THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
By Herodotus
Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I
Main Index
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{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois
sunedomene, tois de kakois sunalgousa}.—Dion. Halic.
{monos 'Erodotos 'Omerikhotatos egeneto}.—Longinus.
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from an edition dated 1890, published by
MacMillan and Co., London and New York.
Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in
the opening citation above.
Contents
PREFACE
NOTES TO PREFACE
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES,
CALLED CLIO
NOTES TO BOOK I
PREFACE
If a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself, it will hardly be justified in a
preface; therefore the question whether it was needed may be left here without
discussion. The aim of the translator has been above all things faithfulness—
faithfulness to the manner of expression and to the structure of sentences, as well as to
the meaning of the Author. At the same time it is conceived that the freedom and
variety of Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe consistency of
rendering as is perhaps desirable in the case of the Epic writers before and the
philosophical writers after his time: nor again must his simplicity of thought and
occasional quaintness be reproduced in the form of archaisms of language; and that not
only because the affectation of an archaic style would necessarily be offensive to the
reader, but also because in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style is the "best
canon of the Ionic speech," marked, however, not so much by primitive purity as by
eclectic variety. At the same time it is characterised largely by the poetic diction of the
Epic and Tragic writers; and while the translator is free to employ all the resources of
modern English, so far as he has them at his command, he must carefully retain this
poetical colouring and by all means avoid the courtier phrase by which the style of
Herodotus has too often been made "more noble." 331
As regards the text from which this translation has been made, it is based upon that
of Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that is to say the estimate there made of
the comparative value of the authorities has been on the whole accepted as a just one,
rather than that which depreciates the value of the Medicean MS. and of the class to
which it belongs. On the other hand the conjectural emendations proposed by Stein
have very seldom been adopted, and his text has been departed from in a large number
of other instances also, which will for the most part be found recorded in the notes.
As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation of the Medicean MS. there were
doubts felt by some scholars 332 as to the true reading in some places of this MS.,
which is very generally acknowledged to be the most important, I thought it right to
examine it myself in all those passages where questions about text arise which concern
a translator, that is in nearly five hundred places altogether; and the results, when they
are worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the same time, by the suggestion of
Dr. Stein, I re-collated a large part of the third book in the MS. which is commonly
referred to as F (i.e. Florentinus), called by Stein C, and I examined this MS. also in a
certain number of other places. It should be understood that wherever in the notes I
mention the reading of any particular MS. by name, I do so on my own authority.
The notes have been confined to a tolerably small compass. Their purpose is, first, in
cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate the reading adopted by the translator and
any other which may seem to have reasonable probability, but without discussion of the
authorities; secondly, where the rendering is not quite literal (and in other cases where
it seemed desirable), to quote the words of the original or to give a more literal version;
thirdly, to add an alternative version in cases where there seems to be a doubt as to the
true meaning; and lastly, to give occasionally a short explanation, or a reference from
one passage of the author to another.
For the orthography of proper names reference may be made to the note prefixed to
the index. No consistent system has been adopted, and the result will therefore be open
to criticism in many details; but the aim has been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry
of seriously altering the form of those names which are fairly established in the English
language of literature, as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the other hand
the absurdity of looking to Latin rather than to Greek for the orthography of the names
which are not so established. There is no intention to put forward any theory about
pronunciation.
The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be found more complete and accurate
than those hitherto published. The best with which I was acquainted I found to have so
many errors and omissions 333 that I was compelled to do the work again from the
beginning. In a collection of more than ten thousand references there must in all
probability be mistakes, but I trust they will be found to be few.
My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to Dr. Stein, both for his critical
work and also for his most excellent commentary, which I have had always by me.
After this I have made most use of the editions of Krüger, Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first
two books) Mr. Woods. As to translations, I have had Rawlinson's before me while
revising my own work, and I have referred also occasionally to the translations of
Littlebury (perhaps the best English version as regards style, but full of gross errors),
Taylor, and Larcher. In the second book I have also used the version of B. R. reprinted
by Mr. Lang: of the first book of this translation I have access only to a fragment
written out some years ago, when the British Museum was within my reach. Other
particular obligations are acknowledged in the notes.
—————
NOTES TO PREFACE
331 (return)
[ See the remarks of P.-L. Courier (on Larcher's version) in the preface to
his specimens of a new translation of Herodotus (OEuvres complètes de P.L. Courier, Bruxelles, 1828).]
332 (return)
[ Mr. Woods, for example, in his edition of the first book (published in
1873) gives a list of readings for the first and second books, in which he
almost invariably prefers the authority of Gronovius to that of Stein, where
their reports differ. In so doing he is wrong in all cases (I think) except one,
namely i. 134 {to degomeno}. He is wrong, for examine, in i. 189, where
the MS. has {touto}, i. 196 {an agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15 {te de}, ii.
95 {up auto}, ii. 103 {kai prosotata}, ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii.
181 {no}. Abicht also has made several inaccurate statements, e.g. i. 185,
where the MS. has {es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]
333 (return)
[ For example in the index of proper names attached to Stein's annotated
edition (Berlin, 1882), to which I am under obligation, having checked my
own by it, I find that I have marked upwards of two hundred mistakes or
oversights: no doubt I have been saved by it from at least as many.]
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO
This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos, to the end
that 1 neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse of time, nor the works 2 great
and marvellous, which have been produced some by Hellenes and some by Barbarians,
may lose their renown; and especially that the causes may be remembered for which
these waged war with one another.
1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that the Phenicians
first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that which is called the Erythraian
Sea to this of ours; and having settled in the land where they continue even now to
dwell, set themselves forthwith to make long voyages by sea. And conveying
merchandise of Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos;
now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that land which is
now called Hellas;—the Phenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to
dispose of their ship's cargo: and on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when
their goods had been almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of
women, and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes also
agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the stern of the ship were
buying of the wares such as pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phenicians,
passing the word from one to another, made a rush upon them; and the greater part of
the women escaped by flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put
them on board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.
2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not agreeing therein with
the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the first beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they
say, certain Hellenes (but the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to
the city of Tyre in Phenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa;—these would
doubtless be Cretans;—and so they were quits for the former injury. After this however
the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia
of Colchis and to the river Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had
done the other business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter
Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and demanded
satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but they answered that, as the
Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive, so neither
would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.
3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of Priam, having
heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself by violence 4 from Hellas, being
fully assured that he would not be compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong,
inasmuch as the Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the
Hellenes resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with satisfaction for
the rape; and when they put forth this demand, the others alleged to them the rape of
Medea, saying that the Hellenes were now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by
others, though they had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when
demand was made.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying away of
women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very greatly to blame; for they
set the first example of war, making an expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made
any into Europe. Now they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to
carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one's heart on taking vengeance for their
rape, and the wise course is to pay no regard when they have been carried away; for it is
evident that they would never be carried away if they were not themselves willing to
go. And the Persians say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were
carried away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Hellenes on account
of a woman of Lacedemon gathered together a great armament, and then came to Asia
and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from this time forward they had always
considered the Hellenic race to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which
dwell there the Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Hellenic race
they consider to be parted off from them.
5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they conclude that
the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on account of the taking of Ilion:
but as regards Io the Phenicians do not agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus;
for they deny that they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the
other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master of their ship,
and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed to confess it to her parents,
and therefore sailed away with the Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being found
out. These are the tales told by the Persians and the Phenicians severally: and
concerning these things I am not going to say that they happened thus or thus, 401 but
when I have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge began to commit
wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go forward further with the story, giving an account
of the cities of men, small as well as great: for those which in old times were great have
for the most part become small, while those that were in my own time great used in
former times to be small: so then, since I know that human prosperity never continues
steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently.
6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the nations which
dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river, flowing from the South between the
Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, runs out towards the North Wind into that Sea which
is called the Euxine. This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have
knowledge, subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while others
he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued were the Ionians,
the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and those whom he made his friends
were the Lacedemonians. But before the reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free; for
the expedition of the Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus,
was not a conquest of the cities but a plundering incursion only. 6
7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to the family of
Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner:—Candaules, whom the Hellenes
call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of Alcaios, son of Heracles: for
Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos, the son of Alcaios, was the first of the
Heracleidai who became king of Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last;
but those who were kings over this land before Agrond, were descendants of Lydos the
son of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been before called
Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and the slave-girl of
Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged with it by reason of an oracle; and
they reigned for two-and-twenty generations of men, five hundred and five years,
handing on the power from father to son, till the time of Clandaules the son of Myrsos.
8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in love with his
own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife was fairer by far than all
other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son of Daskylos (for he of all his
spearmen was the most pleasing to him), to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well
the more weighty of his affairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure:
and after no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen to Candaules, he
said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I think that thou dost not believe me when I tell thee
of the beauty of my wife, for it happens that men's ears are less apt of belief than their
eyes: contrive therefore means by which thou mayest look upon her naked." But he
cried aloud and said: "Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost utter,
bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off her tunic she puts
off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair sayings have been found out by
men, from which we ought to learn wisdom; and of these one is this,—that each man
should look on his own: but I believe indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I
entreat thee not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do."
9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might come to him
from this; but the king answered him thus: "Be of good courage, Gyges, and have no
fear, either of me, that I am saying these words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any harm
may happen to thee from her. For I will contrive it so from the first that she shall not
even perceive that she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room where we
sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after I have gone in, my wife also will come to lie
down. Now there is a seat near the entrance of the room, and upon this she will lay her
garments as she takes them off one by one; and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her at
full leisure. And when she goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be behind her
back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee not as thou goest through the
door."
10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules, when he
considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber; and straightway after this
the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked upon her after she came in and as she laid
down her garments; and when she had her back turned towards him, as she went to the
bed, then he slipped away from his hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went
out, the woman caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been done by her
husband she did not cry out, though struck with shame, 8 but she made as though she
had not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge herself upon Candaules: for among the
Lydians as also among most other Barbarians it is a shame even for a man to be seen
naked.
11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward sign; but as soon
as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the servants whom she perceived to be
the most attached to herself, and after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not
supposing that anything of that which had been done was known to her, came upon her
summons; for he had been accustomed before to go 9 whenever the queen summoned
him. And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these words: "There are now
two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the choice which of the two thou wilt
prefer to take. Either thou must slay Candaules and possess both me and the kingdom
of Lydia, or thou must thyself here on the spot be slain, so that thou mayest not in
future, by obeying Candaules in all things, see that which thou shouldest not. Either he
must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked upon me naked and done that
which is not accounted lawful." For a time then Gyges was amazed at these words, and
afterwards he began to entreat her that she would not bind him by necessity to make
such a choice: then however, as he could not prevail with her, but saw that necessity
was in truth set before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by others, he
made the choice to live himself; and he inquired further as follows: "Since thou dost
compel me to take my master's life against my own will, let me hear from thee also
what is the manner in which we shall lay hands upon him." And she answering said:
"From that same place shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked; and we will
lay hands upon him as he sleeps."
12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gyges was not let
go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must either be slain himself or slay
Candaules), he followed the woman to the bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and
concealed him behind that very same door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was
sleeping, Gyges came privily up to him 10 and slew him, and he obtained both his wife
and his kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that time,
made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. 11
13. He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means of the
Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the fate of Candaules,
and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between the followers of Gyges and the other
Lydians to this effect, that if the Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the
Lydians, he should be king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons of
Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became king: yet the
Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for the Heracleidai should come upon
the descendants of Gyges in the fifth generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their
kings made no account until it was in fact fulfilled.
14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having driven out from it the
Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings to Delphi not a few,
for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are more in number than those of any other
man; and besides the silver he offered a vast quantity of gold, and especially one
offering which is more worthy of mention than the rest, namely six golden mixingbowls, which are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents, and
they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this treasury does not
belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). 12
This Gyges was the first of the Barbarians within our knowledge who dedicated votive
offerings at Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who
dedicated for an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to decide causes;
and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the same place with the bowls of Gyges.
This gold and silver which Gyges dedicated is called Gygian by the people of Delphi,
after the name of him who offered it.
Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army against Miletos and
Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but no other great deed did he do
in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirty years, therefore we will pass him by with no
more mention than has already been made,
15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king after Gyges.
He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and while he was ruling over
Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes by the nomad Scythians came to Asia
and took Sardis except the citadel.
16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes his son
succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after him Alyattes. This last
made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes and against the Medes, 15 and
he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia, and he took Smyrna which had been
founded from Colophon, and made an invasion against Clazomenai. From this he
returned not as he desired, but with great loss: during his reign however he performed
other deeds very worthy of mention as follows:—
17. He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as an inheritance
from his father: for he used to invade their land and besiege Miletos in the following
manner:—whenever there were ripe crops upon the land, then he led an army into their
confines, making his march to the sound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and
female tone: and when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses
that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors, but let them stand as
they were; the trees however and the crops that were upon the land he destroyed, and
then departed by the way he came: for the men of Miletos had command of the sea, so
that it was of no use for his army to blockade them: and he abstained from pulling down
the houses to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while they sowed
and tilled the land, and by the means of their labour he might have somewhat to destroy
when he made his invasion.
18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the course of these
years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once when they fought a battle in the
district of Limenion in their own land, and again in the plain of Maiander. Now for six
of the eleven years Sadyattes the son of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same
who was wont to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; 16 for this
Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years which followed these
first six the war was carried on by Alyattes the son of Sadyattes, who received it as an
inheritance from his father (as I have already said) and applied himself to it earnestly.
And none of the Ionians helped those of Miletos bear the burden of this war except only
the men of Chios. These came to their aid to pay back like with like, for the Milesians
had formerly assisted the Chians throughout their war with the people of Erythrai.
19. Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was being burnt by the
army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:—as soon as the corn was kindled, it was
driven by a violent wind and set fire to the temple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and
the temple being set on fire was burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made
then; but afterwards when the army had returned to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as his
sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at Delphi, either being
advised to do so by some one, or because he himself thought it best to send and inquire
of the god concerning his sickness. But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian
prophetess said that she would give them no answer, until they should have built up
again the temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of Miletos.
20. Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but the Milesians add to
this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the
then despot of Miletos, heard of the oracle which had been given to Alyattes, and
sending a messenger told Thrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it
beforehand and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by the
Milesians.
21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a herald forthwith to
Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the Milesians for so long a time
as he should be building the temple. He then was being sent as envoy to Miletos; and
Thrasybulos in the meantime being informed beforehand of the whole matter and
knowing what Alyattes was meaning to do, contrived this device:—he gathered
together in the market-place all the store of provisions which was found in the city,
both his own and that which belonged to private persons; and he proclaimed to the
Milesians that on a signal given by him they should all begin to drink and make merry
with one another.
22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald from Sardis,
seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up, and the people feasting, might
report this to Alyattes: and so on fact it happened; for when the herald returned to
Sardis after seeing this and delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to
him by the king of Lydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed,
merely because of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine in
Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of misery, heard from
the herald, when he returned from Miletos, the opposite to that which he himself
supposed. And after this the peace was made between them on condition of being
guest-friends and allies to one another, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at
Assessos in place of one, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to
the war waged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went thus.
23. As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle to Thrasybulos,
he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In his life, say the Corinthians, (and
with them agree the Lesbians), there happened to him a very great marvel, namely that
Arion of Methymna was carried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin's back. This man
was a harper second to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we know,
who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus 17 at Corinth.
24. This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed with Periander,
conceived a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily; and after he had there acquired large
sums of money, he wished to return again to Corinth. He set forth therefore from Taras,
19 and as he had faith in Corinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a
crew of Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a plot to cast
Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having obtained knowledge of this
made entreaties to them, offering them his wealth and asking them to grant him his life.
With this however he did not prevail upon them, but the men who were conveying him
bade him either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the land, or leap
straightway into the sea. So Arion being driven to a strait entreated them that, since
they were so minded, they would allow him to take his stand in full minstrel's garb
upon the deck 20 of the ship and sing; and he promised to put himself to death after he
had sung. They then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all minstrels
upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the middle of the ship; and he put on the
full minstrel's garb and took his lyre, and standing on the deck performed the Orthian
measure. Then as the measure ended, he threw himself into the sea just as he was, in his
full minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him, they say, a
dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at Tainaron: and when he had
come to land he proceeded to Corinth with his minstrel's garb. Thither having arrived
he related all that had been done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion in
guard and would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for those who had
conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of them if they had any
report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was safe in Italy and that they had
left him at Taras faring well, Arion suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as
when he made his leap from the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no
longer able to deny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the Corinthians
and Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive offering of Arion of no great size,
21 namely a bronze figure of a man upon a dolphin's back.
25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the Milesians,
afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This king, when he recovered
from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering at Delphi (being the second of his house
who had so done), namely a great mixing-bowl of silver with a stand for it of iron
welded together, which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and
the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first found out the art of welding iron.
26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received the kingdom in
succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I said) fought against the Hellenes
and of them he attacked the Ephesians first. The Ephesians then, being besieged by
him, dedicated their city to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the
city: now the distance between the ancient city, which was then being besieged, and the
temple is seven furlongs. 22 These, I say, where the first upon whom Croesus laid
hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one,
alleging against them various causes of complaint, and making serious charges against
those in whose cases he could find serious grounds, while against others of them he
charged merely trifling offences.
27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to pay tribute, he
designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands upon those who dwelt in the
islands; and when all was prepared for his building of ships, they say that Bias of Priene
(or, according to another account, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being
asked by Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to an end
his building of ships by this saying: "O king," said he, "the men of the islands are hiring
a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this they mean to march to Sardis and fight
against thee." And Croesus, supposing that what he reported was true, said: "May the
gods put it into the minds of the dwellers of the islands to come with horses against the
sons of the Lydians!" And he answered and said: "O king, I perceive that thou dost
earnestly desire to catch the men of the islands on the mainland riding upon horses; and
it is not unreasonable that thou shouldest wish for this: what else however thinkest thou
the men of the islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time they heard
that thou wert about to build ships against them, than that they might catch the Lydians
upon the sea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for the Hellenes who dwell upon the
mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?" Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with
this conclusion, 23 and obeying his suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he
stopped his building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with the Ionians
dwelling in the islands.
28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the river Halys had
been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and Lykians Croesus subdued and kept under
his rule all the nations, that is to say Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi,
Chalybians, Paphlagonians, Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians,
Dorians, Aiolians, and Pamphylians), 24
29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding to his Lydian
dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of its wealth, all the wise men 25 of
the Hellas who chanced to be alive at that time, brought thither severally by various
occasions; and of them one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the
Athenians at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away saying
that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might not be compelled to repeal
any of the laws which he had proposed. 26 For of themselves the Athenians were not
competent to do this, having bound themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years
to the laws which Solon should propose for them.
30. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for the sake of seeing
various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to Croesus at Sardis. Having there
arrived he was entertained as a guest by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on
the third or fourth day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his
treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent they were: and
after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesus
asked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report of thee has come to us, both in
regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings, how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast
traversed many lands to see them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask thee
whether thou hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy." 27
This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but Solon, using no
flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, O king, Tellos the Athenian." And Croesus,
marvelling at that which he said, asked him earnestly: "In what respect dost thou judge
Tellos to be the most happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place, living while his
native State was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of them children
begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what with us is accounted wealth,
and after his life a most glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at
Eleusis against the neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and
there died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where he fell,
and honoured him greatly."
31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of Tellos,
recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king asked again whom he had
seen proper to be placed next after this man, supposing that he himself would certainly
obtain at least the second place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were
of Argos by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength of
body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in the games, and moreover the
following tale is told of them:—There was a feast of Hera among the Argives and it
was by all means necessary that their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But
since their oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred from
all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew the wain, their
mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought it on for five-and-forty
furlongs, 28 and came to the temple. Then after they had done this and had been seen
by the assembled crowd, there came to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the
deity declared that it was better for man to die than to continue to live. For the Argive
men were standing round and extolling the strength 29 of the young men, while the
Argive women were extolling the mother to whose lot it had fallen to have such sons;
and the mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report
made of it, took her stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she
would give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her 30 greatly, that gift
which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when they had sacrificed and
feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within the temple itself, and never rose again,
but were held bound in this last end. 31 And the Argives made statues in the likeness of
them and dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved
themselves most excellent."
