasingly diverse and increasingly underserved by their schools (Pollock et al. 2010; Sleeter 2007). According to DeCuir and Dixson (2004), ‘‘Because of the legacy of racism, schooling is problematic for African-American students, particularly those students attending predominantly White schools…. For such students, feeling culturally alienated, being physically isolated, and remaining silenced are common experiences’’ (p. 26). When white teachers, however well intentioned, avoid addressing topics pertaining to race, it only serves to ‘‘stifle’’ the voices of students of color (Sue et al. 2009). As educators, we must do better to address student racial and cultural alienation in school. Most educators are not trained to talk about race, but being culturally responsive is about more than being colorblind, read being ‘‘nice,’’ to one’s students and treating students ‘‘equally’’ (Nieto 2008); these notions suggest colorblindness and ‘‘colormuteness’’—where a silence around race and racism exists. Talk about race and racist talk must be distinguished (Pollock 2004; Schultz et al. 2006). However, in schools ‘‘colorblindness’’ is normative. Colorblind and colormute ideologies condemn any words or language that may relate, signify, or give meaning to race; in reality, it perpetuates racism, denials of institutional or structural inequality, and the myth of meritocracy. CRT challenges this through counter-narratives that build awareness of the reality of racism. To be anti-racist, we need to not only acknowledge racism, but also to acknowledge people’s lived experiences. When given the opportunity to talk about race in schools, students can have salient conversations (Pollock 2004). However, students are not often given these opportunities in schools. I wanted to give my students the opportunity to talk about race in critical ways by intersecting out-of-school literacies (hip hip) and in-school literacies (Huck Finn) and by relating the two through language, e.g., usage of the ‘‘N’’ word. Webb (2001) argues that readers’ cultural backgrounds influence their interpretations and responses to Huck Finn. This is interesting in light of the fact that the majority of those making curricular decisions are white. Regarding how the issue of slavery is presented in the novel, Fisher Fishkin (1995) argues that history books 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 249 teach of the evils of slavery, but it is literature that ‘‘require[s] you to look the perpetrators of that evil in the eye and find yourself looking at a kind, gentle, goodhearted Aunt Sally…. the ordinary folks, the good folks, the folks, who did nothing more than fail to question the set of circumstances that surrounded them…’’ (para 9). It is the case that evil lingers when good people do nothing, and this is one of the subtle lessons of Twain. But does culturally responsive pedagogy outweigh Twain’s relevancy to today’s high school students, many of whom are people of color? There is an absence of scholarly dialogue on the teaching of Huck Finn using the lens of critical race theory, although the novel is still taught in the most high schools throughout the US. This study, in part, seeks to redress this silence. Examining the language used in various student-selected songs, particularly the ‘‘N’’ word usage in its different contexts served as a unique window to the novel and its usage of the ‘‘N’’ word. As Chaisson argues (2004), ‘‘It is through a critical examination of their own historical location among the relations of power and privilege that students can gain an appreciation for the principles of justice, liberty, and equality’’ (p. 356), and this was my hope. I sought to determine how an examination of a literary narrative, and, by extension, an examination of their own narratives, as well as their self-selected narratives (hip hop songs) could inspire shared struggle and an appreciation for social justice ideals. My ultimate goal was to facilitate the development of critical engagement with classroom text in my students, the purpose of which was to ‘‘serve the cause of liberation’’ (Freire 1998, p. 70) beginning with the notion that a critique of language is an integral part of social and political engagement. Teaching Huck Finn, which was required of 10th graders in my district, is among my most difficult teaching experiences: it is complicated; the students tend to resist it. Students who had traditionally not experienced school success populated my classroom, housed in an alternative high school for students labeled ‘‘at-risk’’ for school failure; some were intentional non-learners because of this. Most did not like school, and all had previous negative experiences with/in school. Thus, reading any text could be difficult. When students stayed at the school over a few years, most found a level of academic success and were less resistant to academic work. Because of these reasons, I moved the novel to a 12th grade course. My hope for teaching Huck Finn through CRT and progressive hip hop consciousness was that students would be less resistant to the novel through discussions about race in school and in their lives using both in-school and out-ofschool texts. I also hoped that this approach would serve the cause of liberation by broaching difficult and complicated conversations about ‘‘N’’ word usage within the school, within popular culture, and ultimately create a commitment to social justice and anti-racism through the understanding of non-majoritarian discourses. The Students There were 13 participants in this study: 61 % male (n = 8), 39 % female (n = 5), in grades 11–12 who self-identified their race as follows: 38 % African American (n = 5), 16 % Multi-racial (n = 2), 46 % white (n = 6). Participants chose their 123 250 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 own pseudonyms for the purpose of this study. All participants in this study attended an alternative high school in the mid-west. This school was labeled 100 % at-risk. The population consisted of students removed from traditional high schools because of behavior and attendance issues. The school had a soft cap population of 80 students. The most common reason for attendance was conflict with other students (both physical and nonphysical). Historically, the school serving as the research site for this study, and the district in which it is a part, has had a majority white population, approximately 65–70 %. In recent years, as the district became more diverse, the alternative high school’s level of diversity increased faster than the rate of the district, which raises the red flag of why a disproportionate amount of African American students are being referred to the alternative high school. In 2012, the African American student population at the alternative school was almost 50 %. There was an overall unexamined privileging of whiteness throughout the district, which may have contributed to the disproportionate referrals of African American students to the alternative school. The privileging of whiteness was of also a factor in the ‘‘othering’’ of some of my students: many white students would claim access to the ‘‘N’’ word because ‘‘if they use it why can’t we?’’ African American students were not immune to it; some students would ‘‘blaze’’ (crack jokes on) other African American students based upon the ‘‘darkness’’ of their skin, the implication being: ‘‘light makes right.’’ According to Chaisson (2004) and Dyer (1997) the identity of whiteness is neither ‘‘problematized nor particularized’’ in racial discourses because a sense of normalcy is presumed. That is, ‘‘The racial identities of minority group members are centered in the discourses on race, but whiteness remains largely unexamined as a racial identity. This non-particularity or normalcy of whiteness makes it ‘transparent.’ It circumvents the questioning of whiteness, in effect legitimizing it as normal’’ (Chaisson, p. 347). The unmarked nature of whiteness was ever-present in the school and contributed to the difficulties of teaching, learning, and language. Because white privilege had been largely unexamined within the school, the issue of accessibility to the ‘‘N’’ word was a hotly contested space. One element within the context of white privilege deals with language, and, by extension, the privileging of certain forms of discourse over others; likewise, the novel uses the language of degradation, and illustrates the societal privileging of white discursive forms. Reclamation of the ‘‘N’’ word was widespread within the African American school community; seeping into the language of white students, it exacerbated the already growing separations based upon racial identifications. In general, I had many concerns about how issues of perceived racial identity were impacting my students and the school: there was more segregation based upon race in non-structured areas. For example, I observed more segregation by race in the cafeteria and other non-structured areas with the recent change in demographics, whereas previously students would integrate themselves; historically, there was not a clear divide based on race. School identity groupings were beginning to be based on ‘‘racialized’’ categories and not on other commonalities students shared such as geographical proximity and ‘‘at-risk’’ student status. In various ways, the ‘‘othering’’ of my students was of great concern: from within and from without. There was great 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 251 prejudice against this group of students within the district and the surrounding community because of the ‘‘at-risk’’ label; however, students were not bonding over this marginalization as they had commonly done in the past. The Classroom In my public school teaching environment, the only required novels about the African American experience for the district high school curriculum, with the exception of A Raisin in the Sun (1994), are written by white authors and tell stories through white protagonists: To Kill a Mockingbird (1982), Mississippi Trial 1955 (2002), Huck Finn (1996). Moreover, the latter three texts detail racism, lynching, and slavery. A tradition of culturally unresponsive pedagogy/curriculum exists within the district in general, but for pockets of periodical daring. The staff is not diverse. In fact, of 31 English teachers in two traditional high schools and one alternative high school, only one is a teacher of color. To prepare students for the discussion of whether or not they felt Huck Finn was relevant for them to read in its original form, students researched the history of the author, the novel, and the controversy. Students also watched a Sixty Minutes (2001) episode showcasing the controversy of Huck Finn with interviews with Randall Williams (editor of NewSouth books, who published the revisionist version of the novel), and David Bradley of the University of Oregon who argues that the novel should be read in its original form. I showed the documentaries The ‘‘N’’ word (2004) and Beyond Beats and Rhymes (2007), which examines the use of the ‘‘N’’ word in hip hop and popular culture. Students then analyzed and discussed hip hop lyrics for varying usages of the ‘‘N’’ word and discussed the purposes and implications of ‘‘N’’ word reclamation for people of various racial identities. My goal with these pop culture connections was to inspire students to connect the historical use of the ‘‘N’’ word with current usage in popular culture and to problematize the concept of reclamation. In general, the students reflected on their own use of the word, and on their experiences in school with language, culture, and race. Narrative Inquiry As previously stated, the main question that guided this study was as follows: How would the analysis of race and racism in students’ lives contribute to a more deeper and critical reading of Huck Finn? I examined this issue through narrative inquiry in order to present a heteroglossic picture of the classroom experience, my insights as a teacher of anti-racism, and the experiences of the students as a result of their participation in this project. Narrative inquiry, still a controversial method in educational research, can provide the reader with a rich and proximate look into teaching and learning. As a process, it forces the participant researcher to make sense of the whole of the classroom experience, which can result in more questions than answers, as opposed 123 252 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 to reaching a singular conclusion. Narrative inquiry also embraces contradictions (Schaafsma and Vinz 2011). According to Coulter and Smith (2009) narrative research lives in an intangible, interpretive space and ‘‘strives to portray experience, to question common understandings’’ (p. 577). Narratives paint pictures and create dissonance in the reader and potentially inspire them to: question phenomena, question our understandings of the world, and act. In general, narratives bring together reason and emotion (Schaafsma and Vinz 2011) and thus are powerful for teaching and learning (Milner 2007; Rushton 2004). We teach others by telling and reflecting on our stories and gain tremendous personal insight from this process that can lead us, teachers and researchers, to reconceptualize our work. Barone (2009) argues for the necessity of telling the stories of the marginalized through research; it is this telling, however imperfect, that is important to document the experiences of non-white populations. Narrative inquiry also represents a unique role for the researcher: that of questioning her own standpoint and position of privilege. Narrative research does not result in one singular answer but instead creates the potential for new questions and modes of thinking for the reader (Coulter and Smith 2009; Schaafsma and Vinz 2011). In this context, knowledge is constructed by describing interactions between the researcher, the participants, the social context, the evidence, etc. The process of conducting narrative research could be best described through postmodern literary theory, particularly the idea of heteroglossia (Bakhtin 1981). Bakhtin (1981) calls the multi-vocal approach ‘‘heteroglossic.’’ According to Coulter and Smith (2009), ‘‘The term suggests that different characters view the action differently or see different parts of the action portrayed. Such an approach suggests greater complexity of interpretation…’’ (p. 583). In essence, the sum of the parts can represent a more complex, or whole, picture of the classroom. The heteroglossic approach to describing the classroom is a pastiche of smaller units or portraits. I chose this approach in order to provide a complex, ‘‘non-othering’’ retelling or ‘‘storying’’ of our classroom experiences of reading Huck Finn through the lens of critical race theory and hip hop consciousness. Rationale and Analysis The idea of this research study sprang from my personal creative non-fiction writing about this experience. Although I collected classroom data throughout the experience of teaching Huck Finn, I did not know it would grow to a research study. Because of the experiences I faced through this teaching experience, I desired to write about my challenges and shortcomings in a reflective narrative. In so doing, I came to the realization that there were fruitful conclusions that would benefit other teachers and teacher educators. Thus, I sought to include my own narrative as well as the narratives of my students in order to portray and deconstruct the teaching of this controversial text. According to Schaafsma (1993), any narrative runs the risk of doing violence to the ‘‘other,’’ that is, the subject, or participant. To honor my classroom and to avoid the creation of a ‘‘master narrative,’’ participants embed 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 253 their voices at all levels of this work: in the telling and in the analysis; thus many data sources are included in this study as well as constant member checking. Prior to writing my creative non-fiction narrative, I collected field notes on a variety of experiences including personal reflections as well as informational feedback from students, both verbal and non-verbal, that I recorded daily. Additional sources of data included student artifacts such as journals, formal essays, and class assignments. In addition to my field notes, I took ‘‘artifact notes’’ on other data sources. I then crafted a series of narrative portraits interweaving various perspectives to present a series of snapshots of the pivotal moments and tensions during our classroom experience. Participants were involved at every stage of this experience, in classroom decisions and in research decisions; their narratives served to mediate my retelling of our classroom experiences. They read and commented orally on my retelling of our shared experiences, providing me with a more authentic portrait of the classroom experience as a whole. This decision to complicate the research process with continual member checking and revising was informed by Bakhtin’s notion of the centrifugal text, which is polyphonic, varied, and imperfect (1981). I wanted to avoid the ‘‘politics of the gaze’’ and to instead include traditionally silenced voices, not only in my telling, but also in the process of coming to ‘‘storying’’ the classroom experience. Participant telling of and reflection upon their experiences in our classroom helped to inform my retelling and my own analysis of this classroom experience. I asked participants questions to prompt their own written narratives, which ultimately informed my retelling. Participants were also involved in the process of data analysis, where they checked and rechecked their portrayed perspectives. My process of data analysis involved transcribing my field and artifact notes into a Microsoft WORD document. I used this document as a working analysis tool through which I grouped textual excerpts by commonalities. I used critical event analysis (Webster and Mertova 2007) in order to create a ‘‘discernible narrative.’’ I ultimately grouped data into categories based upon the salient questions or problems that resulted from critical events in the classroom. I then crosschecked data falling within each critical event category using constant comparative analysis (Lincoln and Guba 1985). The critical classroom events are represented by the following category titles: Reclamation?, Cultural Connections, School Connections, Substitute, and White Privilege. Throughout all stages of analysis, I crosschecked respective student representations within the data with participants in order to verify point of view, clarity of language, and consistency of text with category. Students read drafts of my writing and commented in one-on-one conferences with me. I made revisions, corrections, and deletions based on these member checks that I conducted at each stage in this process. The concept of reflexivity is crucial to this analysis at every level. My personal evaluation of what occurred through this teaching process and through the analysis of these data is present throughout this writing. Interspersing participant voice throughout this analysis not only honors their experiences, but it also serves as a tool to keep me thinking about and critically questioning my values, beliefs, ideologies, and privileges (Schaafsma and Vinz 2011). 123 254 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 Reclamation, White Privilege, and a Difficult Lesson Several weeks before opening Twain and much time spent on the background of novel’s controversy and the revisionist version, the participants and I discussed whether they felt the novel, in its original form, should be read. The overwhelming majority of students argued that they desired to read Huck Finn as Twain intended. Our experiences throughout this journey of reading Twain are organized by the pivotal events and controversies that occurred in the classroom. I begin or conclude each discussion with a summary portrait based upon my critical examination of data; these provide the reader with either an introduction to or a reflection on the students, the school, and/or myself. Portrait 1: Background begins the conversation by creating a backdrop of my observations prior to the Huck Finn unit, and provides an introductory examination of students’ language usage and their impressions of reclamation. Portrait 2: Race(ing)/Erasing Our Lives describes a disturbing conversation I had with a student who had internalized racist stereotypes. It falls under the theme of Cultural Connections where students attempt to make sense of their language and the language of others in terms their perceptions of popular culture and their own cultural identities. Portrait 3: Blazing recalls put downs that students revealed to me that they had used toward others. It falls under the theme of School Connections where students attempt to reconcile their own thoughts and feelings with others in the school context. Portrait 4: The Substitute describes my feelings, my sadness and my anger, as a result of a substitute’s actions during the Huck Finn unit that was mentioned at the beginning of this discussion. It