17th session | 2016
North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO)
Study Guide
Mullens & Taskin
Table of Contents
Welcome letters ............................................................................................................... 2
Introduction to NATO ....................................................................................................... 3
Topic A: The Situation of Turkey’s Eastern Border ............................................................. 4
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 4
Definition of key terms ............................................................................................................ 5
PKK.................................................................................................................................................. 5
ISIL .................................................................................................................................................. 6
Key events ............................................................................................................................... 7
Discussion of the Topic ............................................................................................................. 9
Bloc positions ........................................................................................................................ 10
Turkey ........................................................................................................................................... 10
Russia............................................................................................................................................ 11
NATO members ............................................................................................................................ 11
United States of America ............................................................................................................. 12
Points a resolution should address ......................................................................................... 13
Further reading ...................................................................................................................... 13
Bibliography .......................................................................................................................... 13
Topic B: The Provision of Effective Governance in Libya .................................................. 15
Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 15
Definition of key terms .......................................................................................................... 16
Key Events .................................................................................................................................... 16
UN Action ..................................................................................................................................... 17
Discussion of the topic ........................................................................................................... 18
Security and Militia Groups .......................................................................................................... 19
The Failing Legal System............................................................................................................... 21
The Denial of Basic Freedoms ...................................................................................................... 22
Bloc positions ........................................................................................................................ 23
Member states supporting the House of Representatives .......................................................... 23
Member states supporting the GNC ............................................................................................ 24
Points a resolution should address ......................................................................................... 25
Further reading ...................................................................................................................... 26
Bibliography .......................................................................................................................... 26
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Welcome letters
Director: George Mullens
Dear Delegates,
It is my distinct honour to be your Director for NATO at LIMUN 2016.
My name is George Mullens and I am a British and Italian Law with Politics
LLB Graduate from the University of Sussex. I have been involved in Model
UN since the age of 15 as a delegate, chair and secretariat member. I was
previously the President of the Model UN Society at the University of
Sussex for two years and Secretary-General of our first ever conference
at the university last February. I was fortunate enough to chair NATO at
LIMUN 2015 and it was definitely the most enjoyable experience I’ve ever
had at a conference. The high level of debate and entertaining discussions
make LIMUN one of the best conferences in Europe and beyond.
Presently I am interning at the Italian Embassy in London before applying
for a Masters in International Peace and Security in London.
I am looking forward to meeting you all at what promises to be an amazing conference!
Assistant Director: Zeynep Taskin
Dear Delegates,
I am more than honoured and content to be your Co-Director for NATO at
LIMUN 2016.
My name is Zeynep Taskin and I am a Turkish studying European Studies
with French at King’s College London. MUN has become a crucial part of my
life , since my first conference when I was fourteen. Having attended more
than twenty-two conferences and traveling to a myriad of countries that
introduced me to new cultures and friends, serving as the Secretary General
of my high-school’s francophone conference was absolutely the most
stimulating experience. LIMUN will be my first university-level conference
and I cannot wait to witness its eminence. I am very excited to chair with
my Director George and to join you for heated debates at NATO.
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Introduction to NATO
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was founded on the 4 th of April 1949 by 12
member countries in order to safeguard Europe and other Western countries against the
Soviet Union. NATO has 28 member countries with the most recent states to join being
Albania and Croatia in 2009. The signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in Washington
established one of the most powerful military alliances of human history with article 5 of the
treaty stating the following:
“The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in
Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all
and consequently they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of
them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self-defence
recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations” 1
The purpose of NATO is to safeguard the freedom and security of its members through
political, and if necessary, military means. NATO as an organisation promotes democratic
values and encourages consultations to build trust and cooperation between members of the
organisation. The organisation is also committed to the peaceful resolution of disputes
through diplomatic efforts. If these efforts fail then the organisation has the capacity to
undertake military efforts under article 5 of the Washington treaty, under a UN mandate,
alone or in cooperation with other member states2.
The organisation provides a unique opportunity for member states and aspiring states to talk
about security issues on all levels with any “NATO decision” taken by the council being
through consensus – meaning all members need to vote in favour. Some of the most
prevalent military actions of recent times have been through NATO, including but not limited
to: the bombing and imposition of a no-fly zone in Libya to oust Muammar Gaddafi in Libya,
the war in Afghanistan and intervention in Kosovo.
1
NATO (2008) “The North Atlantic Treaty”, Available from:
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_17120.htm [Accessed on 27/11/15]
2 NATO (2015) “What is NATO?”, Available from: http://www.nato.int/nato-welcome/
[Accessed on 27/11/15]
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Topic A: The Situation of Turkey’s Eastern Border
Introduction
The Republic of Turkey has continuously been
the melting pot of various and distinct
ethnicities, cultures and identities during the
rule and after the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire. Although this aspect alone requires
serious scrutiny in order to link the troubled
legacy to our day and to comprehend how
intertwined the history of the Empire and the
political gridlock today are; the issue at hand,
The Situation of Turkey’s Eastern Border, will
mainly focus on the challenges that Turkey
faces and its litigious approach to the handling
of its eastern border in the light of its NATO
membership.
Figure 1: Map of the Ottoman Empire, Available from:
www.britannica.com
Firstly, Turkey has had a turbulent background with PKK, a Kurdish separatist group that is
considered to be a terrorist organisation by Turkey. Founded in 1978, PKK aims to form an
independent Kurdish state and seeks to increase the rights of Kurds living within Turkey.