32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to these: and
Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, hast thou then so cast aside our
prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou dost prefer to us even men of private
station?" And he said: "Croesus, thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who
well knows that the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the
course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire to see, and
suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer. The limit of life for a man
I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two
hundred days, not reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other one of
these years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused to come
round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will be in number five-andthirty besides the seventy years; and of these months the days will be one thousand and
fifty. Of all these days, being in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty,
which go to the seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what
another brings with it. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident.
As for thee, I perceive that thou art both great in wealth and king of many men, but that
of which thou didst ask me I cannot call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy
life to a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more happy than
he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of
ending his life well in possession of all things fair. For many very wealthy men are not
happy, 32 while many who have but a moderate living are fortunate; 33 and in truth the
very rich man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor
man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the rich man who
is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his desire, and also to endure a great
calamity if it fall upon him; whereas the other has advantage over him in these things
which follow:—he is not indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or
to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is sound
of limb, 34 free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father of fair children and
himself of comely form; and if in addition to this he shall end his life well, he is worthy
to be called that which thou seekest, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his
end it is well to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. Now to
possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man, just as no
single land suffices to supply all tings for itself, but one thing it has and another it lacks,
and the land that has the greatest number of things is the best: so also in the case of a
man, no single person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he lacks;
but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the greatest number of
these things and then has a gracious ending of his life, he is by me accounted worthy, O
king, to receive this name. But we must of every thing examine the end and how it will
turn out at the last, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks
them up by the roots and overturns them."
33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from his presence
holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless in that he passed over
present good things and bade men look to the end of every matter.
34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came upon Croesus,
probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all men. First there came and
stood by him a dream, which showed to him the truth of the evils that were about to
come to pass in respect of his son. Now Croesus had two sons, of whom one was
deficient, seeing that he was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed his
companions of the same age in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As
regards this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him by the
blow of an iron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up from sleep and considered the
matter with himself, he was struck with fear on account of the dream; and first he took
for his son a wife; and whereas his son had been wont to lead the armies of the Lydians,
he now no longer sent him forth anywhere on any such business; and the javelins and
lances and all such things which men use for fighting he conveyed out of the men's
apartments and piled them up in the inner bed-chambers, for fear lest something
hanging up might fall down upon his son.
35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came to Sardis a
man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian by birth and of the royal
house. This man came to the house of Croesus, and according to the customs which
prevail in that land made request that he might have cleansing; and Croesus gave him
cleansing: now the manner of cleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that
which the Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he asked
of him whence he came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man, who art thou, and
from what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon my hearth? And whom of men
or women didst thou slay?" And he replied: "O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of
Midas, and I am called Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against my will, and
therefore am I here, having been driven forth by my father and deprived of all that I
had." And Croesus answered thus: "Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot of men who are
our friends and thou hast come to friends, among whom thou shalt want of nothing so
long as thou shalt remain in our land: and thou wilt find it most for thy profit to bear
this misfortune as lightly as may be." So he had his abode with Croesus. 36
36. During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar of monstrous
size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged the fields of the
Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it often, yet they could do it no
hurt, but rather received hurt themselves from it; so at length messengers came from the
Mysians to Croesus and said: "O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of
monstrous size, which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are not
able: now therefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also a chosen band of
young men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our land." Thus they made request,
and Croesus calling to mind the words of the dream spoke to them as follows: "As
touching my son, make no further mention of him in this matter; for I will not send him
with you, seeing that he is newly married and is concerned now with the affairs of his
marriage: but I will send with you chosen men of the Lydians and the whole number of
my hunting dogs, and I will give command to those who go, to be as zealous as may be
in helping you to destroy the wild beast out of your land."
37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented with this
answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of the request made by the
Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not send his son with them, the young
man spoke as follows: "My father, in times past the fairest and most noble part was
allotted to us, to go out continually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute;
but now thou hast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not observed in
me any cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what face must I appear when I
go to and from the market-place of the city? What kind of a man shall I be esteemed by
the citizens, and what kind of a man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife?
With what kind of a husband will she think that she is mated? Therefore either let me
go to the hunt, or persuade me by reason that these things are better for me done as now
they are."
38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My son, not because I have observed in thee
any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act thus; but a vision of a
dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told me that thou shouldest be shortlived, and that thou shouldest perish by a spear-point of iron. With thought of this
vision therefore I both urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee
upon the matter which is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may steal thee
from thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by any means possible for me to
do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only son: the other I do not reckon as one, seeing
that he is deficient in hearing."
39. The young man made answer thus: "It may well be forgiven in thee, O my father,
that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such a vision; but that which
thou dost not understand, and in which the meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it is
right that I should expound to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end
my life by means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what spearpoint of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told thee that I should end my
life by a tusk, or any other thing which resembles that, it would be right for thee
doubtless to do as thou art doing; but it said 'by a spear-point.' Since therefore our fight
will not be with men, let me now go."
40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou dost partly prevail with me by declaring thy
judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed upon by thee, I change my
resolution and allow thee to go to the chase."
41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; and when he
came, he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when thou wast struck with a grievous
misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed thee, and I have received thee
into my house supplying all thy costs. Now therefore, since having first received
kindness from me thou art bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the
protector of my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon you
by the way to do you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go where thou mayest
become famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee as an inheritance from thy fathers so
to do, and moreover thou hast strength for it."
42. Adrastos made answer: "O king, but for this I should not have been going to any
such contest of valour; for first it is not fitting that one who is suffering such a great
misfortune as mine should seek the company of his fellows who are in prosperity, and
secondly I have no desire for it; and for many reasons I should have kept myself away.
But now, since thou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I am bound to
requite thee with kindness), I am ready to do this: expect therefore that thy son, whom
thou commandest me to protect, will return home to thee unhurt, so far as his protector
may avail to keep him safe."
43. When he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, they afterwards set
forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs. And when they were come to
Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal; and having found it and taken their stand
round in a circle, they were hurling against it their spears. Then the guest, he who had
been cleansed of manslaughter, whose name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it missed
the boar and struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the spear-point fulfilled
the saying of the dream. And one ran to report to Croesus that which had come to pass,
and having come to Sardis he signified to him of the combat and of the fate of his son.
And Croesus was very greatly disturbed by the death of his son, and was much the
more moved to complaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the man whom he
had himself cleansed of manslaughter. And being grievously troubled by the misfortune
he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting to him that which he had suffered from his
guest, and he called moreover upon the Protector of Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of
Friendship, 38 naming still the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector of
Suppliants because when he received the guest into his house he had been fostering
ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the Guardian of Friendship because having sent
him as a protector he had found him the worst of foes.
45. After this the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and behind it followed the slayer:
and he taking his stand before the corpse delivered himself up to Croesus, holding forth
his hands and bidding the king slay him over the corpse, speaking of his former
misfortune and saying that in addition to this he had now been the destroyer of the man
who had cleansed him of it; and that life for him was no more worth living. But
Croesus hearing this pitied Adrastos, although he was himself suffering so great an evil
of his own, and said to him: "Guest, I have already received from thee all the
satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou dost condemn thyself to suffer death; and not
thou alone art the cause of this evil, except in so far as thou wert the instrument of it
against thine own will, but some one, as I suppose, of the gods, who also long ago
signified to me that which was about to be." So Croesus buried his son as was fitting:
but Adrastos the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, he who had been the slayer of his
own brother and the slayer also of the man who had cleansed him, when silence came
of all men round about the tomb, recognising that he was more grievously burdened by
misfortune than all men of whom he knew, slew himself upon the grave.
46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet in his mourning, because he was
deprived of his son: but after this period of time the overthrowing of the rule of
Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus the son of Cambyses, and the growing
greatness of the Persians caused Croesus to cease from his mourning, and led him to a
care of cutting short the power of the Persians, if by any means he might, while yet it
was in growth and before they should have become great.
So having formed this design he began forthwith to make trial of the Oracles, both
those of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending messengers some to one place and
some to another, some to go to Delphi, others to Abai of the Phokians, and others to
Dodona; and some were sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios,
others to Branchidai in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the Hellenes to
which Croesus sent messengers to seek divination; and others he sent to the shrine of
Ammon in Libya to inquire there. Now he was sending the messengers abroad to the
end that he might try the Oracles and find out what knowledge they had, so that if they
should be found to have knowledge of the truth, he might send and ask them secondly
whether he should attempt to march against the Persians.
47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the Oracles he gave charge as
follows,—that from the day on which they set out from Sardis they should reckon up
the number of the days following and on the hundredth day they should consult the
Oracles, asking what Croesus the son of Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to
be doing: and whatever the Oracles severally should prophesy, this they should cause to
be written down 39 and bear it back to him. Now what the other Oracles prophesied is
not by any reported, but at Delphi, so soon as the Lydians entered the sanctuary of the
temple 40 to consult the god and asked that which they were commanded to ask, the
Pythian prophetess spoke thus in hexameter measure:
"But the number of sand I know, 41 and the measure of drops in the ocean;
The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless:
And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise
Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it;
Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it."
48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle, the Lydians caused the
prophecy to be written down, and went away at once to Sardis. And when the rest also
who had been sent round were there arrived with the answers of the Oracles, then
Croesus unfolded the writings one by one and looked upon them: and at first none of
them pleased him, but when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith he did worship to the
god and accepted the answer, 42 judging that the Oracle at Delphi was the only true
one, because it had found out what he himself had done. For when he had sent to the
several Oracles his messengers to consult the gods, keeping well in mind the appointed
day he contrived the following device,—he thought of something which it would be
impossible to discover or to conceive of, and cutting up a tortoise and a lamb he boiled
them together himself in a caldron of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over them.
49. This then was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as regards the
answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the Lydians after they had done
the things customary in his temple, 43 for there is no record of this any more than of the
others, except only that Croesus thought that he also 44 possessed a true Oracle.
50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour of the god at
Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice he offered three thousand of each
kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of
gold, and robes of purple, and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up,
hoping by these means the more to win over the god to the side of the Lydians: and he
proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them should make sacrifice with that
which each man had. And when he had finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast
quantity of gold, and of it he wrought half-plinths 45 making them six palms 46 in
length and three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one hundred
and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold 47 weighing two talents and a half 48
each, and others of gold alloyed with silver 49 weighing two talents. And he caused to
be made also an image of a lion of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the
temple of Delphi was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these it
was set, 50 and is placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six talents
and a half, for three talents and a half were melted away from it.
51. So Croesus having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, and with them
these besides:—two mixing bowls of great size, one of gold and the other of silver, of
which the golden bowl was placed on the right hand as one enters the temple, and the
silver on the left, but the places of these also were changed after the temple was burnt
down, and the golden bowl is now placed in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai,
weighing eight and a half talents and twelve pounds over, 51 while the silver one is
placed in the corner of the vestibule 52 and holds six hundred amphors 53 (being filled
with wine by the Delphians on the feast of the Theophania): this the people of Delphi
say is the work of Theodoros the Samian, 54 and, as I think, rightly, for it is evident to
me that the workmanship is of no common kind: moreover Croesus sent four silver
wine-jars, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and two vessels for lustral
water, 55 one of gold and the other of silver, of which the gold one is inscribed "from
the Lacedemonians," who say that it is their offering: therein however they do not
speak rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote the
inscription upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians; and his name I know but will
not make mention of it. The boy through whose hand the water flows is from the
Lacedemonians, but neither of the vessels for lustral water. And many other votive
offerings Croesus sent with these, not specially distinguished, among which are certain
castings 56 of silver of a round shape, and also a golden figure of a woman three cubits
high, which the Delphians say is a statue of the baker of Croesus. Moreover Croesus
dedicated the ornaments from his wife's neck and her girdles.
52. These are the things which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos, having heard of
his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shield made altogether of gold throughout,
and a spear all of solid gold, the shaft being of gold also as well as the two points,
which offerings were both remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of
Ismenian Apollo.
53. To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus gave charge
that they should ask the Oracles this question also,—whether Croesus should march
against the Persians, and if so, whether he should join with himself any army of men as
his friends. And when the Lydians had arrived at the places to which they had been sent
and had dedicated the votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus,
king of the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are the only true
Oracles among men, presents to you 57 gifts such as your revelations deserve, and asks
you again now whether he shall march against the Persians, and if so, whether he shall
join with himself any army of men as allies." They inquired thus, and the answers of
both the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should march against the
Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they counselled him to find out the most
powerful of the Hellenes and join these with himself as friends.
54. So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he was
delighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroy the kingdom
of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, 58 and presented to the men of Delphi, having
ascertained the number of them, two staters of gold for each man: and in return for this
the Delphians gave to Croesus and to the Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle
and freedom from all payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with this
privilege also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to
become a citizen of Delphi.
55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted the Oracle
the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of the Oracle, he made
abundant use of it. 59 And consulting the Oracle he inquired whether his monarchy
would endure for a long time. And the Pythian prophetess answered him thus:
"But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch
Then by the pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed,
Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be callèd a coward."
56. By these lines when they came to him Croesus was pleased more than by all the
rest, for he supposed that a mule would never be ruler of the Medes instead of a man,
and accordingly that he himself and his heirs would never cease from their rule. Then
after this he gave thought to inquire which people of the Hellenes he should esteem the
most powerful and gain over to himself as friends. And inquiring he found that the
Lacedemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the Dorian and the
others of the Ionian race. For these were the most eminent races in ancient time, the
second being a Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from
its place in any direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings;
for in the reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Doros the son
of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos, which is called Histiaiotis; and
when it was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was
called Makednian; and thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it
came finally to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.
57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able with certainty
to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that still remain of the Pelasgians
who dwelt in the city of Creston 60 above the Tyrsenians, and who were once
neighbours of the race now called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called
Thessaliotis, and also by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia and
Skylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the
Athenians, 61 and of the natives of the various other towns which are really Pelasgian,
though they have lost the name,—if one must pronounce judging by these, the
Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was
such as these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it changed
and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people of Creston do not speak
the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet do the people of
Phakia, but they speak the same language one as the other: and by this it is proved that
they still keep unchanged the form of language which they brought with them when
they migrated to these places.
58. As for the Hellenic race, it has used ever the same language, as I clearly perceive,
since it first took its rise; but since the time when it parted off feeble at first from the
Pelasgian race, setting forth from a small beginning it has increased to that great
number of races which we see, 62 and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been
added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think, 6201 of the Pelasgian race also, 63
that so far as it remained Barbarian it never made any great increase.
59. Of these races then Croesus was informed that the Athenian was held subject and
torn with faction by Peisistratos 64 the son of Hippocrates, who then was despot of the
Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a private citizen he went to view the Olympic
games, a great marvel had occurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons
which were standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiled
without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian, who chanced to
have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised Hippocrates first not to bring
into his house a wife to bear him children, and secondly, if he happened to have one
already, to dismiss her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him. When Chilon
had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be persuaded, and so
there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratos; who, when the Athenians of the
shore 65 were at feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being
leader of the first faction, and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaïdes of that of the plain,
aimed at the despotism for himself and gathered a third party. So then, after having
collected supporters and called himself leader of the men of the mountain-lands, 66 he
contrived a device as follows:—he inflicted wounds upon himself and upon his mules,
and then drove his car into the market-place, as if he had just escaped from his
opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired to kill him when he was driving into the
country: and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from them,
for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the Megarians, during
which he took Nisaia and performed other signal service. And the commons of the
Athenians being deceived gave him those 67 men chosen from the dwellers in the city
who became not indeed the spear-men 68 of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they
followed behind him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with
Peisistratos and obtained possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos was ruler of the
Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancient laws;
but he administered the State under that constitution of things which was already
established, ordering it fairly and well.
60. However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles and those of
Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus Peisistratos had obtained
possession of Athens for the first time, and thus he lost the power before he had it
firmly rooted. But those who had driven out Peisistratos became afterwards at feud with
one another again. And Megacles, harassed by the party strife, 69 sent a message to
Peisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter to wife on condition of
becoming despot. And Peisistratos having accepted the proposal and made an
agreement on these terms, they contrived with a view to his return a device the most
simple by far, as I think, that ever was practised, considering at least that it was devised
at a time when the Hellenic race had been long marked off from the Barbarian as more
skilful and further removed from foolish simplicity, and among the Athenians who are
accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. 70 In the deme of Paiania there was a
woman whose name was Phya, in height four cubits all but three fingers, 71 and also
fair of form. This woman they dressed in full armour and caused her to ascend a chariot
and showed her the bearing in which she might best beseem her part, 72 and so they
drove to the city, having sent on heralds to run before them, who, when they arrived at
the city, spoke that which had been commanded them, saying as follows: "O Athenians,
receive with favour Peisistratos, whom Athene herself, honouring him most of all men,
brings back to her Acropolis." So the heralds went about hither and thither saying this,
and straightway there came to the demes in the country round a report that Athene was
bringing Peisistratos back, while at the same time the men of the city, persuaded that
the woman was the very goddess herself, were paying worship to the human creature
and receiving Peisistratos.
61. So having received back the despotism in the manner which has been said,
Peisistratos according to the agreement made with Megacles married the daughter of
Megacles; but as he had already sons who were young men, and as the descendants of
Alcmaion were said to be under a curse, 73 therefore not desiring that children should
be born to him from his newly-married wife, he had commerce with her not in the
accustomed manner. And at first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards she told her
mother, whether in answer to her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and the mother told her
husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that he should be dishonoured by
Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway he proceeded to compose his quarrel with the
men of his faction. And when Peisistratos heard of that which was being done against
himself, he departed wholly from the land and came to Eretria, where he took counsel
together with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, that they should
endeavour to win back the despotism, they began to gather gifts of money from those
States which owed them obligations for favours received: and many contributed great
sums, but the Thebans surpassed the rest in the giving of money. Then, not to make the
story long, time elapsed and at last everything was prepared for their return. For certain
Argives came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos had come to
them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed very great zeal in
providing both money and men.
62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years 74 they returned back; and in
Attica the first place of which they took possession was Marathon. While they were
encamping here, their partisans from the city came to them, and also others flowed in
from the various demes, to whom despotic rule was more welcome than freedom. So
these were gathering themselves together; but the Athenians in the city, so long as
Peisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he took possession of
Marathon, made no account of it; but when they heard that he was marching from
Marathon towards the city, then they went to the rescue against him. These then were
going in full force to fight against the returning exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as
they went towards the city starting from Marathon, met them just when they came to
the temple of Athene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite to them. Then moved by
divine guidance 75 there came into the presence of Peisistratos Amphilytos the
Arcarnanian, 76 a soothsayer, who approaching him uttered an oracle in hexameter
verse, saying thus:
"But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely extended,
And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters."
63. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and Peisistratos, having
understood the oracle and having said that he accepted the prophecy which was uttered,
led his army against the enemy. Now the Athenians from the city were just at that time
occupied with the morning meal, and some of them after their meal with games of dice
or with sleep; and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and put them to
flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very skilful counsel, to the end that the
Athenians might not gather again into one body but might remain scattered abroad. He
mounted his sons on horseback and sent them before him; and overtaking the fugitives
they said that which was commanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of good
cheer and that each man should depart to his own home.
64. Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for the third time obtained
possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism by many foreign mercenaries
and by much revenue of money, coming partly from the land itself and partly from
about the river Strymon, and also by taking as hostages the sons of those Athenians
who had remained in the land and had not at once fled, and placing them in the hands of
Naxos; for this also Peisistratos conquered by war and delivered into the charge of
Lygdamis. Moreover besides this he cleansed the island of Delos in obedience to the
oracles; and his cleansing was of the following kind:—so far as the view from the
temple extended 77 he dug up all the dead bodies which were buried in this part and
removed them to another part of Delos. So Peisistratos was despot of the Athenians; but
of the Athenians some had fallen in the battle, and others of them with the sons of
Alcmaion were exiles from their native land.
65. Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard was prevailing among the
Athenians during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians he heard that they had escaped
from great evils and had now got the better of the Tegeans in the war. For when Leon
and Hegesicles were kings of Sparta, the Lacedemonians, who had good success in all
their other wars, suffered disaster in that alone which they waged against the men of
Tegea. Moreover in the times before this they had the worst laws of almost all the
Hellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also in that they had
no dealings with strangers. And they made their change to a good constitution of laws
thus:—Lycurgos, a man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the
Oracle at Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the Pythian
prophetess said as follows:
"Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple,
Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos.
Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic,
God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos."
66. Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also set forth to him the
order of things which is now established for the Spartans; but the Lacedemonians
themselves say that Lycurgos having become guardian of Leobotes his brother's son,
who was king of the Spartans, brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he
became guardian, he changed all the prevailing laws, and took measures that they
should not transgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos established that which
appertained to war, namely Enomoties and Triecads and Common Meals, 7701 and in
addition to this the Ephors and the Senate. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good
laws; and to Lycurgos after he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great
worship. So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small number of
men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and became prosperous: and it was no
longer sufficient for them to keep still; but presuming that they were superior in
strength to the Arcadians, they consulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting conquest of
the whole of Arcadia; and the Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:
"The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest me much; I refuse it;
Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns;
These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee;
Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in,
And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it."
When the Lacedemonians heard report of this, they held off from the other
Arcadians, and marched against the Tegeans with fetters in their hands, trusting to a
deceitful 78 oracle and expecting that they would make slaves of the men of Tegea. But
having been worsted in the encounter, those of them who were taken alive worked
wearing the fetters which they themselves brought with them and having "measured
with line and divided" 79 the plain of the Tegeans. And these fetters with which they
had been bound were preserved even to my own time at Tegea, hanging about the
temple of Athene Alea. 80
67. In the former war then I say they struggled against the Tegeans continually with
ill success; but in the time of Croesus and in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston at
Lacedemon the Spartans had at length become victors in the war; and they became so in
the following manner:—As they continued to be always worsted in the war by the men
of Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi and inquired what god
they should propitiate in order to get the better of the men of Tegea in the war: and the
Pythian prophetess made answer to them that they should bring into their land the
bones of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. Then as they were not able to find the grave
of Orestes, they sent men again to go to the god and to inquire about the spot where
Orestes was laid: and when the messengers who were sent asked this, the prophetess
said as follows:
"Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in a smooth place founded;
Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together;
Stroke too there is and stroke in return, and trouble on trouble.
There Agamemnon's son in the life-giving earth is reposing;
Him if thou bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt be master." 81
When the Lacedemonians had heard this they were none the less far from finding it
out, though they searched all places; until the time that Lichas, one of those Spartans
who are called "Well-doers," 82 discovered it. Now the "Well-doers" are of the citizens
the eldest who are passing from the ranks of the "Horsemen," in each year five; and
these are bound during that year in which they pass out from the "Horsemen," to allow
themselves to be sent without ceasing to various places by the Spartan State.
68. Lichas then, being one of these, discovered it in Tegea by means both of fortune
and ability. For as there were at that time dealings under truce with the men of Tegea,
he had come to a forge there and was looking at iron being wrought; and he was in
wonder as he saw that which was being done. The smith therefore, perceiving that he
marvelled at it, ceased from his work and said: "Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if
thou hadst seen that which I once saw, thou wouldst have marvelled much, since now it
falls out that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working of this iron; for I, desiring in
this enclosure to make a well, lighted in my digging upon a coffin of seven cubits in
length; and not believing that ever there had been men larger than those of the present
day, I opened it, and I saw that the dead body was equal in length to the coffin: then
after I had measured it, I filled in the earth over it again." He then thus told him of that
which he had seen; and the other, having thought upon that which was told, conjectured
that this was Orestes according to the saying of the Oracle, forming his conjecture in
the following manner:—whereas he saw that the smith had two pairs of bellows, he
concluded that these were the winds spoken of, and that the anvil and the hammer were
the stroke and the stroke in return, and that the iron which was being wrought was the
trouble laid upon trouble, making comparison by the thought that iron has been
discovered for the evil of mankind. Having thus conjectured he came back to Sparta
and declared the whole matter to the Lacedemonians; and they brought a charge against
him on a fictitious pretext and drove him out into exile. 83 So having come to Tegea, he
told the smith of his evil fortune and endeavoured to hire from him the enclosure, but at
first he would not allow him to have it: at length however Lichas persuaded him and he
took up his abode there; and he dug up the grave and gathered together the bones and
went with them away to Sparta. From that time, whenever they made trial of one
another, the Lacedemonians had much the advantage in the war; and by now they had
subdued to themselves the greater part of Peloponnesus besides.
69. Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things was sending messengers
to Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for an alliance, having commanded them what
they ought to say: and they when they came said: "Croesus king of the Lydians and also
of other nations sent us hither and saith as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god
by an oracle bade me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore, since I am
informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you according to the oracle, desiring
to be your friend and your ally apart from all guile and deceit." Thus did Croesus
announce to the Lacedemonians through his messengers; and the Lacedemonians, who
themselves also had heard of the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased at the coming of
the Lydians and exchanged oaths of friendship and alliance: for they were bound to
Croesus also by some services rendered to them even before this time; since the
Lacedemonians had sent to Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose of using it
for the image of Apollo which is now set up on Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian
land; and Croesus, when they desired to buy it, gave it them as a gift.
70. For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance, and also
because he chose them as his friends, preferring them to all the other Hellenes. And not
only were they ready themselves when he made his offer, but they caused a mixingbowl to be made of bronze, covered outside with figures round the rim and of such a
size as to hold three hundred amphors, 84 and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as
a gift in return to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of which two
accounts are given as follows:—The Lacedemonians say that when the bowl was on its
way to Sardis and came opposite the land of Samos, the men of Samos having heard of
it sailed out with ships of war and took it away; but the Samians themselves say that the
Lacedemonians who were conveying the bowl, finding that they were too late and
hearing that Sardis had been taken and Croesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in Samos,
and certain private persons bought it and dedicated it as a votive offering in the temple
of Hera; and probably those who had sold it would say when they returned to Sparta
that it had been taken from them by the Samians.
71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but meanwhile Croesus, mistaking
the meaning of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia, expecting to
overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Persians: and while Croesus was preparing to
march against the Persians, one of the Lydians, who even before this time was thought
to be a wise man but in consequence of this opinion got a very great name for wisdom
among the Lydians, had advised Croesus as follows (the name of the man was
Sandanis):—"O king, thou art preparing to march against men who wear breeches of
leather, and the rest of their clothing is of leather also; and they eat food not such as
they desire but such as they can obtain, dwelling in a land which is rugged; and
moreover they make no use of wine but drink water; and no figs have they for dessert,
nor any other good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou
take away from them, seeing they have nothing? and on the other hand, if thou shalt be
overcome, consider how many good things thou wilt lose; for once having tasted our
good things, they will cling to them fast and it will not be possible to drive them away.
I for my own part feel gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the minds of the
Persians to march against the Lydians." Thus he spoke not persuading Croesus: for it is
true indeed that the Persians before they subdued the Lydians had no luxury nor any
good thing.
72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes Syrians; 85 and these Syrians,
before the Persians had rule, were subjects of the Medes, but at this time they were
subjects of Cyrus. For the boundary between the Median empire and the Lydian was the
river Halys; and this flows from the mountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians,
and afterwards, as it flows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and the Phrygians on
the other side; then passing by these and flowing up towards the North Wind, it bounds
on the one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the left hand the Paphlagonians. Thus
the river Halys cuts off from the rest almost all the lower parts of Asia by a line
extending from the sea that is opposite Cyprus to the Euxine. And this tract is the neck
of the whole peninsula, the distance of the journey being such that five days are spent
on the way by a man without encumbrance. 86
73. Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching into Cappadokia:—first
because he desired to acquire the land in addition to his own possessions, and then
especially because he had confidence in the oracle and wished to take vengeance on
Cyrus for Astyages. For Cyrus the son of Cambyses had conquered Astyages and was
keeping him in captivity, who was brother by marriage to Croesus and king of the
Medes: and he had become the brother by marriage of Croesus in this manner:—A
horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with the rest withdrew and sought refuge in the
land of the Medes: and at this time the ruler of the Medes was Kyaxares the son of
Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, who at first dealt well with these Scythians, being
suppliants for his protection; and esteeming them very highly he delivered boys to them
to learn their speech and the art of shooting with the bow. Then time went by, and the
Scythians used to go out continually to the chase and always brought back something;
till once it happened that they took nothing, and when they returned with empty hands
Kyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion, not of an eminently good disposition
87) dealt with them very harshly and used insult towards them. And they, when they
had received this treatment from Kyaxares, considering that they had suffered indignity,
planned to kill and to cut up one of the boys who were being instructed among them,
and having dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress the wild animals, to bear it
to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending that it was game taken in hunting; and when
they had given it, their design was to make their way as quickly as possible to Alyattes
the son of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then was done; and Kyaxares with the guests who
ate at his table tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so done became suppliants
for the protection of Alyattes.
74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians when Kyaxares
demanded them, there had arisen war between the Lydians and the Medes lasting five
years; in which years the Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often
discomfited the Medes (and among others they fought also a battle by night): 88 and as
they still carried on the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle took
place in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that suddenly the day became
night. And this change of the day Thales the Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying
down as a limit this very year in which the change took place. The Lydians however
and the Medes, when they saw that it had become night instead of day, ceased from
their fighting and were much more eager both of them that peace should be made
between them. And they who brought about the peace between them were Syennesis
the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian: 89 these were they who urged also the
taking of the oath by them, and they brought about an interchange of marriages; for
they decided that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis to Astyages the son of
Kyaxares, seeing that without the compulsion of a strong tie agreements are apt not to
hold strongly together. Now these nations observe the same ceremonies in taking oaths
as the Hellenes, and in addition to them they make incision into the skin of their arms,
and then lick up the blood each of the other.
75. This Astyages then, being his mother's father, Cyrus had conquered and made
prisoner for a reason which I shall declare in the history which comes after. 90 This
then was the complaint which Croesus had against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to
ask if he should march against the Persians; and when a deceitful answer had come
back to him, he marched into the dominion of the Persians, supposing that the answer
was favourable to himself. And when Croesus came to the river Halys, then, according
to my account, he passed his army across by the bridges which there were; but,
according to the account which prevails among the Hellenes, Thales the Milesian
enabled him to pass his army across. For, say they, when Croesus was at a loss how his
army should pass over the river (since, they add, there were not yet at that time the
bridges which now there are), Thales being present in the army caused the river, which
flowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also on the right; and he did it
thus:—beginning above the camp he proceeded to dig a deep channel, directing it in the
form of a crescent moon, so that the river might take the camp there pitched in the rear,
being turned aside from its ancient course by this way along the channel, and
afterwards passing by the camp might fall again into its ancient course; so that as soon
as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable by both branches: and some say
even that the ancient course of the river was altogether dried up. But this tale I do not
admit as true, for how then did they pass over the river as they went back?
76. And Croesus, when he had passed over with his army, came to that place in
Cappadokia which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the strongest place in this country, and
is situated somewhere about in a line with the city of Sinope 91 on the Euxine). Here he
encamped and ravaged the fields of the Syrians. Moreover he took the city of the
Pterians, and sold the people into slavery, and he took also all the towns that lay about
it; and the Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced to remove from their
homes. 92 Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his own forces and having taken up in
addition to them all who dwelt in the region between, was coming to meet Croesus.
Before he began however to lead forth his army, he had sent heralds to the Ionians and
tried to induce them to revolt from Croesus; but the Ionians would not do as he said.
Then when Cyrus was come and had encamped over against Croesus, they made trial of
one another by force of arms in the land of Pteria: and after hard fighting, when many
had fallen on both sides, at length, night having come on, they parted from one the
other with no victory on either side.
77. Thus the two armies contended with one another: and Croesus being ill satisfied
with his own army in respect of number (for the army which he had when he fought
was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being dissatisfied with it I say on this account, as
Cyrus did not attempt to advance against him on the following day, marched back to
Sardis, having it in his mind to call the Egyptians to his help according to the oath
which they had taken (for he had made an alliance with Amasis king of Egypt before he
made the alliance with the Lacedemonians), and to summon the Babylonians as well
(for with these also an alliance had been concluded by him, Labynetos 93 being at that
time ruler of the Babylonians), and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians
bidding them appear at a fixed time: and then after he had got all these together and had
gathered his own army, his design was to let the winter go by and at the coming of
spring to march against the Persians. So with these thoughts in his mind, as soon as he
came to Sardis he proceeded to send heralds to his several allies to give them notice
that by the fifth month from that time they should assemble at Sardis: but the army
which he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, an army which
consisted of mercenary troops, 94 he let go and disbanded altogether, never expecting
that Cyrus, after having contended against him with such even fortune, would after all
march upon Sardis.
78. When Croesus had these plans in his mind, the suburb of the city became of a
sudden all full of serpents; and when these had appeared, the horses leaving off to feed
in their pastures came constantly thither and devoured them. When Croesus saw this he
deemed it to be a portent, as indeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to
the dwelling of the Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the messengers who were
sent to consult arrived there and learnt from the Telmessians what the portent meant to
signify, but they did not succeed in reporting the answer to Croesus, for before they
sailed back to Sardis Croesus had been taken prisoner. The Telmessians however gave
decision thus: that an army speaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for by Croesus
to invade his land, and that this when it came would subdue the native inhabitants; for
they said that the serpent was born of the soil, while the horse was an enemy and a
stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made answer to Croesus after he was already
taken prisoner, not knowing as yet anything of the things which had happened to Sardis
and to Croesus himself.
79. Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched away after the battle which had
been fought in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant after he had marched away to
disband his army, took counsel with himself and concluded that it was good for him to
march as quickly as possible to Sardis, before the power of the Lydians should be again
gathered together. So when he had resolved upon this, he did it without delay: for he
marched his army into Lydia with such speed that he was himself the first to announce
his coming to Croesus. Then Croesus, although he had come to a great strait, since his
affairs had fallen out altogether contrary to his own expectation, yet proceeded to lead
forth the Lydians into battle. Now there was at this time no nation in Asia more
courageous or more stout in battle than the Lydian; and they fought on horseback
carrying long spears, the men being excellent in horsemanship.
80. So when the armies had met in that plain which is in front of the city of Sardis,—
a plain wide and open, through which flow rivers (and especially the river Hyllos) all
rushing down to join the largest called Hermos, which flows from the mountain sacred
to the Mother surnamed "of Dindymos" 95 and runs out into the sea by the city of
Phocaia,—then Cyrus, when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their
horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as follows:—all the camels which
were in the train of his army carrying provisions and baggage he gathered together, and
he took off their burdens and set men upon them provided with the equipment of
cavalry: and having thus furnished them forth he appointed them to go in front of the
rest of the army towards the horsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop he ordered
the infantry to follow; and behind the infantry he placed his whole force of cavalry.
Then when all his men had been placed in their several positions, he charged them to
spare none of the other Lydians, slaying all who might come in their way, but Croesus
himself they were not to slay, not even if he should make resistance when he was
captured. Such was his charge: and he set the camels opposite the horsemen for this
reason,—because the horse has a fear of the camel and cannot endure either to see his
form or to scent his smell: for this reason then the trick had been devised, in order that
the cavalry of Croesus might be useless, that very force wherewith the Lydian king was
expecting most to shine. And as they were coming together to the battle, so soon as the
horses scented the camels and saw them they turned away back, and the hopes of
Croesus were at once brought to nought. The Lydians however for their part did not
upon that act as cowards, but when they perceived what was coming to pass they leapt
from their horses and fought with the Persians on foot. At length, however, when many
had fallen on either side, the Lydians turned to flight; and having been driven within the
wall of their fortress they were besieged by the Persians.
81. By these then a siege had been established: but Croesus, supposing that the siege
would last a long time, proceeded to send from the fortress other messengers to his
allies. For the former messengers were sent round to give notice that they should
assemble at Sardis by the fifth month, but these he was sending out to ask them to come
to his assistance as quickly as possible, because Croesus was being besieged.
82. So then in sending to his other allies he sent also to Lacedemon. But these too,
the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very time (for so it had fallen out) a quarrel
in hand with the Argives about the district called Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of
the Argive possessions, the Lacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves. Now
the whole region towards the west extending as far down as Malea 96 was then
possessed by the Argives, both the parts situated on the mainland and also the island of
Kythera with the other islands. And when the Argives had come to the rescue to save
their territory from being cut off from them, then the two sides came to a parley
together and agreed that three hundred should fight of each side, and whichever side
had the better in the fight that nation should possess the disputed land: they agreed
moreover that the main body of each army should withdraw to their own country, and
not stand by while the contest was fought, for fear lest, if the armies were present, one
side seeing their countrymen suffering defeat should come up to their support. Having
made this agreement they withdrew; and chosen men of both sides were left behind and
engaged in fight with one another. So they fought and proved themselves to be equally
matched; and there were left at last of six hundred men three, on the side of the Argives
Alkenor and Chromios, and on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades: these were
left alive when night came on. So then the two men of the Argives, supposing that they
were the victors, set off to run to Argos, but the Lacedemonian Othryades, after having
stripped the corpses of the Argives and carried their arms to his own camp, remained in
his place. On the next day both the two sides came thither to inquire about the result;
and for some time both claimed the victory for themselves, the one side saying that of
them more had remained alive, and the others declaring that these had fled away,
whereas their own man had stood his ground and had stripped the corpses of the other
party: and at length by reason of this dispute they fell upon one another and began to
fight; and after many had fallen on both sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. The
Argives then cut their hair short, whereas formerly they were compelled by law to wear
it long, and they made a law with a curse attached to it, that from that time forth no man
of the Argives should grow the hair long nor their women wear ornaments of gold, until
they should have won back Thyrea. The Lacedemonians however laid down for
themselves the opposite law to this, namely that they should wear long hair from that
time forward, whereas before that time they had not their hair long. And they say that
the one man who was left alive of the three hundred, namely Othryades, being ashamed
to return to Sparta when all his comrades had been slain, slew himself there in Thyrea.
83. Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald from Sardis arrived
asking them to come to the assistance of Croesus, who was being besieged. And they
notwithstanding their own difficulties, as soon as they heard the news from the herald,
were eager to go to his assistance; but when they had completed their preparations and
their ships were ready, there came another message reporting that the fortress of the
Lydians had been taken and that Croesus had been made prisoner. Then (and not
before) they ceased from their efforts, being grieved at the event as at a great calamity.
84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows:—When the fourteenth day came
after Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus made proclamation to his army, sending
horsemen round to the several parts of it, that he would give gifts to the man who
should first scale the wall. After this the army made an attempt; and when it failed, then
after all the rest had ceased from the attack, a certain Mardian whose name was
Hyroiades made an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where no guard had
been set; for they had no fear that it would ever be taken from that side, seeing that here
the citadel is precipitous and unassailable. To this part of the wall alone Meles also,
who formerly was king of Sardis, did not carry round the lion which his concubine bore
to him, the Telmessians having given decision that if the lion should be carried round
the wall, Sardis should be safe from capture: and Meles having carried it round the rest
of the wall, that is to say those parts of the citadel where the fortress was open to attack,
passed over this part as being unassailable and precipitous: now this is a part of the city
which is turned towards Tmolos. So then this 97 Mardian Hyroiades, having seen on
the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that side of the citadel to
recover his helmet which had rolled down from above, and had picked it up, took
thought and cast the matter about in his own mind. Then he himself 98 ascended first,
and after him came up others of the Persians, and many having thus made approach,
Sardis was finally taken and the whole city was given up to plunder.
85. Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened thus:—He had a son, of whom I made
mention before, who was of good disposition enough but deprived of speech. Now in
his former time of prosperity Croesus had done everything that was possible for him,
and besides other things which he devised he had also sent messengers to Delphi to
inquire concerning him. And the Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:
"Lydian, master of many, much blind to destiny, Croesus,
Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice which is prayed for,
Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removèd,
Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune."
Now when the fortress was being taken, one of the Persians was about to slay
Croesus taking him for another; and Croesus for his part, seeing him coming on, cared
nothing for it because of the misfortune which was upon him, and to him it was
indifferent that he should be slain by the stroke; but this voiceless son, when he saw the
Persian coming on, by reason of terror and affliction burst the bonds of his utterance
and said: "Man, slay not Croesus." This son, I say, uttered voice then first of all, but
after this he continued to use speech for the whole time of his life.
86. The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken Croesus
himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had been besieged fourteen
days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had brought to an end his own great empire.
So the Persians having taken him brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled
up a great pyre and caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with
him twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this offering
as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether he desired to fulfil a vow, or else
had heard that Croesus was a god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre
because he wished to know if any one of the divine powers would save him, so that he
should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the
pyre there came, although he was in such evil case, a memory of the saying of Solon,
how he had said with divine inspiration that no one of the living might be called happy.