falls at the end of a more general discussion of the students’ perceptions of the same experience (although they were there and I was not). Portrait 5: My Privilege began as a piece of my original creative non-fiction classroom story—it is both mea culpa and an explanation of my actions. It falls under the theme of White Privilege. Some student responses pertaining to white privilege reveal student privilege, their ignorance of their privilege pertaining to classroom experiences, reflections on the reading of Twain, and other thoughts on language usage/reclamation. Reclamation? Portrait 1: Background. Upon seeing my anthologies of African American literature, Mexican–American literature, Asian literature, among others on my bookshelf, a white student asked me, ‘‘Where are the books on white literature? I pointed to the Holt Elements of Literature textbooks for 10th and 11th grade, American and English literature respectively. ‘‘Most everything contained in those, and probably most everything you have been asked to read until now,’’ I replied. The student thought about this and nodded. 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 255 This portrait is not unrepresentative of the discourse of white students newly exposed to non-majoritarian texts. It speaks to the unmarked nature of whiteness and to my sense that many of the students, particularly white students, are not only uncritical of their school experiences in any collective sense, but also do not claim a standpoint of social justice. Most of my white students had not previously been asked to move beyond their personal experiences and question why they would expect only to read themselves in their classroom texts. This privileging of whiteness was reflected in the school culture, with some white students’ confusion about their access to the ‘‘N’’ word, and some African American students internalizing white ‘‘superiority’’ and reflected in statements used, however unconsciously, to diminish those with darker skin. Dialogues about race, racism, and identity through language, literature, and our lives were needed in the classroom. Many students were taking in-school texts: cultural and literary, at face value; they did not view themselves either as interpreters or creators of texts. Before our reading of Huck Finn, the students and I engaged in many discussions of language usage. Student access to the ‘‘N’’ word and the distinct difference between ‘‘nigga’’ and ‘‘nigger,’’ highlighted in hip hop consciousness were salient discussions that all students were engaged in both in their writing and in their conversations. Josiah implicitly highlights this distinction: The ‘‘N’’ word has not been put to rest no matter how much we wish that it had been. Every day I hear black and white students use this word. I understand that many see this word to have a whole different meaning behind it now, but I still don’t think that makes it right. In the classroom the same students who I hear in the hallway using this word with their friends are the ones who are saying they don’t understand why this book isn’t banned.—Josiah, 16, African American male Josiah indicates that the ‘‘N’’ word is not only ubiquitous but also dichotomously divisive. Although some have reclaimed the term to use in various contexts and with multiple meanings, it still can wound. A lot of people think that it is okay to use the ‘‘N’’ word if it is used in the ‘‘friendly’’ way. A lot of people use the word toward their friends and people they care about. I feel that the two words are too closely related and neither should be used. The ‘‘N’’ word has a harsh and hurtful background and many people are still hurt about it.—Quan, 17, African American male Quan notes the multiple meanings of the ‘‘N’’ word—that many people use it in an affirmative manner. However, like Josiah, he focuses on the harm it can cause, despite the user’s intent. The ‘‘N’’ word shouldn’t be thrown around as it is nowadays. Many people still take great offense to the term. It shouldn’t be used at all! The word was meant to degrade. When slavery was abolished, the derogatory term should have gone with it. The word is and will always be a racist term and shouldn’t be used!—Juan, 15, African American male 123 256 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 Juan is adamantly opposed to the use of the ‘‘N’’ word in any context and represents the strongest advocate of the students against its usage in any context. He is also the one student who desired not to read Twain in the original. The ‘‘N’’ word is used frequently, most often by people who say this word is degrading to them but who call their own brother and sister this word. These days everyone uses the ‘‘N’’ word; not just black people but also white people use it. I like to think that white people use it more often than black people.— Romel, 17, African American male Romel describes the dichotomous and complex nature of the word: that some black people simultaneously see it as degrading but also use it to toward their loved ones. Romel indicates that he feels whites use it more frequently than blacks, perhaps highlighting the racist component that cannot be separated from the original usage of the word—compounded by the fact that ‘‘N’’ word usage of members of the white masses (the white privileged) is often not informed by marginalized identities/experience. All students felt that the ‘‘N’’ word is used often in popular and school culture. However, who truly has access to the word is important. The majority of students felt that only African American students should have access to the word. Some were critical of their own usage of the word. Again, many differentiated between the word ‘‘nigga,’’ which was acceptable, and the word ‘‘nigger,’’ which should never be used. One hundred percent of the African American male students indicated that they either used the ‘‘N’’ word sometimes or frequently. Fifty percent of the white students indicated that they used the ‘‘N’’ word sometimes; however, all of these white students qualified their usage as ‘‘nigga.’’ For example, as a multi-racial male indicated, ‘‘Nigga is basically just slang. Nigger is a racist term and should not be used. Nigga is more acceptable. I use nigga because this term is acceptable.’’ And, as an African American male stated, ‘‘I am not caring about blacks saying it, but I do care about anyone else saying it, except those who grew up around blacks.’’ In our conversations, students began to wrestle with their own language usage and the language usage of others. They indicated that no one had previously ever asked them to do this. At this stage of the analysis, it was clear that ‘‘N’’ word reclamation was a contested space informed by one’s personal standpoint. Cultural Connections Portrait 2: Race(ing)/Erasing Our Lives. ‘‘Section 8, crack cocaine, committing crimes, killing innocent people… I feel bad that white people have to drive through those neighborhoods scared and have to look at that,’’ X stated. I paused, ‘‘I want you to think about and research the percentage of people on assistance, and living in poverty, and about what are known as ‘welfare myths.’ I think you have internalized some very racist stereotypes. Let’s talk more about this. Why do you think this?’’ Josiah and X, both African American males, taught me much about internalized racism. I shared my thoughts with them. The most startling thing was when X stated 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 257 that he could understand why white people felt negatively about black people. Although X was not a member of the class that read Huck Finn, he was interested in the topic and engaged with dialogues with me, which is where the above exchange stemmed. I encouraged X to do more thinking about the stereotypes he held by incorporating his ‘out-of-school’’ literacy. He indicated that hip hop, depending upon the lyrics and personae of the artists, can do much to either perpetuate or problematize these stereotypes. In general, students saw many connections between culture and text; they responded readily to our discussions of language representations in hip hop, in the media, and in the larger culture in general. They indicated that media affects culture and creates an atmosphere where negative reclamation is permissible. The media puts out derogatory videos and information and what can be considered insulting language. ‘‘Nigga’’ in society is not considered insulting; it is used a lot by people in public. The blame of influencing violence in youth cannot be all put on hip hop; TV. and other forms of entertainment also have a role in influencing negativity.—Quan, 17, African American male Quan discusses the media’s influence on our language, particularly language used to degrade. He defends hip hop, which in much mainstream media still often bears the brunt of the responsibility of perpetuating negative stereotypes of African American communities. The ‘‘N’’ word is used all around these days. I hear everyone around me using the ‘‘N’’ word. Rappers use it, I use it, people on TV use it, people in Japan use it. The ‘‘N’’ word was once off limits to white people. Now you hear white people use it more frequently as a gesture of hello, as in, ‘‘what up nigga!?’’— Josiah, 16, African American male Josiah broaches the notion that the ‘‘N’’ word is becoming more ‘‘acceptable’’ in terms of mainstream usage, something that was once viewed as off-limits to whites, and often still is. The notion that people use the ‘‘N’’ word only to convey intentional racism is breaking down. It is now more acceptable, particularly with the millennials, for whites to use the ‘‘N’’ word, particularly if qualified as ‘‘nigga,’’ as opposed to ‘‘nigger.’’ ‘‘N’’ word reclamation certainly does not occur across the board in hip hop, but it is not uncommon. Either way, it is a dangerous qualification and a slippery slope to unexamined historical and linguistic marginalization. The ‘‘N’’ word is used internationally as a way to get with American culture and to fit in with us. But, as many Americans know, the word offends a lot of people. The ‘‘N’’ word shouldn’t even be used by African Americans. If they believe it is an issue for someone else to say then they’re just contradicting themselves if they do.—Edward, 17, white male Edward’s comment indicates that the international use of the ‘‘N’’ word as used by other cultures, particularly outside the US, is an attempt to relate to popular culture based hip hop sensibilities. However, his uncritical white identity is telling in that he instructs what people should and should not do (i.e., to not use the ‘‘N’’ word). Edward simplifies the issue by conveying a singular way of viewing the term 123 258 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 and perpetuating victim blame in that when people use it in any context, they should not be offended when it is used toward them in any context. Some consider words bullets, and the ‘‘N’’ word was made to be mean and hateful. I think that hip hop has a lot to do with the reclamation of this word. Musicians use the word trying to defend it and make it ok.—Cameron, 17, African American female Cameron ties the reclamation of the ‘‘N’’ word to hip hop and the justification for its continued use. Students indicated that the ubiquity of the ‘‘N’’ word throughout popular culture normalizes it to the extent to which many students do not think about the implications of their speech. Most students were thinking and speaking critically about language, particularly in their observation of how many people use the word to ‘‘fit in’’ or because it is popular. Many communicated that they are not critical enough about their own language usage in general. School Connections Portrait 3: ‘‘Blazing.’’ Many students in the school engaged in ‘‘blazing,’’ competing over who can spin the best put-down with some delving into internalized racism or denigration based upon skin tone. I heard such phrases as ‘‘In the dark, I can’t see you unless you smile,’’ ‘‘You look like a glass of grape Kool-aid,’’ ‘‘You look like a doo doo stain.’’ As a self-proclaimed ‘‘language activist,’’ I often speak to students about their language usage and the implication of their choices. Through this research process I had more opportunities to talk with students both in and outside of the class about issues of race and language. I engaged in a long conversation with Craig, an 18-year-old African American student who was not a member of class reading Huck Finn, in order to determine why he engaged in ‘‘blazing’’ and if he had ever thought about the implications of internalized white superiority reflected in language. He responded: I thought the jokes were funny. And the reason it is used more toward darker people than lighter people is because society gives an impression that the darker you are the uglier you are and the opposite with lighter people. I never looked at it like that. I just always thought ‘‘dark jokes’’ were funny and there are more ‘‘dark jokes’’ than ‘‘light jokes.’’ Nobody has ever sat down and talked to me about this topic; that is why I always thought these jokes were harmless. This is the first time anyone has asked me why I blaze darker people and have had a discussion about how society looks at the color of people’s skin. Many students’ experiences with racially charged language (as with sexist and homophobic language) is largely unexamined in schools. Most students indicated that they had not been challenged in a school context to think about the implications of their language choices. 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 259 Before, during, and after their reading of Huck Finn, students connected the use of the ‘‘N’’ word within their school culture. This usage often created misunderstanding and anger. Students in my school don’t have problems with the [‘‘N’’] word itself, because I hear it being said daily.