And when this thought came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply 99 and
groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times he uttered the name of
Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was this person on
whom he called; and they came near and asked. And Croesus for a time, it is said, kept
silence when he was asked this, but afterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more
than much wealth I should have desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since
his words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said; and as they
were urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once Solon an Athenian had
come, and having inspected all his wealth had made light of it, with such and such
words; and how all had turned out for him according as Solon had said, not speaking at
all especially with a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race
and especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And while Croesus
related these things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges of it round about were
burning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters what Croesus had said,
changed his purpose and considered that he himself also was but a man, and that he was
delivering another man, who had been not inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the
fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and reflected that there was nothing of that
which men possessed which was secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them to
extinguish as quickly as possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus
and those who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavours were not able
now to get the mastery of the flames.
87. Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned how Cyrus had
changed his mind, and seeing that every one was trying to put out the fire but that they
were no longer able to check it, cried aloud entreating Apollo that if any gift had ever
been given by him which had been acceptable to the god, he would come to his aid and
rescue him from the evil which was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god,
and suddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered and a storm
burst, and it rained with a very violent shower, and the pyre was extinguished. Then
Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover of the gods and a good man, caused
him to be brought down from the pyre and asked him as follows: "Croesus, tell me who
of all men was it who persuaded thee to march upon my land and so to become an
enemy to me instead of a friend?" and he said: "O king, I did this to thy felicity and to
my own misfortune, and the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes, who incited me
to march with my army. For no one is so senseless as to choose of his own will war
rather peace, since in peace the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their
sons. But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine powers that these things should come
to pass thus."
88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and caused him to sit near himself and
paid to him much regard, and he marvelled both himself and all who were about him at
the sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in thought was silent; but after a time, turning
round and seeing the Persians plundering the city of the Lydians, he said: "O king, must
I say to thee that which I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep silent in this my
present fortune?" Then Cyrus bade him say boldly whatsoever he desired; and he asked
him saying: "What is the business that this great multitude of men is doing with so
much eagerness?" and he said: "They are plundering thy city and carrying away thy
wealth." And Croesus answered: "Neither is it my city that they are plundering nor my
wealth which they are carrying away; for I have no longer any property in these things:
but it is thy wealth that they are carrying and driving away."
89. And Cyrus was concerned by that which Croesus had said, and he caused all the
rest to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned for his advantage as regards that
which was being done; and he said: "Since the gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think
it right if I discern anything more than others to signify it to thee. The Persians, who are
by nature unruly, 100 are without wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer them to carry off
in plunder great wealth and to take possession of it, then it is to be looked for that thou
wilt experience this result, thou must expect namely that whosoever gets possession of
the largest share will make insurrection against thee. Now therefore, if that which I say
is pleasing to thee, do this:—set spearmen of thy guard to watch at all the gates, and let
these take away the things, and say to the men who were bearing them out of the city
that they must first be tithed for Zeus: and thus thou on the one hand wilt not be hated
by them for taking away the things by force, and they on the other will willingly let the
things go, 101 acknowledging within themselves that thou art doing that which is just."
90. Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure pleased, because he thought that Croesus
advised well; and he commended him much and enjoined the spearmen of his guard to
perform that which Croesus had advised: and after that he spoke to Croesus thus:
"Croesus, since thou art prepared, like a king as thou art, to do good deeds and speak
good words, therefore ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee
forthwith." And he said: "Master, thou wilt most do me a pleasure if thou wilt permit
me to send to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honoured most of all gods, these fetters,
and to ask him whether it is accounted by him right to deceive those who do well to
him." Then Cyrus asked him what accusation he made against the god, that he thus
requested; and Croesus repeated to him all that had been in his mind, and the answers
of the Oracles, and especially the votive offerings, and how he had been incited by the
prophecy to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking he came back again to the
request that it might be permitted to him to make this reproach 102 against the god.
And Cyrus laughed and said: "Not this only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus, but
also whatsoever thou mayst desire of me at any time." Hearing this Croesus sent certain
of the Lydians to Delphi, enjoining them to lay the fetters upon the threshold of the
temple and to ask the god whether he felt no shame that he had incited Croesus by his
prophecies to march upon the Persians, persuading him that he should bring to an end
the empire of Cyrus, seeing that these were the first-fruits of spoil which he had won
from it,—at the same time displaying the fetters. This they were to ask, and moreover
also whether it was thought right by the gods of the Hellenes to practice ingratitude.
91. When the Lydians came and repeated that which they were enjoined to say, it is
related that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows: "The fated destiny it is impossible
even for a god to escape. And Croesus paid the debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor,
who being one of the spearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device of a
woman, and having slain his master took possession of his royal dignity, which
belonged not to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly desired that the calamity of
Sardis might come upon the sons of Croesus and not upon Croesus himself, it was not
possible for him to draw the Destinies aside from their course; but so much as these
granted he brought to pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put off the taking of
Sardis by three years; and let Croesus be assured that he was taken prisoner later by
these years than the fated time: moreover secondly, he assisted him when he was about
to be burnt. And as to the oracle which was given, Croesus finds fault with good
ground: for Loxias told him beforehand that if he should march upon the Persians he
should destroy a great empire: and he upon hearing this, if he wished to take counsel
well, ought to have sent and asked further whether the god meant his own empire or
that of Cyrus: but as he did not comprehend that which was uttered and did not ask
again, let him pronounce himself to be the cause of that which followed. To him also
103 when he consulted the Oracle for the last time Loxias said that which he said
concerning a mule; but this also he failed to comprehend: for Cyrus was in fact this
mule, seeing that he was born of parents who were of two different races, his mother
being of nobler descent and his father of less noble: for she was a Median woman,
daughter of Astyages and king of the Medes, but he was a Persian, one of a race subject
to the Medes, and being inferior in all respects he was the husband of one who was his
royal mistress." Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians, and they brought
the answer back to Sardis and repeated it to Croesus; and he, when he heard it,
acknowledged that the fault was his own and not that of the god. With regard then to
the empire of Croesus and the first conquest of Ionia, it happened thus.
92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings made by Croesus and not
only those which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes of the Boeotians there is a
tripod of gold, which he dedicated to the Ismenian Apollo; then at Ephesos there are the
golden cows and the greater number of the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of
Athene Pronaia at Delphi a large golden shield. These were still remaining down to my
own time, but others of his votive offerings have perished: and the votive offerings of
Croesus at Branchidai of the Milesians were, as I am told, equal in weight and similar
to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent to Delphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos
he dedicated of his own goods and as first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his father;
but the other offerings were made of the substance of a man who was his foe, who
before Croesus became king had been factious against him and had joined in
endeavouring to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon was a son of
Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the same mother, for Croesus was born to
Alyattes of a Carian woman, but Pantaleon of an Ionian. And when Croesus had gained
possession of the kingdom by the gift of his father, he put to death the man who
opposed him, drawing him upon the carding-comb; and his property, which even before
that time he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner mentioned to those
shrines which have been named. About his votive offerings let it suffice to have said so
much.
93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no great store as compared with
other lands, 104 excepting the gold-dust which is carried down from Tmolos; but one
work it has to show which is larger far than any other except only those in Egypt and
Babylon: for there is there the sepulchral monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus,
of which the base is made of larger stones and the rest of the monument is of earth piled
up. And this was built by contributions of those who practised trade and of the artisans
and the girls who plied their traffic there; and still there existed to my own time
boundary-stones five in number erected upon the monument above, on which were
carved inscriptions telling how much of the work was done by each class; and upon
measurement it was found that the work of the girls was the greatest in amount. For the
daughters of the common people in Lydia practice prostitution one and all, to gather for
themselves dowries, continuing this until the time when they marry; and the girls give
themselves away in marriage. Now the circuit of the monument is six furlongs and two
hundred feet, 105 and the breadth is thirteen hundred feet. 106 And adjoining the
monument is a great lake, which the Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water,
and it is called the lake of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this monument.
94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs as the Hellenes, with the
exception that they prostitute their female children; and they were the first of men, so
far as we know, who struck and used coin of gold or silver; and also they were the first
retail-traders. And the Lydians themselves say that the games which are now in use
among them and among the Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were
invented among them at the same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, 108 and this is the
account they give of them:—In the reign of Atys the son of Manes their king there
came to be a grievous dearth over the whole of Lydia; and the Lydians for a time
continued to endure it, but afterwards, as it did not cease, they sought for remedies; and
one devised one thing and another of them devised another thing. And then were
discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and the knucklebones and the
ball, and all the other games excepting draughts (for the discovery of this last is not
claimed by the Lydians). These games they invented as a resource against the famine,
and thus they used to do:—on one of the days they would play games all the time in
order that they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they ceased from their
games and had food: and thus they went on for eighteen years. As however the evil did
not slacken but pressed upon them ever more and more, therefore their king divided the
whole Lydian people into two parts, and he appointed by lot one part to remain and the
other to go forth from the land; and the king appointed himself to be over that one of
the parts which had the lot to stay in the land, and his son to be over that which was
departing; and the name of his son was Tyrsenos. So the one party of them, having
obtained the lot to go forth from the land, went down to the sea at Smyrna and built
ships for themselves, wherein they placed all the movable goods which they had and
sailed away to seek for means of living and a land to dwell in; until after passing by
many nations they came at last to the land of the Ombricans, 109 and there they
founded cities and dwell up to the present time: and changing their name they were
called after the king's son who led them out from home, not Lydians but Tyrsenians,
taking the name from him.
The Lydians then had been made subject to the Persians as I say:
95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he was that
destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in what manner they obtained
the lead of Asia. Following then the report of some of the Persians,—those I mean who
do not desire to glorify the history of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—
according to their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also the other forms of
the story in three several ways.
The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five hundred and twenty years, and from
them the Medes were the first who made revolt. These having fought for their freedom
with the Assyrians proved themselves good men, and thus they pushed off the yoke of
slavery from themselves and were set free; and after them the other nations also did the
same as the Medes: and when all on the continent were thus independent, they returned
again to despotic rule as follows:—
96. There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name was
Deïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, having formed a desire
for despotic power, did thus:—whereas the Medes dwelt in separate villages, he, being
even before that time of great repute in his own village, set himself to practise just
dealing much more and with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there
was much lawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew that
injustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same village, seeing his
manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since he was aiming at power, was upright
and just, and doing thus he had no little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch that
those of the other villages learning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others
gave decision rightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from unjust
judgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to Deïokes to have their
causes determined, and at last they trusted the business to no one else.
97. Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because men learnt that
his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokes perceiving that everything
was referred to himself would no longer sit in the place where he used formerly to sit in
public to determine causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for it was
not profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes for his
neighbours all through the day. So then, since robbery and lawlessness prevailed even
much more in the villages than they did before, the Medes having assembled together in
one place considered with one another and spoke about the state in which they were:
and I suppose the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this effect: "Seeing that we are not
able to dwell in the land under the present order of things, let us set up a king from
among ourselves, and thus the land will be well governed and we ourselves shall turn to
labour, and shall not be ruined by lawlessness." By some such words as these they
persuaded themselves to have a king.
98. And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should set up to be
king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one, until at last they
agreed that he should be their king. And he bade them build for him a palace worthy of
the royal dignity and strengthen him with a guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so:
for they built him a large and strong palace in that part of the land which he told them,
and they allowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he had
obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one fortified city and pay
chief attention to this, having less regard to the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed
him in this also, he built large and strong walls, those which are now called Agbatana,
standing in circles one within the other. And this wall is so contrived that one circle is
higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone. And to some extent, I
suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it is on a hill, assists towards this end; but
much more was it produced by art, since the circles are in all seven in number. 111 And
within the last circle are the royal palace and the treasure-houses. The largest of these
walls is in size about equal to the circuit of the wall round Athens; and of the first circle
the battlements are white, of the second black, of the third crimson, of the fourth blue,
of the fifth red: thus are the battlements of all the circles coloured with various tints,
and the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid with silver and the other
with gold.
99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace, and the
people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after all was built, Deïokes
established the rule, which he was the first to establish, ordaining that none should enter
into the presence of the king, but that they deal with him always through messengers;
and that the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit in
presence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception. 112 Now he
surrounded himself with this state 113 to the end that his fellows, who had been
brought up with him and were of no meaner family nor behind him in manly virtue,
might not be grieved by seeing him and make plots against him, but that being unseen
by them he might be thought to be of different mould.
100. Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in his despotism, he
was severe in preserving justice; and the people used to write down their causes and
send them in to his presence, and he determined the questions which were brought in to
him and sent them out again. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he
also took order for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving in an
unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each act of wrong
deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the land over which he ruled.
101. Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this: and of the
Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai, Paretakenians, Struchates,
Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of the Medes are so many in number.
102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead, having
been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power in succession; and having
received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of the Medes alone, but marched upon the
Persians; and attacking them first before others, he made these first subject to the
Medes. After this, being ruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he
proceeded to subdue Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he marched
against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at Nineveh, and who formerly
had been rulers of the whole, but at that time they were left without support their allies
having revolted from them, though at home they were prosperous enough. 114
Phraortes marched, I say, against these, and was both himself slain, after he had reigned
two-and-twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed.
103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son of Phraortes,
the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said to have been yet much more
warlike than his forefathers; and he first banded the men of Asia into separate divisions,
that is to say, he first arrayed apart from one another the spearmen and the archers and
the horsemen, for before that time they were all mingled together without distinction.
This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day became night as they fought,
and who also united under his rule the whole of Asia above the river Halys. 115 And
having gathered together all his subjects he marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father,
and also because he desired to conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with
the Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down before Nineveh there
came upon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and the leader of them was Madyas the
son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians. These had invaded Asia after driving the
Kimmerians out of Europe, and in pursuit of them as they fled they had come to the
land of Media.
104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of the Colchians
is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance; 117 and from Colchis it is not
far to pass over to Media, for there is only one nation between them, the Saspeirians,
and passing by this nation you are in Media. However the Scythians did not make their
invasion by this way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road 118 which is
much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand. Then the Medes fought with
the Scythians, and having been worsted in the battle they lost their power, and the
Scythians obtained rule over all Asia.
105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syria which is
called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and by gifts and entreaties he
turned them from their purpose, so that they should not advance any further: and as
they retreated, when they came to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians
passed through without doing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind
plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find by inquiry, is the
most ancient of all the temples which belong to this goddess; for the temple in Cyprus
was founded from this, as the people of Cyprus themselves report, and it was the
Phenicians who founded the temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So
these Scythians who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants for
ever, were smitten by the divinity 119 with a disease which made them women instead
of men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason that they were diseased, and
that for this reason travellers who visit Scythia now, see among them the affection of
those who by the Scythians are called Enareës.
106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia, and by their
unruliness and reckless behaviour everything was ruined; for on the one hand they
exacted that in tribute from each people which they laid upon them, 120 and apart from
the tribute they rode about and carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then
Kyaxares with the Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet,
made them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power, and had
rule over the same nations as before; and they also took Nineveh,—the manner how it
was taken I shall set forth in another history, 121—and made the Assyrians subject to
them excepting only the land of Babylon.
107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including those years
during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of Kyaxares received from him
the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom he named Mandane; and in his sleep it
seemed to him that there passed from her so much water as to fill his city and also to
flood the whole of Asia. This dream he delivered over 122 to the Magian interpreters of
dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became afraid. And
afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a husband, he did not give her in
marriage to any one of the Medes who were his peers, because he feared the vision; but
he gave her to a Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and
of a quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of middle rank.
108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year Astyages saw
another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this daughter a vine grew, and
this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision and delivered it to the
interpreters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the
land of the Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to
destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters of dreams
signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should be king in his room. Astyages
then desiring to guard against this, when Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who
was of kin near him and whom he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him
manager of all his affairs; and to him he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means,
Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest thou set me
aside, 123 and choosing the advantage of others instead, bring thyself afterwards to
destruction. Take the child which Mandane bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it;
and afterwards bury it in whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest." To this he made
answer: "O king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence against
thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time that comes after, that I
may not commit any error towards thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure that this should so
be done, my service at least must be fitly rendered."
109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him adorned as
for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words which had been spoken by
Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore, what is it in thy mind to do?" and he
made answer: "Not according as Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be
yet more out of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or serve
him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay the child; first
because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is old and without male issue, and
if after he is dead the power shall come through me, does not the greatest of dangers
then await me? To secure me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages
must be the slayer of it, and not one of mine."
110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the herdsmen of
Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which were most suitable for his
purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by wild beasts. The name of this man was
Mitradates, and he was married to one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the
woman to whom he was married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the
Median tongue Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca.
Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his cattle-pastures,
from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the Euxine Sea. For here in the
direction of the Saspeirians the Median land is very mountainous and lofty and thickly
covered with forests; but the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this
herdsman came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words:
"Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate part of the
mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible. And he bade me to say that if
thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the
most evil kind of destruction: 124 and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid
forth."
111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went back by the
way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also, as it seems, having been
every day on the point of bearing a child, by a providential chance brought her child to
birth just at that time, when the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in
anxiety, each for the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and
the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband, not having
been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he returned and stood before her, the
woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first to speak, and asked him for
what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so urgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came
to the city I saw and heard that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish
had never chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full of
mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as I entered I saw
laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath and screaming, which was adorned
with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade
me forthwith to take up the child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the
mountains which is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid
this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do this. And I took it
up and bore it away, supposing that it was the child of some one of the servants of the
house, for never could I have supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it
adorned with gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it
openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road, I learnt the
whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out of the city and placed in my
hands the babe, namely that it was in truth the son of Mandane the daughter of
Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now
here it is."
112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to her. And she,
seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and clung to the knees of her
husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it forth. But he said that he could not do
otherwise than so, for watchers would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos
to see that this was done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to
do this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next said as
follows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it forth, do thou this which
I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but
I have borne it dead. Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of
Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing a wrong to those
whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel for ourselves; for the dead child
will obtain a royal burial and the surviving one will not lose his life."
113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife spoke well, and
forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing to put to death, this he delivered to
his wife, and his own, which was dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had
been bearing the other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child,
he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it there. And when the
third day came after the child had been laid forth, the herdsman went to the city,
leaving one of his under-herdsmen to watch there, and when he came to the house of
Harpagos he said that he was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos
sent the most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the
herdsman's child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards called Cyrus
the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him up, giving him no doubt
some other name, not Cyrus.
114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him as follows,
and this made him known. He was playing in the village in which were stalls for oxen,
he was playing there, I say, with other boys of his age in the road. And the boys in their
play chose as their king this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set
some of them to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them
no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the office of bearing
the messages, 12401 appointing a work for each one severally. Now one of these boys
who was playing with the rest, the son of Artembares a man of repute among the
Medes, did not do that which Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the
other boys seize him hand and foot, 125 and when they obeyed his command he dealt
with the boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being made
much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with indignity, went
down to the city and complained to his father of the treatment which he had met with
from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for this was not yet his name, but the son of the
herdsman of Astyages. And Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to
Astyages, taking the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that
were unfitting and said: "O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we have been
thus outraged," showing him the shoulders of his son.
115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy to avenge
the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his son. And when both were
present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said: "Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean
a father as this, to treat with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my
favour?" And he replied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For the boys of the
village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me up as king over them, for I
appeared to them most fitted for this place. Now the other boys did what I commanded
them, but this one disobeyed and paid no regard, until at last he received the
punishment due. If therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before
thee."
116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of recognition of
him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to resemble his own, and his answer
appeared to be somewhat over free for his station, while the time of the laying forth
seemed to agree with the age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things,
for a time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered himself, he
said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might get the herdsman by
himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will so order these things that thou and
thy son shall have no cause to find fault"; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the
servants upon the command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was
left alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had received
the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman said that
he was his own son, and that the mother was living with him still as his wife. But
Astyages said that he was not well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme
necessity, and as he said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him.
So he, as he was being led away to the torture, 126 then declared the story as it really
was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the whole, telling the truth
about it, and finally ended with entreaties, asking that he would grant him pardon.
117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared less
about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and bade his spearmen
summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him thus: "By what death,
Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I delivered to thee, born of my daughter?"
and Harpagos, seeing that the herdsman was in the king's palace, turned not to any false
way of speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows: "O king,
so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered how I should do
according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy command I might not be guilty
of murder against thy daughter and against thyself. I did therefore thus:—I called this
herdsman and delivered the child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him
slay it—and in this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it, I say,
to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain, and to stay by it and
watch it until it should die, threatening him with all kinds of punishment if he should
fail to accomplish this. And when he had done that which was ordered and the child
was dead, I sent the most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the
child. Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this death which I
say."