— Alice, 17, white female Alice assumes students are not troubled by the use of the ‘‘N’’ word—even by their own usage. Although she reports on her experience with the word, she is not tremendously critical. Perhaps this is because it does not affect her directly, she only hears it used and because she hears it assumes it is not also simultaneously problematic. I hear people at school, people in movies, even white people these days say the ‘‘N’’ word like it is something cool. I have used the ‘‘N’’ word, but in a way to express myself.—Sal, 17, multi-racial male Sal illustrates the different usages of the ‘‘N’’ word; he presents it as a complex term, one that he admits to using himself but in a creative manner: a distinction that Edward does not relate to. Edward, conversely, as previously indicated, refuses to step outside his own experiences in an attempt at understanding. Juan has a completely different take on the ‘‘N’’ word. He sees reclamation as a concept that confuses whites and fuels their sense of entitlement: That same word that white people used to put us in our place is the same one that rappers and people around the word use today. Even on Xbox I hear this word being used frequently to put down black people because other races know that this word is something that black people dislike. Then the argument comes up that we do it all the time, so why can’t we say it and you guys can? Black people around the world have taken this word and put pride in it. That was once something that no white person ever wanted to be called; now it’s something that is cool to them.—Juan, 15, African American male Juan indicates that the argument, if ‘‘they’’ [blacks] can use it, why can’t ‘‘we’’ [whites]? is a simplistic one because it does not take into account identity, experience, historical or current experiences with racism. Juan highlights the implications of this belief. Other school connections with language involved teasing: what students refer to as ‘‘blazing,’’ joking, or ‘‘the dozens,’’ When asked why students ‘‘blaze’’ on one another using jokes that degrade based on darkness of skin, they indicated that they had not thought of the implications of this type of speech. After several in-depth conversations with students, Josiah indicated, ‘‘After seeing black face comedy, I realized that it was an internalization.’’ I then asked, ‘‘Do you think you need to change your language, or educate people on these issues? He replied, ‘‘Innovators do not make it past 50 these days.’’ Another student, X, stated, ‘‘I know it’s bad, it’s wrong, but I was raised on the word. What can one man do? It’s not going to go away. Everybody is gonna say it eventually.’’ A goal of social justice education and anti-racist teaching is to inspire an activist component. My goal is to impart to 123 260 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 students that they can do small things in their personal lives that can have great impact. Substitute As indicated at the beginning of this analysis, the classroom atmosphere was impacted when an African American substitute entered the classroom and made seemingly uninformed judgments about what was occurring in the classroom, both before and during the Huck Finn unit. Although her reaction clearly comes from her experiences, I cannot speak to what those were or to her intentions when speaking out in this manner. This section details students’ perceptions of this experience. We had a sub the last day of reading the book, and I think that some of the things that she said were wrong. The sub may not have thought that it was right for us as high school students to be reading a book with such overt usage but she should have went to the office and talked to the principal if she was uncomfortable with what this class is doing. This sub got me mad because this book is a book for mature students to read but how can students be mature enough to read this book when the sub is not? —Alice, 17, white female Alice indicts the substitute for what she deemed to be unprofessional behavior— addressing her thoughts about the curriculum with a group of students instead of bringing up the matter with administration. She equates one’s disagreement with the decision to read Huck Finn as originally intended with immaturity. In essence, Webb’s (2001) finding, that a reader’s standpoint has everything to do with one’s response to the novel, holds true in this case. We recently had a substitute teacher who took great offense to the novel. She felt as though our teacher may be racist or not understand the context of the book. She said that we should protest against the novel and take it to the board of education to have it banned. She was making the class rowdy over a topic that we have discussed numerous times in class.—Victoria, 16, white female Both Alice and Victoria defend me and my curricular choices in their responses as do Josiah and Ashley. However, Josiah and Ashley were in the minority of students of color who chose to defend the class and, by extension, me: [The sub] said that the book was banned and it wasn’t right for us to be reading the book because blacks made the majority of our class. I don’t think it’s right for a sub to come in and try to tell us what were supposed to be reading when she doesn’t even have her facts straight.—Josiah, 16, African American male Josiah reports on the factual inaccuracies of the substitute while Ashley indicts the substitute’s action. The students were prepared for what we were about to read. When [the substitute] heard the word ‘‘nigger’’ she got very offended and gave us her opinion on how she feels about Huck Finn. She said, ‘‘Your teacher must be 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 261 white.’’ I was offended by her words and actions.—Ashley, 18, African American female In general, these students reported on and assessed the substitute’s evaluation of why I had chosen the novel—that I chose it only because I am white. Initially this statement angered me, but after some critical distance I agree with the question. Yes, I was attempting to broach CRP and anti-racist pedagogy through this analysis, but the fact remains that although all students reported to feeling prepared for this undertaking, some students had to steel themselves more than others: some were more affected by my curricular choices. The sub was affected also, which was where her reaction came from. The substitute teacher came to our class and was speaking real to the class. She was relating to me when I say the book was very racist. But the real reason why it should have been banned is because racism should’ve been forgotten a long time ago. But with us reading this book still to this day it’s making African Americans think back to those days when we was in slavery. All books that have racism should have been banned by now. But I don’t blame our teacher for trying to have us read this book so we can see how it was back when Mark Twain was writing this book but he didn’t have to use the Nigger word as much as he did. As black people we feel hurt and feels as like that’s wrong to our kind, but to Caucasian people they see as if like it is not a big deal. They don’t feel like we do.