118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger which he
kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he related the matter over
again to Harpagos according as he had been told it by the herdsman, and afterwards,
when it had been thus repeated by him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and
that that which had come to pass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled
by that which had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing that I had been
made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider that this is a happy change of
fortune, and first send thy son to be with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing
that I intend to make a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those
gods to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."
119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great matter that
his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that he had been invited to dinner
with happy augury; 127 and so he went to his house. And having entered it straightway,
he sent forth his son, for he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him
go to the palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he
himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But Astyages, when
the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided him limb from limb, and having
roasted some pieces of the flesh and boiled others he caused them to be dressed for
eating and kept them ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests
were present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before Astyages
himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but before Harpagos was placed
the flesh of his own son, all but the head and the hands and the feet, 128 and these were
laid aside covered up in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied
with food, Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and
when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had been
commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered up, together with the
hands and the feet; and standing near they bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that
which he desired. So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his
son; and seeing them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and
Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been eating the flesh:
and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever the king might do was well pleasing
to him. Thus having made answer and taking up the parts of the flesh which still
remained he went to his house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts
together and bury them.
120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took thought, and
summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment about his dream in
the manner which has been said: and when they came, Astyages asked how they had
given judgment about his vision; and they spoke according to the same manner, saying
that the child must have become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He
made answer to them thus: "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he was
dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and he performed
completely all those things which they do who are really kings; for he exercised rule,
130 appointed to their places spearmen of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of
messages and all else. Now therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things
tend?" The Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became king without any
arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage, for he shall not
be ruler again the second time; since some even of our oracles have had but small
results, 131 and that at least which has to do with dreams comes often in the end to a
feeble accomplishment." Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, O
Magians, am most disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was
named king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer a source of
danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well considered what is likely to
be most safe both for my house and for you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us
also, O king, it is of great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other
case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a Persian, and we
being Medes are made slaves and become of no account in the eyes of the Persians,
seeing that we are of different race; but while thou art established as our king, who art
one of our own nation, we both have our share of rule and receive great honours from
thee. Thus then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now, if
we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee beforehand: but as
the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner, both we ourselves are of good cheer
and we exhort thee to be so likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before
thine eyes to the Persians and to his parents."
121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to him thus:
"My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream which has not come to pass,
but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny; now therefore go in peace to the land of the
Persians, and I will send with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come
thither, thou shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the
herdsman and his wife."
122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had returned and
come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that, when they
learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they had supposed without doubt
that their son had perished straightway after his birth; and they inquired in what manner
he had survived. And he told them, saying that before this he had not known but had
been utterly in error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for he had
supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of Astyages, but since his
journey from the city began he had learnt the whole story from those who conducted
him. And he said that he had been brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and
continued to praise her throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And
his parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might be thought by
the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural manner, they set on foot a
report that Cyrus when he was exposed had been reared by a bitch: 132 and from that
source has come this report.
123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the most
courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his friend and sent him
gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on Astyages. For he saw not how from
himself, who was in a private station, punishment should come upon Astyages; but
when he saw Cyrus growing up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness
between the fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had effected
something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicated
severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded them that they must make
Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease from being king. When he had effected
this and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing to make known his design to
Cyrus, who lived among the Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads
were watched, but devised a scheme as follows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut
open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it, just as it was, a piece
of paper, having written upon it that which he thought good; and then he sewed up
again the belly of the hare, and giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his
servants whom he trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining
him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the same time to
open it with his own hands and let no one else be present when he did so.
124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the hare, cut
it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read it over. And the writing
said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst
never have come to so much good fortune. Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on
Astyages who is thy murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by
the care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou hast long ago
learnt from first to last, both how it happened about thyself, and also what things I have
suffered from Astyages, because I did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If
therefore thou wilt be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now
Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army against the
Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army against thee, or any other of
the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what thou desirest; for these will be the first to
attempt to destroy Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider
then that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with speed."
125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might most
skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he found that this was the
most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—He wrote first on a paper that which he
desired to write, and he made an assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper
and reading from it said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and
now, O Persians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with a
reaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of the Persians
many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and persuaded to revolt from
the Medes, namely those, upon which all the other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the
Maraphians and the Maspians, and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom
also the Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd 134 kings. But other
Persian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, the Derusiaians and the
Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and the rest are nomad tribes, namely the
Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and Sagartians.)
126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was overgrown with
thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in each direction; and when all had
come with that which they had been before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear
this region for cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the task
proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and clean. Meanwhile
Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the flocks of goats and sheep and the
herds of cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to
entertain the host of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the
most agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them recline
in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner, Cyrus asked them
whether that which they had on the former day or that which they had now seemed to
them preferable. They said that the difference between them was great, for the former
day had for them nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this
saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men of the Persians, thus
it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and ten thousand other good things,
with no servile labour; but if ye will not do as I say, ye have labours like that of
yesterday innumerable. Now therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem
to myself to have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand; and I
think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other matters or in those
which have to do with war. Consider then that this is so, and make revolt from
Astyages forthwith."
127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set themselves
free, since they had already for a long time been indignant to be ruled by the Medes:
but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting thus, he sent a messenger and
summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger report to Astyages that he would be
with him sooner than he would himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the
Medes, and blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of the
army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had marched out and
began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued the battle, namely those who
had not been made partakers in the design, while others went over to the Persians; but
the greater number were wilfully slack and fled.
128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as Astyages
heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shall Cyrus at least escape
punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled the Magian interpreters of dreams
who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed those of the Medes, youths
and old men, who had been left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged
battle with the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and he
lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth.
129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him and
rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which he said to grieve
him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to be a slave instead of a king, making
reference to that dinner at which Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own
son. 135 He looking at him asked him in return whether he claimed the work of Cyrus
as his own deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed was
justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the most unskilful and the
most unjust of men; the most unskilful because, when it was in his power to become
king (as it was, if that which had now been done was really brought about by him), he
had conferred the chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of
that dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer the
kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just to give this good thing
to one of the Medes rather than to one of the Persians; whereas now the Medes, who
were guiltless of this, had become slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who
formerly were slaves of the Medes had now become their masters.
130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus caused to
cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of the Persians because
of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the river Halys for one hundred and
twenty-eight years, except during that period for which the Scythians had rule. 136
Afterwards however it repented them that they had done this, and they revolved from
Dareios, and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a battle. At
this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians with Cyrus rose up against
the Medes and from that time forth were rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did
no harm to him besides, but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred
Cyrus became king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the
quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became ruler of all Asia.
131. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians practise:—Images
and temples and altars they do not account it lawful to erect, nay they even charge with
folly those who do these things; and this, as it seems to me, because they do not account
the gods to be in the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform
sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the mountains, and the whole circle of
the heavens they call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the Earth, to
Fire and to Water and to the Winds: these are the only gods to whom they have
sacrificed ever from the first; but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania,
having learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the Assyrians call
Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601 and the Persians Mitra.
132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which is established
among the Persians:—they make no altars neither do they kindle fire; and when they
mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal
for sprinkling; 138 but when a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads
the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, having his tiara
13801 wreathed round generally with a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately
the man who sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer, but he prays that it
may be well with all the Persians and with the king; for he himself also is included of
course in the whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the victim into pieces
and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass and especially clover, upon
which he places forthwith all the pieces of flesh; and when he has placed them in order,
a Magian man stands by them and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they
say that their incantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for them to
make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the sacrificer carries away the flesh and
uses it for whatever purpose he pleases.
133. And of all days their wont is to honour most that on which they were born, each
one: on this they think it right to set out a feast more liberal than on other days; and in
this feast the wealthier of them set upon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass,
roasted whole in an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same
way. They have few solid dishes, 139 but many served up after as dessert, and these not
in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say that the Hellenes leave off dinner
hungry, because after dinner they have nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert,
whereas if any good dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon. To
wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not permitted for a man to vomit or to
make water in presence of another. Thus do they provide against these things; and they
are wont to deliberate when drinking hard about the most important of their affairs, and
whatsoever conclusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the next day,
when they are sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be when they
deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if it pleases them when they are sober
also, they adopt it, but if it does not please them, they let it go: and that on which they
have had the first deliberation when they are sober, they consider again when they are
drinking.
134. When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern whether
those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of greeting by words they kiss one
another on the mouth; but if one of them is a little inferior to the other, they kiss one
another on the cheeks, and if one is of much less noble rank than the other, he falls
down before him and does worship to him. 140 And they honour of all most after
themselves those nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell next
nearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion to distance; and they hold least
in honour those who dwell furthest off from themselves, esteeming themselves to be by
far the best of all the human race on every point, and thinking that others possess merit
according to the proportion which is here stated, 141 and that those who dwell furthest
from themselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the Medes the various
nations used also to govern one another according to the same rule as the Persians
observe in giving honour, 142 the Medes governing the whole and in particular those
who dwelt nearest to themselves, and these having rule over those who bordered upon
them, and those again over the nations that were next to them: for the race went forward
thus ever from government by themselves to government through others.
135. The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for they both wear
the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own, and also for fighting the
Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and
in particular they have learnt from the Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They
marry each one several lawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of
concubines.
136. It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after excellence in fight, to
be able to show many sons; and to those who have most the king sends gifts every year:
for they consider number to be a source of strength. And they educate their children,
beginning at five years old and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in
shooting, and in speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years old he does not
come into the presence of his father, but lives with the women; and it is so done for this
reason, that if the child should die while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause of
any grief to his father.
137. I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next to be
mentioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to death for one cause
alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause alone shall do hurt that is
irremediable to any of his own servants; but if after reckoning he finds that the wrongs
done are more in number and greater than the services rendered, 143 then only he gives
vent to his anger. Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or mother,
but whatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this nature, if examined
must necessarily, they say, be found to be due either to changelings or to children of
adulterous birth; for, say they, it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would
be killed by his own son.
138. Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is not lawful for them
even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in their estimation is to tell an lie, and
next to this to owe money, this last for many other reasons, but especially because it is
necessary, they say, for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and
whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he does not come
into a city nor mingle with the other Persians; and they say that he has these diseases
because he has offended in some way against the Sun: but a stranger who is taken by
these diseases, in many regions 144 they drive out of the country altogether, and also
white doves, alleging against them the same cause. And into a river they neither make
water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it, nor allow any other to do these
things, but they reverence rivers very greatly.
139. This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians have themselves
failed to notice but I have not failed to do so:—their names, which are formed to
correspond with their bodily shapes or their magnificence of station, end all with the
same letter, that letter which the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this you
will find, if you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, not some with this
and others with other letters, but all alike.
140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge about them: but
what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mystery and not with clearness,
namely that the body of a Persian man is not buried until it has been torn by a bird or a
dog. (The Magians I know for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.)
However that may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the
earth. Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men, as also from
the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter of purity to kill no living creature
except the animals which they sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands all
creatures except dogs and men, and they even make this a great end to aim at, killing
both ants and serpents and all other creeping and flying things. About this custom then
be it as it was from the first established; and I return now to the former narrative. 145
141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued by the
Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his subjects on the same
terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And when he heard that which they
proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable, saying that a certain player on the pipe saw
fishes in the sea and played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land;
but being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed a great
multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and when he saw them
leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I pray you now, seeing that ye would
not come out and dance before when I piped." Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and
Aiolians for this reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus
himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now when the
conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he said to them in
anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer brought back to their cities, put
walls round about them severally, and gathered together to the Panionion, all except the
men of Miletos, for with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms
as the Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent to
send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.
142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to build their
cities in the most favourable position for climate and seasons of any men whom we
know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor those below, neither those towards the
East nor those towards the West, 146 produce the same results as Ionia itself, the
regions in the one direction being oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the
other by heat and drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have four
different variations of language. 147 First of their cities on the side of the South lies
Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These are settlements made in Caria, and
speak the same language with one another; and the following are in Lydia,—Ephesos,
Colophon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those
mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with another. There
remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are established in the islands of Samos
and Chios, and one is built upon the mainland, namely Erythrai: now the men of Chios
and of Erythrai use the same form of language, but the Samians have one for
themselves alone. Thus there result four separate forms of language.
143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger, since they
had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in islands had no cause for fear,
for the Phenicians were not yet subjects of the Persians and the Persians themselves
were not sea-men. Now these 148 were parted off from the other Ionians for no other
reason than this:—The whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its races
the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account: except Athens, indeed, it had no
considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and among them the Athenians, avoided the
name, not wishing to be called Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number
of them are ashamed of the name: but these twelve cities not only prided themselves on
the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave the name of
Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in it to any other Ionians (nor
indeed did any ask to share it except those of Smyrna);
144, just as the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five Cities 149 but
was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take care not to admit any of the neighbouring
Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and even exclude from sharing in it those of their
own body who commit any offence as regards the temple. For example, in the games of
the Triopian Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the victors,
and the rule was that those who received them should not carry them out of the temple
but dedicate them then and there to the god. There was a man then of Halicarnassos,
whose name was Agasicles, who being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried
away the tripod to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground the
other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos, excluded the sixth city
Halicarnassos from sharing in the temple.
145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think that the reason
why they made of themselves twelve cities and would not receive any more into their
body, was because when they dwelt in Peloponnesus there were of them twelve
divisions, just as now there are twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians
out: for first, (beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and
Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence the river of the
same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and Helike, to which the Ionians fled
for refuge when they were worsted by the Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes
and Patreis and Phareis and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dyme and
Tritaieis, of which the last alone has an inland position. 151 These form now twelve
divisions of the Achaians, and in former times they were divisions of the Ionians.
146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve cities; for at
any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than the other Ionians, or have at all a
nobler descent, is mere folly, considering that a large part of them are Abantians from
Euboea, who have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have
been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who seceded
from their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia and Dorians of
Epidauros and many other races have been mingled with them; and those of them who
set forth to their settlements from the City Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves
the most noble by descent of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to
their settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on account of
this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule, imposing oaths on one
another, and handed it on to their daughters, that they should never eat with their
husbands, nor should a wife call her own husband by name, for this reason, because the
Ionians had slain their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had
them to wife. This happened at Miletos.
147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants of Glaucos
and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos, descendants of
Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes of the two races combined.
Since however these hold on to the name more than the other Ionians, let them be
called, if they will, the Ionians of truly pure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who
have their descent from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep
except the men of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do not keep
the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.
148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale, set apart by
common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike 152; and this Mycale is a
promontory of the mainland running out Westwards towards Samos, where the Ionians
gathering together from their cities used to hold a festival which they called the
Panionia. (And not only the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes
equally are subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, just like the
names of the Persians.) 153
These then are the Ionian cities:
149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, which is called Phriconis, Larisai,
Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa, Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia;
these are the ancient cities of the Aiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was
severed from them by the Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used
also formerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune to settle in a
land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in respect of climate less
favoured. 154
150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner:—certain men of
Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven from their native
city, were received there for refuge: and after this the Colophonian exiles watched for a
time when the men of Smyrna were celebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls,
and then they closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After this,
when the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an agreement that the
Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that on this condition the Aiolians
should abandon Smyrna. When the men of Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven
cities divided them amongst themselves and made them their own citizens.
151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with the exception of those
situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from the rest. And of those which are in
the islands, there are five in Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely
Arisba, was enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same
race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are called the
"Hundred Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos, like those Ionians who
dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but the remaining cities came to a common
agreement to follow the Ionians whithersoever they should lead.
152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to Sparta (for
this business was carried out with speed), they chose before all others to speak for them
the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He then put upon him a purple cloak, in
order that as many as possible of the Spartans might hear of it and come together, and
having been introduced before the assembly 155 he spoke at length, asking the Spartans
to help them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to him, but resolved on the
contrary not to help the Ionians. So they departed, and the Lacedemonians, having
dismissed the messengers of the Ionians, sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty
oars, to find out, as I imagine, about the affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when
they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man of most repute among them, whose name
was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt
to no city of the Hellas, since they would not permit it.
153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those of the
Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were and how many in
number, that they made this proclamation to him; and hearing their answer he said to
the Spartan herald: "Never yet did I fear men such as these, who have a place appointed
in the midst of their city where they gather together and deceive one another by false
oaths: and if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians will be for
them a subject of talk, but rather their own." These words Cyrus threw out scornfully
with reference to the Hellenes in general, because they have got for themselves 156
markets and practise buying and selling there; for the Persians themselves are not wont
to use markets nor have they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to
Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians he gave to
Pactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched away to Agbatana, taking with
him Croesus and making for the present no account of the Ionians. For Babylon stood
in his way still, as also the Bactrian nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians; and
against these he meant to make expeditions himself, while sending some other
commander about the Ionians.
154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused the Lydians to
revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to the sea, and having in his
possession all the gold that there had been in Sardis, he hired for himself mercenaries
and persuaded the men of the sea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis
and besieged Tabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel.
155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows: "Croesus, what end
shall I find of these things which are coming to pass? The Lydians will not cease as it
seems, from giving trouble to me and from having it themselves. I doubt me if it were
not best 157 to sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like manner
as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so I took prisoner and am
carrying away thee, who wert much more than the father of the Lydians, while to the
Lydians themselves I delivered up their city; and can I feel surprise after this that they
have revolted from me?" Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him
as follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O king, that which thou hast said is
not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent to thy wrath, nor destroy an
ancient city which is guiltless both of the former things and also of those which have
come to pass now: for as to the former things it was I who did them and I bear the
consequences heaped upon my head; 158 and as for what is now being done, since the
wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis, let him pay the
penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay upon them commands as follows,
in order that they may not revolt nor be a cause of danger to thee:—send to them and
forbid them to possess weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics
under their outer garments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they
train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers; and soon thou shalt
see, O king, that they have become women instead of men, so that there will be no fear
that they will revolt from thee."
156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this was better for the
Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he knew that if he did not offer a
sufficient reason, he would not persuade Cyrus to change his mind, and he feared lest at
some future time, if they should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt
from the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the suggestion
made and slackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with his advice. Then he
called Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to proclaim to the Lydians that which
Croesus suggested, and moreover to sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with
the Lydians in the expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring Pactyas
himself alive to Cyrus.
157. Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to the native
land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army was approaching to fight against
him was struck with fear and fled away forthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede
marched upon Sardis with a certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find
Pactyas or his followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians to perform
the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed the whole manner
of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send messengers to Kyme bidding them
give up Pactyas: and the men of Kyme resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the
question what counsel they should follow. For there was there an Oracle established of
old time, which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this place is in
the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.
158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159 to inquire of the
god, and they asked what course they should take about Pactyas so as to do that which
was pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired, the answer was given them that they
should deliver up Pactyas to the Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this
answer reported, were disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were
thus disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among the citizens,
stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of the answer and thinking
that those sent to inquire were not speaking the truth; until at last other messengers
were sent to the Oracle to ask a second time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos
was one.
159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the rest and
consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there came to us a suppliant for
protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a violent death at the hands of the Persians,
and they demand him from us, bidding the men of Kyme give him up. But we, though
we fear the power of the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver to
them the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us, saying which of
the two things we ought to do." He thus inquired, but the god again declared to them
the same answer, bidding them deliver up Pactyas to the Persians. Upon this
Aristodicos with deliberate purpose did as follows:—he went all round the temple
destroying the nests of the sparrows 161 and of all the other kinds of birds which had
been hatched on the temple: and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came
from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: "Thou most impious of
men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry away by force from my temple the
suppliants for my protection?" And Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss
replied to this: "Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants, and yet
biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?" and the god answered him again thus:
"Yea, I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more quickly for your impiety; so that ye
may not at any future time come to the Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants."
160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing either to be
destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him with them, they sent him
away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, when Mazares sent messages to them,
were preparing to deliver up Pactyas for a price, but what the price was I cannot say for
certain, since the bargain was never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt
that this was being done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and conveyed away
Pactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from the temple of Athene
Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the Chians delivered him up receiving
Atarneus in return, (now this Atarneus is a region of Mysia 162 opposition Lesbos). So
the Persians having received Pactyas kept him under guard, meaning to produce him
before Cyrus. And a long time elapsed during which none of the Chians either used
barley-meal grown in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out in sacrifice to any god, or
baked cakes for offering of the corn which grew there, but all the produce of this land
was excluded from every kind of sacred service.