—Juan, 17, African American male Juan highlights the substitute’s speaking truth to power. Time and distance from this experience has revealed Juan’s comment to be especially salient. He makes several important points that highlight the tensions and critical issues that arose through this experience: standpoint largely determines one’s reaction to the novel, and language matters. Because perhaps I lacked critical distance from this teaching experience, I was initially angry when I read Juan’s responses. My initial thought was, ‘‘he is the only one not ‘on board.’’’ But now I think he may have been the most insightful student. As Kohl (1994) argues, ‘‘Conscious, willed refusal of schooling for political or cultural reasons is not acknowledged as an appropriate response to oppressive education. Since students have no way to legitimately criticize the schooling they are subjected to or the people they are required to learn from, resistance and rebellion is stigmatized’’ (pp. 28–29). My change in perception came through critical distance and critical reflection on my own notes and on the data collected. My standpoint as teacher was automatically more trusted by those who looked like me. Again, context is everything. The substitute has a point: the fact that black students made up the majority of the class on that day was relevant. In general, the white students were quicker to defend me against the protestations of the substitute. Although she did not sway all of the African American students, some were more hesitant to continue the book upon my return. I was particularly affected by Juan’s statement. He was correct in this assessment that the majority of texts used in this district depicting aspects of the African American experience are stories only of atrocity. I was also saddened by his statement that whites do not feel the ‘‘N’’ word is a serious issue. 123 262 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 Portrait 4: The Substitute. This substitute, knowing nothing of me or the work we did as a class prior to her visit felled the straw teacher that she thought was me. Yes, some students staged a labor strike, walking out of the classroom: momentarily a place of hostility. Did the ones who remained value her words more than mine simply because of her standpoint? Upon my return I discussed the issue with them at length, but I will never truly know the impact because some will only ever tell me what they think I want to hear. Perhaps some teachers would be comforted by the fact that some students walked out of the classroom when the substitute made indicting remarks about their curricular choices and about them. However, this brought me little comfort; in fact, it created additional struggles in my mind and in the classroom. The five students who walked out, who ‘‘staged a labor strike,’’ were all white students. Upon reflection, I realized this was because they trusted my curricular decisions and me more implicitly than my African American students. Although throughout this process I continually questioned myself, the substitute made the process of critical self-reflection more pronounced. Perhaps I went too far, asking my students, some of whom had personal experiences with racism, to deal with this sensitive issue in a broad sense within a text that the privileged sitting within my classroom never had to deal with in the same way. Broaching a dialogue of power within a high school classroom can be dangerous business. But I believed it more dangerous to keep silent. During and after the experience, however, I questioned whether my students were both intellectually and emotionally ready for this experience. The truth is we want students to question our curricular choices; that is what a critical consciousness entails. We must remember that we can and must learn from our students, even if it disrupts our plans. White Privilege As indicted previously, most white students possessed an uncritical view of their own privilege. Some felt that the use of the ‘‘N’’ word was one of equity: that if African American students were using it and then were called it in a way that they deemed to be negative then that was too bad; they should expect it because their reclamation confused others. Many white students could not see the difference, and did not grasp how a history of marginalization could impact such a differentiation: I would not like being called a ‘‘Cracker’’ or a ‘‘Honkey.’’ I would not expect people to think that was ok. I would be offended and would expect any African American would be highly offended to be called that word. It is not okay no matter how you say it or how it is used.—Victoria, 16, white female For white students, many thought it was never okay to use the ‘‘N’’ word. Victoria displays the never and not the dichotomous, complicated, and contested space that is the ‘‘N’’ word. Plus I don’t understand why they get mad that it says nigger in the book because all of them use the word daily. When Mark Twain uses nigger in the book he’s not using it to be racist; he’s using it to show that back when there 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 263 was slavery people used nigger because that’s how people talked then. There is no difference between nigger and nigga. People don’t want us using it but they continue to use it.—Edward, 17, white male Again, Edward presents the same issue: the ‘‘us’’ versus ‘‘them’’ perspective. Most of the white students qualify ‘‘nigger’’ and ‘‘nigga.’’ But Edwards takes the all or nothing approach to the subject. In general, the white students had little difficulty with the text. Webb’s point that the cultural backgrounds of readers influence their interpretation of the novel (2001) was reinforced by this analysis. Discussions of white privilege and its impact on the classroom, on the school, and on the district as a whole including the historical curricular choices made were dangerous but necessary conversations. Critical consciousness is a constant process that requires the analysis of language, culture, society, the media—of others and of the self. The analysis of the self—of one’s standpoint and one’s privilege—can be initially ‘‘disruptive’’ to many students (Chaisson 2004), particularly those of privileged status, as we saw particularly in Edward’s defensiveness. Such analysis is necessary in order to appreciate the struggle for justice, for liberty, for equality. These experiences and conversations created a starting point for many students, particularly white students, being exposed to non-majoritarian discourses, where their ideas and levels of comfort were challenged. Portrait 5: My Privilege. It is true that the majority of my students’ teachers have been white if their entire school lives have been spent in the district we now share, and that most of the texts they have read in school about the black experience were probably written by a white person. To make the situation worse is that all of these required texts are about the atrocities AfricanAmericans have faced: slavery, violence, and struggle. Until they get to me. I could have avoided the controversy of Twain altogether. My point was to talk about race, culture, language usage, and racism: to use Twain as a vehicle for other texts and to tie them to current social ills such as institutional and internalized racism and to problematize language in their own lives in both inschool and out-of-school texts. However, my privilege made my decision to choose Twain less problematic than perhaps it should have been. Wrestling with issues of privilege is important for all teachers, as is asking that students do the same. It is important for us to step outside our standpoint and really question the curricular and pedagogical choices we are making. Talking to students about their interests and reading culturally relevant materials both inside and outside of the classroom can contribute to more egalitarian thinking and thus more culturally responsive choices that will make the classroom environment more inviting for all. However, I still question my choice of Twain. Although it is a text depicting historical societal ills, our reading was more painful for some. The critical conversations were relevant and necessary, but I question whether the pain experienced by my African American students did not trump this curricular choice: Twain’s purpose notwithstanding, I had a hard time watching as some of my students struggled with the text. I wanted my students to develop a more 123 264 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 crucial consciousness of in-school texts, and despite their beliefs that they were ready, many were visibly wounded by the language. The greatest lesson reinforced for me as a teacher was that it is important to be self-reflective and to question daily our curricular choices. Lessons Learned Some important findings came from this work. First, echoing Webb’s (2001) finding I also found that one’s standpoint, informed by one’s level of privilege, affects reader response to the novel; an extended finding is that standpoint also impacts one’s viewpoint about ‘‘N’’ word usage. Students of color in general conveyed a more complex view of the ‘‘N’’ word in terms of usage, access, and meaning. White students, most who felt they lacked access to the ‘‘N’’ word, either made sure to qualify the duality of the word or argued that no one should use it at all; likewise, they were more unquestioning in general about the choice to read Twain. CRT necessitates the recognition of racism and a critique of western hegemony. Thus, if one makes the decision to wrestle with a text as difficult and complex as Huck Finn, one must do so within a broader context of CRP, which has the ultimate goal of egalitarian transformation, but not within a contested space where institutional racism abounds for this decision negatively impacts only some. Another finding is that despite a teacher’s best intentions, even under hypothetical ideal circumstances, the choice to read such a novel will raise difficult and sometimes unanticipated issues. Sometimes students’ claims to readiness and preparedness are very different from how they are personally impacted when they begin to turn the pages. Resistance to learning in a culturally non-responsive environment is a healthy way for students to preserve their cultural identities, which was what Juan was demonstrating. Teachers often mistake these forms of resistance for insubordination and disrespect, and I was initially guilty of this as well. Time for teacher reflection and critical distance is crucial in terms of making sense of these experiences. As teachers, we must make time to embrace this time for personal reflection. Finally, the issue of white privilege was relevant to this analysis. White privilege and internalized racism worked together to keep students apart and maintain the status quo within the school. My personal privilege, as a white educator, affected my curricular choices in ways that I did not understand at the start of this experience. After some critical distance and time for reflection, I learned that within the cultural context of the school, my decision represented a contested space. Did my students benefit from the experience, from participating in this type of thinking and analysis? Undoubtedly. But these topics could have been broached in less painful ways. However, this experience was enlightening in many ways for everyone involved. Conducting this study encouraged me to talk more with my students, in an open manner, about issues of language and race that impact their every day lives. In light of their previous school experiences, I came to the conclusion that this text is not an inherently responsible choice. In my teaching 123 Urban Rev (2014) 46:244–267 265 situation, which is complicated by institutional racism and a non-diverse staff, my students did not have many positive textual experiences to balance this one, which, although I would not consider it entirely negative, was difficult, and for some disheartening. Huck Finn should be reserved for older students and used only if critical race theory and/or hip hop consciousness are used as theoretical models for teachers. Additionally, because issues discussed in the novel are so controversial, this book should be used only in conjunction with texts that portray the black experience in American as being more diverse than depictions of slavery and racism. Texts must be included that are written by African American authors. I thought my students and I could approach the novel intellectually, as cultural critics. They thought so too, perhaps having been unduly influenced by me. However, in the final analysis, it was more emotionally difficult for some. The white students sitting in the classroom in positions of relative privilege did not struggle as much as did the African American students. When classroom struggle is disproportionately experienced by a historically oppressed group, then there is a problem that cannot be ignored. Webb (2001) argues that no teacher should be compelled to teach this novel and I agree. The classroom should never be a place of intellectual safety; however, when one group is always privileged and inherently ‘‘safer’’ then changes must be made. Approaching Huck Finn in this way and conducting this analysis enabled me to have discussions with students about race, about language, and about their experiences that I would not have normally had with such frequency. The text provided me with a context and a purpose to have these conversations. As Fisher Fishkin (1995) argues, ‘‘Novelists, like surgeons, cut straight to the heart. But unlike surgeons, they don’t sew up the wound. They leave it open to heal or fester, depending on the septic level of the reader’s own environment’’ (para. 10). And that is where teachers come in. They are there to initially disrupt the status quo, to complicate what we take for granted. Their end goal is to assist students in the development of critical consciousness and in achieving self-realization. This involves healing and hope. My hope is that my students’ wounds were healed after this experience. 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