161. The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after this Mazares made
expedition against those who had joined in besieging Tabalos: and first he reduced to
slavery those of Priene, then he overran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil
of it for his army, and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway after this he fell
sick and died.
162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command, being
also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the Medes Astyages feasted
with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give the kingdom to Cyrus). This man,
being appointed commander then by Cyrus, came to Ionia and proceeded to take the
cities by throwing up mounds against them: for when he had enclosed any people
within their walls, then he threw up mounds against the walls and took their city by
storm; and the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.
163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made long voyages,
and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia and Iberia and Tartessos:
and they made voyages not in round ships, but in vessels of fifty oars. These came to
Tartessos and became friends with the king of the Tartessians whose name was
Arganthonios: he was ruler of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived in all one
hundred and twenty. With this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly
friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they desired in his own
land; and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians to do this, afterwards, hearing from
them of the Mede how his power was increasing, he gave them money to build a wall
about their city: and he did this without sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many
furlongs 163 in extent, and it is built all of large stones closely fitted together.
164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagos having
marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the same time holding forth to
them proposals and saying that it was enough to satisfy him if the Phocaians were
willing to throw down one battlement of their wall and dedicate one single house. 164
But the Phocaians, being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that
they wished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that they would give
their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from the wall while they were
deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very well what they were meaning to do,
nevertheless he was willing to allow them to deliberate. So in the time that followed,
when Harpagos had withdrawn his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their
fifty-oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and women and all their
movable goods, and besides them the images out of the temples and the other votive
offerings except such as were made of bronze or stone or consisted of paintings, all the
rest, I say, they put into the ships, and having embarked themselves they sailed towards
Chios; and the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being deserted of the
inhabitants.
165. But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell them at their
request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest these islands might be made a seat
of trade and their island might be shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos: 165 for in
Kyrnos twenty years before this they had established a city named Alalia, in accordance
with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And when they were setting
out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and slaughtered the Persian garrison, to
whose charge Harpagos had delivered the city; then after they had achieved this they
made solemn imprecations on any one of them who should be left behind from their
voyage, and moreover they sank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that not until that
mass should appear again on the surface 166 would they return to Phocaia. However as
they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of the citizens were seized with
yearning and regret for their city and for their native land, and they proved false to their
oath and sailed back to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the oath still, weighed
anchor from the islands of Oinussai and sailed.
166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together with those who
had come thither before, and they founded temples there. Then, since they plundered
the property of all their neighbours, the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 made
expedition against them by agreement with one another, each with sixty ships. And the
Phocaians also manned their vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy in
that which is called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one another in the
sea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory, for forty of their ships were
destroyed and the remaining twenty were disabled, having had their prows bent aside.
So they sailed in to Alalia and took up their children and their women and their other
possessions as much as their ships proved capable of carrying, and then they left
Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion.
167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the Carthaginians and
Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them, 168 and these they brought to
land and killed by stoning. After this the men of Agylla found that everything which
passed by the spot where the Phocaians were laid after being stoned, became either
distorted, or crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and human
creatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge themselves of the
offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that which the men of Agylla still
continue to perform, that is to say, they make great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and
hold at the place a contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians
had the fate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegion started
from thence and took possession of that city in the land of Oinotria which now is called
Hyele. This they founded having learnt from a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian
prophetess by her answer meant them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero,
and not to found a settlement in the island of Kyrnos. 169
168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thing also was
done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their wall with a mound, they
embarked in their ships and sailed straightway for Thrace; and there they founded the
city of Abdera, which before them Timesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit
therefrom, but was driven out by the Thracians; and now he is honoured as a hero by
the Teïans in Abdera.
169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because they would not
endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the Milesians did indeed contend in
arms with Harpagos like those who left their homes, and proved themselves brave men,
fighting each for his own native city; but when they were defeated and captured they
remained all in their own place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the
Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agreement with Cyrus himself
and kept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been reduced to subjection. And when
Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on the mainland, then the Ionians who dwelt in the
islands, being struck with fear by these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus.
170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuing still to
hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man of Priene set forth to the
Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitable counsel, by following which they might
have been the most prosperous of all the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set
forth in one common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single city
for all the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and would be prosperous,
inhabiting the largest of all islands and being rulers over others; whereas, if they
remained in Ionia, he did not perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer exist for
them. This was the counsel given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been ruined;
but a good counsel too was given before the ruin of Ionia by Thales a man of Miletos,
who was by descent of Phenician race. He advised the Ionians to have one single seat of
government, 170 and that this should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of
Ionia), and that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but accounted just as if
they were demes.
These men 171 set forth to them counsels of the kind which I have said:
171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against the Carians and
Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to help him. Of these the
Carians came to the mainland from the islands; for being of old time subjects of Minos
and being called Leleges, they used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far
back as I am able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used to
supply his ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was fortunate in
his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much the most famous at that time
together with him. And they produced three inventions of which the Hellenes adopted
the use; that is to say, the Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening
crests on helmets, and of making the devices which are put onto shields, and these also
were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to that time all who were
wont to use shields carried them without handles and with leathern straps to guide
them, having them hung about their necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse
of a long time the Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they
came to the mainland. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate that it happened
thus; the Carians themselves however do not agree with this account, but suppose that
they are dwellers on the mainland from the beginning, 172 and that they went always
by the same name which they have now: and they point as evidence of this to an ancient
temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being
brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and Mysos were brothers of Car;
these share in it, but those who being of another race have come to speak the same
language as the Carians, these have no share in it.
172. It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from the beginning,
though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but they have been assimilated
to the Carian race in language, or else the Carians to the Caunian race, I cannot with
certainty determine which. They have customs however in which they differ very much
from all other men as well as from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their
estimation is to meet together in numbers for drinking, according to equality of age or
friendship, both men, women, and children; and again when they had founded temples
for foreign deities, afterwards they changed their purpose and resolved to worship only
their own native gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their armour
and made pursuit as far as the borders of the Calyndians, beating the air with their
spears; and they said that they were casting the foreign gods out of the land. Such are
the customs which these have.
173. The Lykians however have sprung originally from Crete (for in old time the
whole of Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when the sons of Europa, Sarpedon
and Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about the kingdom, Minos having got the
better in the strife of parties drove out both Sarpedon himself and those of his party:
and they having been expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for the land which
now the Lykians inhabit was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans were then called
Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called by the name which
they had when they came thither, and by which the Lykians are even now called by the
neighbouring tribes, namely Termilai; but when from Athens Lycos the son of Pandion
came to the land of the Termilai and to Sarpedon, he too having been driven out by his
brother namely Aigeus, then by the name taken from Lycos they were called after a
time Lykians. The customs which these have are partly Cretan and partly Carian; but
one custom they have which is peculiar to them, and in which they agree with no other
people, that is they call themselves by their mothers and not by their fathers; and if one
asks his neighbour who he is, he will state his parentage on the mother's side and
enumerate his mother's female ascendants: and if a woman who is a citizen marry a
slave, the children are accounted to be of gentle birth; but if a man who is a citizen,
though he were the first man among them, have a slave for wife or concubine, the
children are without civil rights.
174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by Harpagos without any brilliant
deed displayed either by the Carians themselves or by those of the Hellenes who dwell
in this land. Of these last there are besides others the men of Cnidos, settlers from
Lacedemon, whose land runs out into the sea, 173 being in fact the region which is
called Triopion, beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the land of
Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for the part of it which looks towards
the North is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and that which looks to the South by the
sea off Syme and Rhodes), therefore the men of Cnidos began to dig through this small
part, which is about five furlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring
to make their land an island: and within the isthmus all was theirs, 174 for where the
territory of Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland, here is the isthmus which they
were digging across. And while the Cnidians were working at it with a great number of
men, it was perceived that the men who worked suffered injury much more than might
have been expected and in a more supernatural manner, both in other parts of their
bodies and especially in their eyes, when the rock was being broken up; so they sent
men to ask the Oracle at Delphi what the cause of the difficulty was. And the Pythian
prophetess, as the men of Cnidos themselves report, gave them this reply in trimeter
verse:—
"Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through;
Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed."
When the Pythian prophetess had given this oracle, the men of Cnidos not only
ceased from their digging but delivered themselves to Harpagos without resistance,
when he came against them with his army.
175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the inland country above
Halicarnassos; and among these, whenever anything hurtful is about to happen either to
themselves or to their neighbours, the priestess of Athene has a great beard: this befell
them three times. These of all about Caria were the only men who held out for any time
against Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more than any other people, having
fortified a mountain called Lide.
176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, when Harpagos
marched his army into the plain of Xanthos, came out against him 175 and fought, few
against many, and displayed proofs of valour; but being defeated and confined within
their city, they gathered together into the citadel their wives and their children, their
property and their servants, and after that they set fire to this citadel, so that it was all in
flames, and having done so and sworn terrible oaths with one another, they went forth
against the enemy 176 and were slain in fight, that is to say all the men of Xanthos: and
of the Xanthians who now claim to be Lykians the greater number have come in from
abroad, except only eighty households; but these eighty households happened at that
time to be away from their native place, and so they escaped destruction. Thus
Harpagos obtained possession of Caunos, for the men of Caunos imitated in most
respects the behaviour of the Lykians.
177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia; and Cyrus himself
meanwhile was doing the same in the upper parts of it, subduing every nation and
passing over none. Now most of these actions I shall pass over in silence, but the
undertakings which gave him trouble more than the rest and which are the most worthy
of note, of these I shall make mention.
178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all other parts of the mainland,
proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria has doubtless many other great cities,
but the most famous and the strongest, and the place where the seat of their monarchy
had been established after Nineveh was destroyed, was Babylon; which was a city such
as I shall say.—It lies in a great plain, and in size it is such that each face measures one
hundred and twenty furlongs, 177 the shape of the whole being square; thus the
furlongs of the circuit of the city amount in all to four hundred and eighty. Such is the
size of the city of Babylon, and it had a magnificence greater than all other cities of
which we have knowledge. First there runs round it a trench deep and broad and full of
water; then a wall fifty royal cubits in thickness and two hundred cubits in height: now
the royal cubit is larger by three fingers than the common cubit. 178
179. I must also tell in addition to this for what purpose the earth was used, which
was taken out of the trench, and in what manner the wall was made. As they dug the
trench they made the earth which was carried out of the excavation into bricks, and
having moulded enough bricks they baked them in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot
asphalt for mortar and inserting reed mats at every thirty courses of brickwork, they
built up first the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same manner: and at
the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers of one story facing one another;
and between the rows of chambers they left space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the
circuit of the wall there are set a hundred gates made of bronze throughout, and the
gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now there is another city distant from Babylon a space
of eight days' journey, of which the name is Is; and there is a river there of no great
size, and the name of the river is also Is, and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates.
This river Is throws up together with its water lumps of asphalt in great abundance, and
thence was brought the asphalt for the wall of Babylon.
180. Babylon then was walled in this manner; and there are two divisions of the city;
for a river whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle. This flows from the land of
the Armenians and is large and deep and swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian sea.
The wall then on each side has its bends 179 carried down to the river, and from this
point the return walls stretch along each bank of the stream in the form of a rampart of
baked bricks: and the city itself is full of houses of three and four stories, and the roads
by which it is cut up run in straight lines, including the cross roads which lead to the
river; and opposite to each road there were set gates in the rampart which ran along the
river, in many in number as the ways, 180 and these also were of bronze and led like
the ways 181 to the river itself.
181. This wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass 182 for the town,
and another wall runs round within it, not much weaker for defence than the first but
enclosing a smaller space. 183 And in each division of the city was a building in the
midst, in the one the king's palace of great extent and strongly fortified round, and in
the other the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still up to my time
and measures two furlongs each way, 184 being of a square shape: and in the midst of
the temple 185 is built a solid tower measuring a furlong both in length and in breadth,
and on this tower another tower has been erected, and another again upon this, and so
on up to the number of eight towers. An ascent to these has been built running outside
round about all the towers; and when one reaches about the middle of the ascent one
finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon, on which those who ascend sit down and
rest: and on the top of the last tower there is a large cell, 186 and in the cell a large
couch is laid, well covered, and by it is placed a golden table: and there is no image
there set up nor does any human being spend the night there except only one woman of
the natives of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose from all the woman, as say
the Chaldeans who are the priests of this god.
182. These same men say also, but I do not believe them, that the god himself comes
often to the cell and rests upon the couch, as happens likewise in the Egyptian Thebes
according to the report of the Egyptians, for there also a woman sleeps in the temple of
the Theban Zeus (and both these women are said to abstain from commerce with men),
and as happens also with the prophetess 187 of the god in Patara of Lykia, whenever
there is one, for there is not always an Oracle there, but whenever there is one, then she
is shut up during the nights in the temple within the cell.
183. There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell below, wherein is a
great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it is placed a large table of gold, and
his footstool and seat are of gold also; and, as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of the
gold of which these things are made is eight hundred talents. Outside this cell is an altar
of gold; and there is also another altar of great size, where full-grown animals 188 are
sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it is not lawful to sacrifice any but young
sucklings only: and also on the larger altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of
frankincense every year at the time when they celebrate the feast in honour of this god.
There was moreover in these precincts still remaining at the time of Cyrus, 189 a statue
twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I did not myself see, but that which is related
by the Chaldeans I relate. Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes formed a
design, but he did not venture to take it: it was taken however by Xerxes the son of
Dareios, who also killed the priest when he forbade him to meddle with the statue. This
temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and there are also many private
votive-offerings.
184. Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom I shall make mention in
the Assyrian history, and who added improvement to the walls and temples, there were
also two who were women. Of these, the one who ruled first, named Semiramis, who
lived five generations before the other, produced banks of earth in the plain which are a
sight worth seeing; and before this the river used to flood like a sea over the whole
plain.
185. The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than she who
had reigned before; and in the first place she left behind her monuments which I shall
tell of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchy of the Medes was great and not apt to
remain still, but that besides other cities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she
made provision against it in so far as she was able. First, as regards the river Euphrates
which flows through the midst of their city, whereas before this it flowed straight, she
by digging channels above made it so winding that it actually comes three times in its
course to one of the villages in Assyria; and the name of the village to which the
Euphrates comes is Ardericca; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of ours to
Babylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates 18901 arrive three times at this same
village and on three separate days. This she did thus; and she also piled up a mound
along each bank of the river, which is worthy to cause wonder for its size and height:
and at a great distance above Babylon, she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to
extend along at a very small distance from the river, 190 excavating it everywhere of
such depth as to come to water, and making the extent such that the circuit of it
measured four hundred and twenty furlongs: and the earth which was dug out of this
excavation she used up by piling it in mounds along the banks of the river: and when
this had been dug by her she brought stones and set them all round it as a facing wall.
Both these two things she did, that is she made the river to have a winding course, and
she made the place which was dug out all into a swamp, in order that the river might
run more slowly, having its force broken by going round many bends, and that the
voyages might be winding to Babylon, and after the voyages there might succeed a long
circuit of the pool. These works she carried out in that part where the entrance to the
country was, and the shortest way to it from Media, so that the Medes might not have
dealings with her kingdom and learn of her affairs.
186. These defences she cast round her city from the depth; and she made the
following addition which was dependent upon them:—The city was in two divisions,
and the river occupied the space between; and in the time of the former rulers, when
any one wished to pass over from the one division to the other, he had to pass over in a
boat, and that, as I imagine, was troublesome: she however made provision also for
this; for when she was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monument of
herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused stones to be cut of very great
length, and when the stones were prepared for her and the place had been dug out, she
turned aside the whole stream of the river into the place which she had been digging;
and while this was being filled with water, the ancient bed of the river being dried up in
the meantime, she both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion as the wall the
edges of the river, where it flows through the city, and the places of descent leading
from the small gateways to the river; and also about the middle of the city, as I judge,
with the stones which she had caused to be dug out she proceeded to build a bridge,
binding together the stones with iron and lead: and upon the top she laid squared
timbers across, to remain there while it was daytime, over which the people of Babylon
made the passage across; but at night they used to take away these timbers for this
reason, namely that they might not go backwards and forwards by night and steal from
one another: and when the place dug out had been made into a lake full of water by the
river, and at the same time the bridge had been completed, then she conducted the
Euphrates back into its ancient channel from the lake, and so the place dug out being
made into a swamp was thought to have served a good purpose, and there had been a
bridge set up for the men of the city.
187. This same queen also contrived a snare of the following kind:—Over that gate
of the city through which the greatest number of people passed she set up for herself a
tomb above the very gate itself. And on the tomb she engraved writing which said thus:
"If any of the kings of Babylon who come after me shall be in want of wealth, let him
open my tomb and take as much as he desires; but let him not open it for any other
cause, if he be not in want; for that will not be well." 191 This tomb was undisturbed
until the kingdom came to Dareios; but to Dareios it seemed that it was a monstrous
thing not to make any use of this gate, and also, when there was money lying there, not
to take it, considering that the money itself invited him to do so. Now the reason why
he would not make any use of this gate was because the corpse would have been above
his head as he drove through. He then, I say, opened the tomb and found not indeed
money but the corpse, with writing which said thus: "If thou hadst not been insatiable
of wealth and basely covetous, thou wouldest not have opened the resting-places of the
dead."
188. This queen then is reported to have been such as I have described: and it was the
son of this woman, bearing the same name as his father, Labynetos, and being ruler
over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus was marching. Now the great king makes his
marches not only well furnished 192 from home with provisions for his table and with
cattle, but also taking with him water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of
which alone and of no other river the king drinks: and of this water of the Choaspes
boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled and drawn by mules, carry a
supply in silver vessels, and go with him wherever he may march at any time.
189. Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the river Gyndes,—of
which river the springs are in the mountains of the Matienians, and it flows through the
Dardanians and runs into another river, the Tigris, which flowing by the city of Opis
runs out into the Erythraian Sea,—when Cyrus, I say, was endeavouring to cross this
river Gyndes, which is a navigable stream, then one of his sacred white horses in high
spirit and wantonness went into the river and endeavoured to cross, but the stream
swept it under water and carried it off forthwith. And Cyrus was greatly moved with
anger against the river for having done thus insolently, and he threatened to make it so
feeble that for the future even women could cross it easily without wetting the knee. So
after this threat he ceased from his march against Babylon and divided his army into
two parts; and having divided it he stretched lines and marked out straight channels,
193 one hundred and eighty on each bank of the Gyndes, directed every way, and
having disposed his army along them he commanded them to dig: so, as a great
multitude was working, the work was completed indeed, but they spent the whole
summer season at this spot working.
190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river Gyndes by dividing it into three
hundred and sixty channels, and when the next spring was just beginning, then at length
he continued his advance upon Babylon: and the men of Babylon had marched forth out
of their city and were awaiting him. So when in his advance he came near to the city,
the Babylonians joined battle with him, and having been worsted in the fight they were
shut up close within their city. But knowing well even before this that Cyrus was not
apt to remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every nation equally, they had brought
in provisions beforehand 194 for very many years. So while these made no account of
the siege, Cyrus was in straits what to do, for much time went by and his affairs made
no progress onwards.
191. Therefore, whether it was some other man who suggested it to him when he was
in a strait what to do, or whether he of himself perceived what he ought to do, he did as
follows:—The main body of his army 195 he posted at the place where the river runs
into the city, and then again behind the city he set others, where the river issues forth
from the city; and he proclaimed to his army that so soon as they should see that the
stream had become passable, they should enter by this way into the city. Having thus
set them in their places and in this manner exhorted them he marched away himself
with that part of his army which was not fit for fighting: and when he came to the lake,
Cyrus also did the same things which the queen of the Babylonians had done as regards
the river and the lake; that is to say, he conducted the river by a channel into the lake,
which was at that time a swamp, and so made the former course of the river passable by
the sinking of the stream. When this had been done in such a manner, the Persians who
had been posted for this very purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates into
Babylon, the stream having sunk so far that it reached about to the middle of a man's
thigh. Now if the Babylonians had had knowledge of it beforehand or had perceived
that which was being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed 196 the Persians to enter
the city and then destroyed them miserably; for if they had closed all the gates that led
to the river and mounted themselves upon the ramparts which were carried along the
banks of the stream, they would have caught them as it were in a fish-wheal: but as it
was, the Persians came upon them unexpectedly; and owing to the size of the city (so it
is said by those who dwell there) after those about the extremities of the city had
suffered capture, those Babylonians who dwelt in the middle did not know that they had
been captured; but as they chanced to be holding a festival, they went on dancing and
rejoicing during this time until they learnt the truth only too well.
Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time:
192, and as to the resources of the Babylonians how great they are, I shall show by
many other proofs and among them also by this:—For the support of the great king and
his army, apart from the regular tribute the whole land of which he is ruler has been
distributed into portions. Now whereas twelve months go to make up the year, for four
of these he has his support from the territory of Babylon, and for the remaining eight
months from the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian land is in regard to
resources the third part of all Asia: and the government, or satrapy as it is called by the
Persians, of this territory is of all the governments by far the best; seeing that when
Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had this province from the king, there came in to him
every day an artab full of silver coin (now the artab is a Persian measure and holds
more than the medimnos of Attica 197 by three Attic choinikes); and of horses he had in
this province as his private property, apart from the horses for use in war, eight hundred
stallions and sixteen thousand mares, for each of these stallions served twenty mares: of
Indian hounds moreover such a vast number were kept that four large villages in the
plain, being free from other contributions, had been appointed to provide food for the
hounds.
193. Such was the wealth which belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now the land of
the Assyrians has but little rain; and this little gives nourishment to the root of the corn,
but the crop is ripened and the ear comes on by the help of watering from the river, not
as in Egypt by the coming up of the river itself over the fields, but the crop is watered
by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole Babylonian territory like the Egyptian is
cut up into channels, and the largest of the channels is navigable for ships and runs in
the direction of the sunrising in winter from the Euphrates to another river, namely the
Tigris, along the bank of which lay the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we
know the best by far for producing corn: 198 as to trees, 199 it does not even attempt to
bear them, either fig or vine or olive, but for producing corn it is so good that it returns
as much as two-hundred-fold for the average, and when it bears at its best it produces
three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley there grow to be full four
fingers broad; and from millet and sesame seed how large a tree grows, I know myself
but shall not record, being well aware that even what has already been said relating to
the crops produced has been enough to cause disbelief in those who have not visited the
Babylonian land. They use no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame
seed; and they have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of them fruit-bearing,
of which they make both solid food and wine and honey; and to these they attend in the
same manner as to fig-trees, and in particular they take the fruit of those palms which
the Hellenes call male-palms, and tie them upon the date-bearing palms, so that their
gall-fly may enter into the date and ripen it and that the fruit of the palm may not fall
off: for the male-palm produces gall-flies in its fruit just as the wild-fig does.
194. But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land after the city itself, to my
mind is this which I am about to tell: Their boats, those I mean which go down the river
to Babylon, are round and all of leather: for they make ribs for them of willow which
they cut in the land of the Armenians who dwell above the Assyrians, and round these
they stretch hides which serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not making broad
the stern nor gathering in the prow to a point, but making the boats round like a shield:
and after that they stow the whole boat with straw and suffer it to be carried down the
stream full of cargo; and for the most part these boats bring down casks of palm-wood
200 filled with wine. The boat is kept straight by two steering-oars and two men
standing upright, and the man inside pulls his oar while the man outside pushes. 201
These vessels are made both of very large size and also smaller, the largest of them
having a burden of as much as five thousand talents' weight; 202 and in each one there
is a live ass, and in those of larger size several. So when they have arrived at Babylon
in their voyage and have disposed of their cargo, they sell by auction the ribs of the
boat and all the straw, but they pack the hides upon their asses and drive them off to
Armenia: for up the stream of the river it is not possible by any means to sail, owing to
the swiftness of the current; and for this reason they make their boats not of timber but
of hides. Then when they have come back to the land of the Armenians, driving their
asses with them, they make other boats in the same manner.
195. Such are their boats; and the following is the manner of dress which they use,
namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this they put on another of wool, and
then a white mantle thrown round, while they have shoes of a native fashion rather like
the Boeotian slippers. They wear their hair long and bind their heads round with fillets,
203 and they are anointed over the whole of their body with perfumes. Each man has a
seal and a staff carved by hand, and on each staff is carved either an apple or a rose or a
lily or an eagle or some other device, for it is not their custom to have a staff without a
device upon it.
196. Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs which are established
among them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion being this, which I am informed
that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every village once in each year it was done as
follows:—When the maidens 204 grew to the age for marriage, they gathered these all
together and brought them in a body to one place, and round them stood a company of
men: and the crier caused each one severally to stand up, and proceeded to sell them,
first the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had been sold and had fetched a
large sum of money, he would put up another who was the most comely after her: and
they were sold for marriage. Now all the wealthy men of the Babylonians who were
ready to marry vied with one another in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those
however of the common sort who were ready to marry did not require a fine form, but
they would accept money together with less comely maidens. For when the crier had
made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then he would cause to stand
up that one who was least shapely, or any one of them who might be crippled in any
way, and he would make proclamation of her, asking who was willing for least gold to
have her in marriage, until she was assigned to him who was willing to accept least: and
the gold would be got from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those of beautiful
form provided dowries for those which were unshapely or crippled; but to give in
marriage one's own daughter to whomsoever each man would, was not allowed, nor to
carry off the maiden after buying her without a surety; for it was necessary for the man
to provide sureties that he would marry her, before he took her away; and if they did
not agree well together, the law was laid down that he should pay back the money. It
was allowed also for any one who wished it to come from another village and buy. This
then was their most honourable custom; it does not however still exist at the present
time, but they have found out of late another way, in order that the men may not ill-treat
them or take them to another city: 205 for since the time when being conquered they
were oppressed and ruined, each one of the common people when he is in want of
livelihood prostitutes his female children.
197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which was established 206 among
them:—they bear out the sick into the market-place; for of physicians they make no
use. So people come up to the sick man and give advice about his disease, if any one
himself has ever suffered anything like that which the sick man has, or saw any other
who had suffered it; and coming near they advise and recommend those means by
which they themselves got rid of a like disease or seen some other get rid of it: and to
pass by the sick man in silence is not permitted to them, nor until one has asked what
disease he has.
198. They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of lamentation are similar to
those used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian man has intercourse with his wife, he
sits by incense offered, and his wife does the same on the other side, and when it is
morning they wash themselves, both of them, for they will touch no vessel until they
have washed themselves: and the Arabians do likewise in this matter.
199. Now the most shameful of the customs of the Babylonians is as follows: every
woman of the country must sit down in the precincts 207 of Aphrodite once in her life
and have commerce with a man who is a stranger: and many women who do not deign
to mingle with the rest, because they are made arrogant by wealth, drive to the temple
with pairs of horses in covered carriages, and so take their place, and a large number of
attendants follow after them; but the greater number do thus,—in the sacred enclosure
of Aphrodite sit great numbers of women with a wreath of cord about their heads; some
come and others go; and there are passages in straight lines going between the women
in every direction, 208 through which the strangers pass by and make their choice. Here
when a woman takes her seat she does not depart again to her house until one of the
strangers has thrown a silver coin into her lap and has had commerce with her outside
the temple, and after throwing it he must say these words only: "I demand thee in the
name of the goddess Mylitta": 209 now Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to
Aphrodite: and the silver coin may be of any value; whatever it is she will not refuse it,
for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this coin is made sacred by the act: and she
follows the man who has first thrown and does not reject any: and after that she departs
to her house, having acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess 210, nor will you be
able thenceforth to give any gift so great as to win her. So then as many as have
attained to beauty and stature 211 are speedily released, but those of them who are
unshapely remain there much time, not being able to fulfil the law; for some of them
remain even as much as three or four years: and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a
custom similar to this.
200. These customs then are established among the Babylonians: and there are of
them three tribes 212 which eat nothing but fish only: and when they have caught them
and dried them in the sun they do thus,—they throw them into brine, and then pound
them with pestles and strain them through muslin; and they have them for food either
kneaded into a soft cake, or baked like bread, according to their liking.
201. When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus, he had a desire to bring the
Massagetai into subjection to himself. This nation is reputed to be both great and
warlike, and to dwell towards the East and the sunrising, beyond the river Araxes and
over against 213 the Issedonians: and some also say that this nation is of Scythian race.
202. Now the Araxes is said by some to be larger and by others to be smaller than the
Ister: and they say that there are many islands in it about equal in size to Lesbos, and in
them people dwelling who feed in the summer upon roots of all kinds which they dig
up and certain fruits from trees, which have been discovered by them for food, they
store up, it is said, in the season when they are ripe and feed upon them in the winter.
Moreover it is said that other trees have been discovered by them which yield fruit of
such a kind that when they have assembled together in companies in the same place and
lighted a fire, they sit round in a circle and throw some of it into the fire, and they smell
the fruit which is thrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated by the scent as the Hellenes
are with wine, and when more of the fruit is thrown on they become more intoxicated,
until at last they rise up to dance and begin to sing. This is said to be their manner of
living: and as to the river Araxes, it flows from the land of the Matienians, whence
flows the Gyndes which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels, and it
discharges itself by forty branches, of which all except one end in swamps and shallow
pools; and among them they say that men dwell who feed on fish eaten raw, and who
are wont to use as clothing the skins of seals: but the one remaining branch of the
Araxes flows with unimpeded course into the Caspian Sea.
203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection with the other
Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Sea beyond the Pillars, which
is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are in fact all one, but the Caspian is separate
and lies apart by itself. In length it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, 214 and
in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the side towards the West of
this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is of all mountain-ranges both the greatest
in extent and the loftiest: and the Caucasus has many various races of men dwelling in
it, living for the most part on the wild produce of the forests; and among them there are
said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by pounding them and mixing
water with them they paint figures upon their garments, and the figures do not wash
out, but grow old with the woollen stuff as if they had been woven into it at the first:
and men say that the sexual intercourse of these people is open like that of cattle.
204. On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus is the
boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain succeeds which is of
limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain then the Massagetai occupy a large part,
against whom Cyrus had become eager to march; for there were many strong reasons
which incited him to it and urged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is to
say the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man, and next the
success which he had met with 215 in his wars, for whithersoever Cyrus directed his
march, it was impossible for that nation to escape.
205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after the death
of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent and wooed her,
pretending that he desired to have her for his wife: but Tomyris understanding that he
was wooing not herself but rather the kingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his
approaches: and Cyrus after this, as he made no progress by craft, marched to the
Araxes, and proceeded to make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming
bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and building towers upon the
vessels which gave them passage across the river.
206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent a herald and said thus: "O
king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which thou art now pressing
forward; for thou canst not tell whether these things will be in the end for thy advantage
or no; cease to do so, I say, and be king over thine own people, and endure to see us
ruling those whom we rule. Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing to
receive this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be at rest, therefore if thou
art greatly anxious to make trial of the Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labour
which thou hast in yoking together the banks of the river, and cross over into our land,
when we have first withdrawn three days' journey from the river: or if thou desirest
rather to receive us into your land, do thou this same thing thyself." Having heard this
Cyrus called together the first men among the Persians, and having gathered these
together he laid the matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to which
of the two things he should do: and their opinions all agreed in one, bidding him receive
Tomyris and her army into his country.
207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with this opinion,
declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth, saying as follows: "O
king, I told thee in former time also, that since Zeus had given me over to thee, I would
avert according to my power whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy
house: and now my sufferings, which have been bitter, 216 have proved to be lessons of
wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal and that thou dost command
an army which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me to declare to thee my
judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou art a mortal man thyself and dost
command others who are so likewise, then learn this first, that for the affairs of men
there is a revolving wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons
always to have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the matter laid
before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we shall consent to receive the
enemy into our land, there is for thee this danger in so doing:—if thou shalt be worsted
thou wilt lose in addition all thy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors
they will not turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy realm; and on
the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not be victor so fully as if thou
shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing over into their land and shouldest
pursue them when they fled. For against that which I said before I will set the same
again here, and say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against the
realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is a disgrace and not to
be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield to a woman and so withdraw
from her land. Now therefore it seems good to me that we should cross over and go
forward from the crossing as far as they go in their retreat, and endeavour to get the
better of them by doing as follows:—The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without
experience of Persian good things, and have never enjoyed any great luxuries. Cut up
therefore cattle without stint and dress the meat and set out for these men a banquet in
our camp: moreover also provide without stint bowls of unmixed wine and provisions
of every kind; and having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy army
and let the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards the river: for if I am not
mistaken in my judgment, they when they see a quantity of good things will fall to the
feast, and after that it remains for us to display great deeds."
208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the former opinion
and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to retire, as he was intending to
cross over to her. She then proceeded to retire, as she had at first engaged to do, but
Cyrus delivered Croesus into the hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give
the kingdom, and gave him charge earnestly to honour him and to treat him well, if the
crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be prosperous. Having thus
charged him and sent these away to the land of the Persians, he crossed over the river
both himself and his army.
209. And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw a vision
in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:—in his sleep it seemed to Cyrus
that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes having upon his shoulders wings, and
that with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of
Hystaspes the son of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son
was Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age, and he had
been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was not yet of full age to go out to
the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he considered with himself concerning the vision:
and as the vision seemed to him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having
taken him apart by himself he said: "Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting against
me and against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will declare to thee:—The
gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all the evils that threaten me. So in the
night that is past while sleeping I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders
wings, and with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To
judge by this vision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against me. Do thou
therefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take care that, when I return thither
after having subdued these regions, thou set thy son before me to be examined."
210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him; but in fact the
divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was destined to find his end there
and that his kingdom was coming about to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as
follows: "O king, heaven forbid 217 that there should be any man of Persian race who
would plot against thee, and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as may be;
seeing that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of slaves, and to rule all
nations instead of being ruled by others. And if any vision announces to thee that my
son is planning rebellion against thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with him
whatsoever thou wilt."
211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and having crossed over
the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keep watch over his son Dareios
for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile went forward and made a march of one day from the
Araxes according to the suggestion of Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part
of the army 218 of the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were
unfit for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of the Massagetai
came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not without resistance, 219 those who were
left behind of the army of Cyrus; and seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had
overcome their enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food and
wine they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of them,
and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these the son of the queen
Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai; and his name was Spargapises.
212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning the army and
also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus and said as follows: "Cyrus,
insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride by this which has come to pass, namely
because with that fruit of the vine, with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad
that as the wine descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream,—
because setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome my son, and
not by valour in fight. Now therefore receive the word which I utter, giving thee good
advice:—Restore to me my son and depart from this land without penalty, triumphant
over a third part of the army of the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to
thee by the Sun, who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of
blood, insatiable as thou art."
213. When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of them; and
the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left him and he learnt in
what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he might be loosed from his chains and
gained his request, and then so soon as he was loosed and had got power over his hands
he put himself to death.
214. He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did not listen to
her, gathered together all her power and joined battle with Cyrus. This battle of all the
battles fought by Barbarians I judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it
happened thus:—first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and
afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one another and
engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and so they continued to be in
conflict with one another for a long time, and neither side would flee; but at last the
Massagetai got the better in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was
destroyed there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there, after he
had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris filled a skin with human
blood and had search made among the Persian dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when
she found it, she let his head down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she
said at the same time this: "Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight,
nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I according to my
threat will give thee thy fill of blood." Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus there
are many tales told, but this which I have related is to my mind the most worthy of
belief.
215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of the Scythians,
and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs; and there are of them horsemen
and also men who do not ride on horses (for they have both fashions), and moreover
there are both archers and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220 and
for everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do with spear-points
or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for head-dresses and girdles and
belts round the arm-pits 221 they employ gold as ornament: and in like manner as
regards their horses, they put breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their
bridles and bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use
not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in abundance.
216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, but they have
their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that the Scythians do, is not in
fact done by the Scythians but by the Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man
of the Massagetai may desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has
commerce with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their life,
but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together and slaughter him
solemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after that they boil the flesh and
banquet upon it. This is considered by them the happiest lot; but him who has ended his
life by disease they do not eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune
that he did not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle and on
fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes; moreover they are
drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone, and to him they sacrifice
horses: and the rule 223 of the sacrifice is this:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign
the swiftest of all mortal things.
—————
NOTES TO BOOK I
1 (return)
[ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseos istories apodexis ede, os k.t.l.} The meaning of
the word {istorie} passes gradually from "research" or "inquiry" to
"narrative," "history"; cp. vii. 96. Aristotle in quoting these words writes
{Thouriou} for {'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of Thurii"), and we know
from Plutarch that this reading existed in his time as a variation.]
2 (return)
[ Probably {erga} may here mean enduring monuments like the pyramids
and the works at Samos, cp. i. 93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te alla} refers
back to {ta genomena}, though the verb {epolemesan} derives its subject
from the mention of Hellenes and Barbarians in the preceding clause.]
3 (return)
[ Many Editors have "with the Phenicians," on the authority of some
inferior MSS. and of the Aldine edition.]
4 (return)
[ {arpages}.]
401 (return)
[ "thus or in some other particular way."]
5 (return)
[ {Surion}, see ch. 72. Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish {Surioi}
from {Suroi}, and to use the first name for the Cappadokians and the
second for the people of Palestine, cp. ii. 104; but they are naturally
confused in the MSS.]
6 (return)
[ {ex epidromes arpage}.]
7 (return)
[ {tes anoigomenes thures}, "the door that is opened."]
8 (return)
[ Or "because she was ashamed."]
9 (return)
[ {phoitan}.]
10 (return)
[ {upeisdus}: Stein adopts the conjecture {upekdus}, "slipping out of his
hiding-place."]
11 (return)
[ This last sentence is by many regarded as an interpolation. The line
referred to is {Ou moi ta Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]
12 (return)
[ See v. 92.]
13 (return)
[ i.e. like other kings of Lydia who came after him.]
14 (return)
[ {Kolophonos to astu}, as opposed apparently to the acropolis, cp. viii.
51.]
15 (return)
[ See ch. 73.]
16 (return)
[ {o kai esballon tenikauta es ten Milesien ten stratien}: an allusion
apparently to the invasions of the Milesian land at harvest time, which are
described above. All the operations mentioned in the last chapter have been
loosely described to Alyattes, and a correction is here added to inform the
reader that they belong equally to his father. It will hardly mend matters
much if we take {o Audos} in ch. 17 to include both father and son.]
17 (return)
[ {didaxanta}.]
18 (return)
[ This name is applied by Herodotus to the southern part of the peninsula
only.]
19 (return)
[ Tarentum.]
20 (return)
[ {en toisi edolioisi}: properly "benches," but probably here the raised deck
at the stern.]
21 (return)
[ {ou mega}: many of the MSS. have {mega}.]
22 (return)
[ {stadioi}: furlongs of about 606 English feet.]
23 (return)
[ {to epilogo}.]
24 (return)
[ This list of nations is by some suspected as an interpolation; see Stein's
note on the passage.]
25 (return)
[ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49, and iv. 95.]
26 (return)
[ {etheto}.]
27 (return)
[ {olbiotaton}.]
28 (return)
[ {stadious}.]
29 (return)
[ {romen}: many of the MSS. have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]
30 (return)
[ i.e. their mother: but some understand it to mean the goddess.]
31 (return)
[ {en telei touto eskhonto}.]
32 (return)
[ {anolbioi}.]
33 (return)
[ {eutukhees}.]
34 (return)
[ {aperos}: the MSS. have {apeiros}.]
35 (return)
[ {aikhme sideree blethenta}.]
36 (return)
[ "in the house of Croesus."]
37 (return)
[ {'Epistion}.]
38 (return)
[ {'Etaireion}.]
39 (return)
[ {suggrapsamenous}, i.e. have it written down by the {propsetes} (see vii.
111 and viii. 37), who interpreted and put into regular verse the inspired
utterances of the prophetess {promantis}.]
40 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]
41 (return)
[ {oida d' ego}: oracles often have a word of connection such as {de} or
{alla} at the beginning (cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate that they
are part of a larger connected utterance.]
42 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91 ("I accept the omen.")]
43 (return)
[ See viii. 134.]
44 (return)
[ {kai touton}, i.e. Amphiaraos: many Editors retain the readings of the
Aldine edition, {kai touto}, "that in this too he had found a true Oracle."]
45 (return)
[ {emiplinthia}, the plinth being supposed to be square.]
46 (return)
[ {exapalaiota}, the palm being about three inches, cp. ii. 149.]
47 (return)
[ {apephthou khrusou}, "refined gold."]
48 (return)
[ {triton emitalanton}: the MSS. have {tria emitalanta}, which has been
corrected partly on the authority of Valla's translation.]
49 (return)
[ "white gold."]
50 (return)
[ Arranged evidently in stages, of which the highest consisted of the 4 halfplinths of pure gold, the second of 15 half-plinths, the third of 35, the
fourth of 63, making 117 in all: see Stein's note.]
51 (return)
[ {elkon stathmon einaton emitalanton kai eti duodeka mneas}. The
{mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60 of them go to a talent.]
52 (return)
[ {epi tou proneiou tes gonies}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {epi} seems to
suggest some kind of raised corner-stone upon which the offerings stood.]
53 (return)
[ The {amphoreus} is about 9 gallons.]
54 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 41.]
55 (return)
[ {perirranteria}.]
56 (return)
[ {kheumata}, which some translate "jugs" or "bowls."]
57 (return)
[ {umin}, as if both Oracles were being addressed together.]
58 (return)
[ i.e. Delphi.]
59 (return)
[ {enephoreeto}, "he filled himself with it."]
60 (return)
[ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would read {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in
Etruria), partly on the authority of Dionysius: see Stein's note. Two of the
best MSS. are defective in this part of the book.]
61 (return)
[ See ii. 51 and vi. 137.]
62 (return)
[ {auxetai es plethos ton ethneon pollon}: "has increased to a multitude of
its races, which are many." Stein and Abicht both venture to adopt the
conjecture {Pelasgon} for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially being added to
them, and also many other Barbarian nations."]
6201 (return)
[ {pros de on emoige dokeei}: the MSS. have {emoi te}. Some Editors read
{os de on} (Stein {prosthe de on}) for {pros de on}. This whole passage is
probably in some way corrupt, but it can hardly be successfully emended.]
63 (return)
[ i.e. as it is of the Hellenic race before it parted from the Pelasgian and
ceased to be Barbarian.]
64 (return)
[ {katekhomenon te kai diespasmenon... upo Peisistratou}. Peisistratos was
in part at least the cause of the divisions.]
65 (return)
[ {paralon}.]
66 (return)
[ {uperakrion}.]
67 (return)
[ {toutous}: some read by conjecture {triekosious}, "three hundred," the
number which he actually had according to Polyænus, i. 21.]
68 (return)
[ {doruphoroi}, the usual word for a body-guard.]
69 (return)
[ {perielaunomenos de te stasi}: Stein says "harassed by attacks of his own
party," but the passage to which he refers in ch. 61, {katallasseto ten
ekhthren toisi stasiotesi}, may be referred to in the quarrel made with his
party by Megacles when he joined Peisistratos.]
70 (return)
[ More literally, "since from ancient time the Hellenic race had been
marked off from the Barbarians as being more skilful and more freed from
foolish simplicity, (and) since at that time among the Athenians, who are
accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability, these men devised a trick as
follows."]
71 (return)
[ The cubit is reckoned as 24 finger-breadths, i.e. about 18 inches.]
72 (return)
[ So Rawlinson.]
73 (return)
[ See v. 70.]
74 (return)
[ {dia endekatou eteos}. Not quite the same as {dia evdeka eteon} ("after
an interval of eleven years"); rather "in the eleventh year" (i.e. "after an
interval of ten years").]
75 (return)
[ {thein pompe khreomenos}.]
76 (return)
[ For {'Akarnan} it has been suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because this
man is referred to as an Athenian by various writers. However Acarnanians
were celebrated for prophetic power, and he might be called an Athenian as
resident with Peisistratos at Athens.]
77 (return)
[ Or "for that part of the land from which the temple could be seen," but cp.
Thuc. iii. 104. In either case the meaning is the same.]
7701 (return)
[ {enomotias kai triekadas kai sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the primary
division of the Spartan army: of the {triekas} nothing is known for certain.]
78 (return)
[ {kibdelo}, properly "counterfeit": cp. ch. 75.]
79 (return)
[ {skhoino diametresamenoi}: whether actually, for the purpose of
distributing the work among them, or because the rope which fastened
them together lay on the ground like a measuring-tape, is left uncertain.]
80 (return)
[ Cp. ix. 70.]
81 (return)
[ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere (that is in Homer) the word always means
"helper," and Stein translates it so here, "thou shalt be protector and patron
of Tegea" (in the place of Orestes). Mr. Woods explains it by the parallel
of such phrases as {Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean "thou shalt be
a helper (of the Lacedemonians) in the matter of Tegea," but this perhaps
would be a form of address too personal to the envoy, who is usually
addressed in the second person, but only as representative of those who
sent him. The conjectural reading {epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have
him as a helper against Tegea," is tempting.]
82 (return)
[ {agathoergon}.]
83 (return)
[ This was to enable him the better to gain his ends at Tegea.]
84 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 51, note.]
85 (return)
[ See ch. 6.]
86 (return)
[ {euzono andri}: cp. ch. 104 and ii. 34. The word {euzonos} is used of
light-armed troops; Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]
87 (return)
[ {orgen ouk akros}: this is the reading of all the best MSS., and it is
sufficiently supported by the parallel of v. 124, {psukhen ouk akros}. Most
Editors however have adopted the reading {orgen akros}, as equivalent to
{akrakholos}, "quick-tempered."]
88 (return)
[ It has been suggested by some that this clause is not genuine. It should
not, however, be taken to refer to the battle which was interrupted by the
eclipse, for (1) that did not occur in the period here spoken of; (2) the next
clause is introduced by {de} (which can hardly here stand for {gar}); (3)
when the eclipse occurred the fighting ceased, therefore it was no more a
{nuktomakhin} than any other battle which is interrupted by darkness
coming on.]
89 (return)
[ See ch. 188. Nabunita was his true name.]
90 (return)
[ See ch. 107 ff.]
91 (return)
[ Not "somewhere near the city of Sinope," for it must have been at a
considerable distance and probably far inland. Sinope itself is at least fifty
miles to the west of the Halys. I take it to mean that Pteria was nearly due
south of Sinope, i.e. that the nearest road from Pteria to the sea led to
Sinope. Pteria no doubt was the name of a region as well as of a city.]
92 (return)
[ {anastatous epoiese}.]
93 (return)
[ This is the son of the man mentioned in ch. 74.]
94 (return)
[ {us en autou xeinikos}. Stein translates "so much of it as was mercenary,"
but it may be doubted if this is possible. Mr. Woods, "which army of his
was a foreign one."]
95 (return)
[ {Metros Dindumenes}, i.e. Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in
Phrygia.]
96 (return)
[ i.e. the whole strip of territory to the West of the peninsula of Argolis,
which includes Thyrea and extends southwards to Malea: "westwards as
far as Malea" would be absurd.]
97 (return)
[ {outos}: a conjectural emendation of {autos}.]
98 (return)
[ {autos}: some MSS. read {o autos}, "this same man."]
99 (return)
[ {aneneikamenon}, nearly equivalent to {anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il.
xix. 314), {mnesamenos d' adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate
it here, "he recovered himself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]
100 (return)
[ {ubristai}.]
101 (return)
[ {proesousi}: a conjectural emendation of {poiesousi}, adopted in most of
the modern editions.]
102 (return)
[ {touto oneidisai}: or {touton oneidisai}, "to reproach the god with these
things." The best MSS. have {touto}.]
103 (return)
[ {to kai... eipe ta eipe Loxias k.t.l.}: various emendations have been
proposed. If any one is to be adopted, the boldest would perhaps be the
best, {to de kai... eipe Loxias}.]
104 (return)
[ {oia te kai alle khore}, "such as other lands have."]
105 (return)
[ {stadioi ex kai duo plethra}.]
106 (return)
[ {plethra tria kai deka}.]
107 (return)
[ {Gugaie}.]
108 (return)
[ Or "Tyrrhenia."]
109 (return)
[ Or "Umbrians."]
110 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}, i.e. the parts which are removed from the
Mediterranean.]
111 (return)
[ i.e. nature would not be likely to supply so many regularly ascending
circles. Stein alters the text so that the sentence runs thus, "and whereas
there are seven circles of all, within the last is the royal palace," etc.]
112 (return)
[ i.e. "to laugh or to spit is unseemly for those in presence of the king, and
this last for all, whether in the presence of the king or not." Cp. Xen.
Cyrop. i. 2. 16, {aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti Persais kai to apoptuein
kai to apomuttesthai}, (quoted by Stein, who however gives a different
interpretation).]
113 (return)
[ {tauta de peri eouton esemnune}: the translation given is that of Mr.
Woods.]
114 (return)
[ {allos mentoi eouton eu ekontes}: the translation is partly due to Mr.
Woods.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. East of the Halys: see note on ch. 95.]
116 (return)
[ See iv. 12.]
117 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 72.]
118 (return)
[ {ten katuperthe odon}, i.e. further away from the Euxine eastwards.]
119 (return)
[ {o theos}.]
120 (return)
[ {khoris men gar phoron}: many Editors substitute {phoron} for
{phoron}, but {phoron} may stand if taken not with {khoris} but with {to
ekastoisi epeballon}.]
121 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 184, "the Assyrian history."]
122 (return)
[ {uperthemenos}, a conjectural emendation of {upothemenos}, cp. ch. 108
where the MSS. give {uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written
above as a correction).]
123 (return)
[ Or "expose me to risk," "stake my safety."]
124 (return)
[ Or "thou wilt suffer the most evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]
12401 (return)
[ {tas aggelias pherein}, i.e. to have the office of {aggeliephoros} (ch. 120)
or {esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain through whom communications
passed.]
125 (return)
[ {dialabein}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
126 (return)
[ {es tas anagkas}, "to the necessity," mentioned above.]
127 (return)
[ Or "to celebrate good fortune."]
128 (return)
[ {akreon kheiron te kai podon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to omo ten
kheira}.]
129 (return)
[ {esti te o pais kai periesti}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
130 (return)
[ {erkhe}: a few inferior MSS. have {eikhe}, which is adopted by several
Editors.]
131 (return)
[ {para smikra... kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to trifles."]
132 (return)
[ {kuon}: cp. ch. 110.]
133 (return)
[ {su nun}, answering to {se gar theoi eporeousi}: the MSS. and some
Editors read {su nun}.]
134 (return)
[ i.e. of the race of Perses: see vii. 61.]
135 (return)
[ "how his change from a throne to slavery was as compared with that
feast, etc.," i.e. what did he think of it as a retribution.]
136 (return)
[ See ch. 106. The actual duration of the Median supremacy would be
therefore a hundred years.]
13601 (return)
[ This is by some altered to "Alilat," by comparison of iii. 8.]
137 (return)
[ {stemmasi}, i.e. the chaplets wound round with wool which were worn at
Hellenic sacrifices.]
138 (return)
[ {oulesi}.]
13801 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 61.]
139 (return)
[ {sitoisi}: perhaps "plain dishes."]
140 (return)
[ {proskuneei}, i.e. kisses his feet or the ground.]
141 (return)
[ {ton legomenon}, a correction of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean MS. has
{toi legomenoi} like the rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated by Stein.)]
142 (return)
[ {ekhomenon, kata ton auton de logon}: the MSS. and most Editors have
{ekhomenon}. {kata ton auton de logon}; "and this same rule the Persians
observe in giving honour." This, however, makes it difficult (though not
impossible) to refer {to ethnos} in the next clause to the Medes, and it can
hardly be referred to the Persians, who certainly had not the same system
of government. Perhaps however we may translate thus, "for each race
extended forward thus their rule or their deputed authority."]
143 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 194.]
144 (return)
[ {polloi}: omitted, or corrected variously, by Editors. There is, perhaps,
something wrong about the text in the next clause also, for it seems clear
that white doves were not objected to by the Persians. See Stein's note.]
145 (return)
[ See ch. 95.]
146 (return)
[ These words, "neither those towards the East nor those towards the West"
have perhaps been interpolated as an explanation of {ta ano} and {ta kato}.
As an explanation they can hardly be correct, but the whole passage is
vaguely expressed.]
147 (return)
[ {tropous tesseras paragogeon}.]
148 (return)
[ i.e. the Asiatic Ionians who had formed a separate confederacy. Some
understand it to mean the Milesians, but this would give no satisfactory
connection with what follows.]
149 (return)
[ {pentapolios}.]
150 (return)
[ {exapolios}.]
151 (return)
[ {mesogaioi}. Several of the other cities are at some distance from the
coast, but the region is meant in each case rather than the city (hence such
forms as {Tritaiees}).]
152 (return)
[ {'Elikonio}.]
153 (return)
[ This is condemned as an interpolation by some Editors.]
154 (return)
[ {oreon de ekousan ouk omoios}.]
155 (return)
[ {katastas}: cp. iii. 46.]
156 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: Stein reads {stesamenoi} by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.]
157 (return)
[ {phrontizo me ariston e}. The translation is Rawlinson's.]
158 (return)
[ {kephale anamaxas}: cp. Hom. Od. xix. 92.]
159 (return)
[ {es tous Bragkhidas}, i.e. the priests of the temple. The name of the place
{Bragkhidai} is feminine, cp. ch. 92.]
160 (return)
[ {onax}, addressing Apollo.]
161 (return)
[ {exaipee tous strouthous k.t.l.} The verb is one which is commonly used
of the destruction and depopulation of cities, cp. ch. 176. (Stein.)]
162 (return)
[ {tou de 'Atarneos toutou esti khoros tes Musies}.]
163 (return)
[ {ouk oligoi stadioi}.]
164 (return)
[ {katirosai}, i.e. dedicate it to the king as a token of submission.]
165 (return)
[ i.e. Corsica.]
166 (return)
[ {anaphanenai}: the MSS. have {anaphenai}, which can only be translated
by supplying {ton ponton} from {katepontosan}, "till the sea produced it
again," but this is hardly satisfactory.]
167 (return)
[ {Karkhedonioi}.]
168 (return)
[ {elakhon te auton pollo pleious}. Several Editors suppose that words
have been lost or that the text is corrupt. I understand it to mean that many
more of them fell into the hands of the enemy than were rescued by their
own side. Some translate "divided most of them by lot"; but this would be
{dielakhon}, and the proceeding would have no object if the prisoners were
to be put to death at once. For {pleious} Stein reads {pleistous}.]
169 (return)
[ {ton Kurnon... ktisai eron eonta, all' ou ten neson}.]
170 (return)
[ {bouleuterion}.]
171 (return)
[ {outoi}: the MSS. have {outo}.]
172 (return)
[ {autokhthonas epeirotas}.]
173 (return)
[ Many Editors insert {oi} before {tes khores tes spheteres} and alter the
punctuation accordingly.]
174 (return)
[ Or "all their land came within the isthmus."]
175 (return)
[ {epexiontes}: the MSS. have {upexiontes}, which Mr. Woods explains to
mean "coming forth suddenly."]
176 (return)
[ {epexelthontes}: the MSS. have {upexelthontes}.]
177 (return)
[ {stadion}, and so throughout.]
178 (return)
[ The "royal cubit" appears to have measured about twenty-one inches.]
179 (return)
[ {tous agkhonas}, the walls on the North and South of the city, called so
because built at an angle with the side walls.]
180 (return)
[ {laurai}, "lanes."]
181 (return)
[ {kai autai}, but perhaps the text is not sound.]
182 (return)
[ {thorex}, as opposed to the inner wall, which would be the {kithon} (cp.
vii. 139).]
183 (return)
[ {steinoteron}: Mr. Woods says "of less thickness," the top of the wall
being regarded as a road.]
184 (return)
[ {duo stadion pante}, i.e. 404 yards square.]
185 (return)
[ {tou irou}, i.e. the sacred precincts; cp. {en to temenei touto}.]
186 (return)
[ {neos}, the inner house of the temple.]
187 (return)
[ {promantis}.]
188 (return)
[ {ta telea ton probaton}.]
189 (return)
[ "at that time."]
18901 (return)
[ {katapleontes ton Euphreten}: the MSS. have {katapleontes es ton E}. (It
is not true, as stated by Abicht, that the Medicean MS. omits {es}.)]
190 (return)
[ {oligon ti parateinousa apo tou potamou}.]
191 (return)
[ {ou gar ameinon}, an Epic phrase, cp. iii. 71 and 82.]
192 (return)
[ {eskeuasmenos}, a conjectural emendation of {eskeuasmenoisi}, "with
provisions well prepared."]
193 (return)
[ {kateteine skhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}. Stein understands
{kateteine ten stratien} (resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he extended
his army, having first marked out channels straight by lines."]
194 (return)
[ {proesaxanto}, from {proesago}: it may be however from {prosatto},
"they had heaped together provisions for themselves beforehand."]
195 (return)
[ {ten stratien apasan}. Stein thinks that some correction is needed.]
196 (return)
[ {oi d' an perudontes k.t.l.}: the MSS. have {oud' an perudontes}, "they
would not even have allowed them to enter the city (from the river)," but
the negative is awkward referring to the participle alone, and the admission
of the enemy to the river-bed within the city would have been an essential
part of the scheme, not to be omitted in the description.]
197 (return)
[ The Attic medimnos (= 48 choinikes) was rather less than 12 gallons.]
198 (return)
[ {ton tes Demetros karpon}.]
199 (return)
[ Stein supposes that words have fallen out before {ta gar de alla dendrea},
chiefly because some mention of the palm-trees might have been expected
here.]
200 (return)
[ {phoinikeious}: some Editors (following Valla) have altered this to
{phoinikeiou} ("casks of palm-wine"), but it is not likely that palm-wine
would have been thus imported, see ch. 193.]
201 (return)
[ {kai o men eso elkei to plektron o de exo otheei}. I take it to mean that
there is one steering-oar on each side, and the "inside" is the side nearer to
the bank of the river. The current would naturally run faster on the
"outside" and consequently would tend to turn the boat round, and
therefore the inside oarsman pulls his oar constantly towards himself and
the outside man pushes his oar from himself (i.e. backs water), to keep the
boat straight. Various explanations are given. Stein takes {eso, exo} with
the verbs, "one draws the boat towards himself, the other pushes it from
himself." Mr. Woods understands that only one oar is used at a time and by
two men looking different ways, of whom {o men eso} is he who stands
nearest to the side of the boat.]
202 (return)
[ If the talents meant are Euboic, this would be about 170 tons.]
203 (return)
[ {mitresi}: cp. vii. 62.]
204 (return)
[ {os an ai parthenoi ginoiato}, equivalent to {osai aei parthenoi ginoiato},
which Stein suggests as a correction.]
205 (return)
[ This sentence, "in order that—city," is thought by Stein to be either
interpolated or misplaced.]
206 (return)
[ {katestekee}: some Editors adopt the correction {katesteke}, "is
established."]
207 (return)
[ {iron}, afterwards called {temenos}.]
208 (return)
[ {panta tropon odon}: some MSS. have {odon} for {odon}, and {odon
ekhousi} might perhaps mean "afford a passage." (The reading of the
Medicean MS. is {odon}.)]
209 (return)
[ "I call upon Mylitta against thee"; or perhaps, "I call upon Mylitta to be
favourable to thee."]
210 (return)
[ {aposiosamene te theo}.]
211 (return)
[ {eideos te epammenai eisi kai megatheos}.]
212 (return)
[ {patriai}.]
213 (return)
[ {antion}.]
214 (return)
[ That is perhaps, "if one rows as well as sails," using oars when the wind
is not favourable, cp. ii. 11.]
215 (return)
[ {genomene}, or {ginomene}, "which he met with."]
216 (return)
[ {eonta akharita}: most of the MSS. have {ta eonta akharita}, with which
reading the sentence would be, "the sufferings which I have, have proved
bitter lessons of wisdom to me."]
217 (return)
[ {me eie}.]
218 (return)
[ {tou katharou stratou}, perhaps "the effective part," without the
encumbrances, cp. iv. 135.]
219 (return)
[ {alexomenous}.]
220 (return)
[ {sagaris nomizontes ekhein}: cp. iv. 5.]
221 (return)
[ {maskhalisteras}.]
222 (return)
[ {thuousi}.]
223 (return)
[ {nomos}: the conjecture {noos}, "meaning," which is adopted by many
Editors, may be right; but {nomos} seems to mean the "customary rule"
which determines this form of sacrifice, the rule namely of "swift to the
swift."]
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