Although parties had phases of both continuous fighting and ceasefire, the turning point for
Turkey was the political weakening of the AKP government after June 7 elections where it lost
an important amount of votes and lost the majority to rule that it proudly has been holding
for the past twelve years, while the pro-Kurdish HDP raised its voter’s base significantly. The
past summer has witnessed the fight between the two parties resume, concomitantly with
the rising threat of the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL). ISIL has become much more
inimical and strategic, as seen with the recent attacks in Paris and Beirut.
The reason why the crisis-ridden domestic setting is important for the ongoing war with ISIL
is that the current AKP government’s stance on fighting ISIL seems to be shaped by its policy
against PKK. Despite the initial aversion to execute military action against the Islamic State,
Turkey had a radical transition by allowing its bases to be used by coalition powers but by also
using an aerial bombing of PKK base in northern Iraq, in four years (BBC, 2015). Neighbouring
Syria, Iraq and Iran; it is rather evident that the country plays a vital role in the strained
relationships and is fervently denounced to remain reluctant to take tangible action or again
believed to be attacking selectively on the matter, as the AKP government prioritises its fight
with PKK over the problems incurred by ISIL.
Consequently, NATO members’ priority on this matter is to fight ISIL abroad as the UK has
recently voted to allow airstrikes to be made, but also within their national territories as
attacks are becoming much more strategic and are executed intrepidly. The information
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provided by this paper should aim to clarify
Turkey’s border security and policy
shortcomings and therefore should aim to
clarify how NATO may assist to strengthen
its member’s fight on ISIL, with the
domestic obstacles that affect its debatable
stance.
Definition of key terms
Figure 2: PKK Fighters in Northern Iraq, Available from
www.presstv.ir
PKK
There is evidently a debate about the actual aims and the agenda of the PKK, however the
issue starts with the very definition of it. The nomenclatural aspect alone engenders various
problems while commenting on its actions on Turkey’s eastern border and against ISIL. While
some aver that the PKK is merely a separatist group which has been continuously ignored and
oppressed by many Turkish governments, having Marxist- Leninist roots (BBC, 2015); the
Justice and Development Party (AKP), the European Union and the United States of America
treat it as a terrorist organisation. In the 1990s, the leader of the organisation, Abdullah
Öcalan, was imprisoned as he was accused of treason and is still in the Imrali prison. Although
he has called for a ceasefire and disarmament of the group in 2013, the Turkish government
ended this so-called ceasefire by launching an airstrike on the group’s training camps that are
in northern Iraq. Turkey, not only on the Kurdish matter, but generally against those who
criticise government’s policies, uses anti-terrorism laws in order to execute writers, thinkers
and has banned pro-Kurdish parties from political life.
However, it is crucial to distinguish PKK from Kurdish population residing in Turkey in this
case. Again, there is currently a pro-Kurdish and pro-minority political party called the HDP
(Peoples’ Democratic Party), which gained 13.2 % of the total votes in June 2015 General
Election. This percentage represents something beyond the apparent: surpassing the 10%
threshold for a pro-Kurdish party and gaining 81 seats in the parliament was a great
achievement for HDP, founded in 2012. From AKP’s perspective, this success not only meant
a decrease in AKP’s popularity, but also marked the increase in support for the Kurdish rights
and political agenda from the non-Kurdish voters. However, it should be underscored that
being Kurdish not does not necessarily lead to voting for the HDP, as AKP’s rule is believed to
bring economic stability by many voters that are not necessarily ideologically aligned with the
AKP government, HDP should not be taken as the sole representative of the Kurdish
population in Turkey.
Moreover, on 31 December 2012, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced
peace negotiations were taking place with Öcalan in Imrali prison, where he is being held
(ibid). However, the turning point for this debate is the active participation of PKK forces
against ISIL and how a group that is considered to execute acts of terrorism by important
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blocs is taken to be a fighter against the global threat.
The way how the PKK and the Kurdish political
agenda is perceived by the AKP government
therefore canalises AKP government’s fight on ISIL
more on to its historically embedded issue, PKK. The
discussion of the topic will tackle the complexity of
the PKK-ISIL debate with more detail.
ISIL
Figure 3: Prime Minister Erdogan, Available from:
Although delegates are assumed to be aware of the serihaber.net
organisation and their aims, certain aspects should
be underlined and reiterated while considering the issue at hand. As a succinct background,
the militant group was established by the Jordanian national Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in 1999
when it was initially known as Jama'at al-Tawhid wal-Jihad. It then became known as "AlQaeda in Iraq" after becoming part of Osama bin Laden’s network in October 2004
(Independent, 2014). As the ‘al-Sham’ part in their name in Arabic could be translated as ‘’the
Levant’’ in English, the term ISIL is used to refer to the organisation (ibid). Delegates are
reminded that the terms ISIL and or Daesh are the terms used by the United Nations and we
would therefore encourage you to stay away from the name Islamic State.
There are various and intertwined motives that might provide an insight to Turkey’s selective
willingness to fight ISIL, as the media remains extremely critical of AKP government’s policies
to tackle terrorism from both organisations, PKK and ISIL. Clearly and most evidently, Turkey’s
Western allies are pressing Turkey to take more action towards the organisation as Turkey is
not only involved historically but also holds important bases for countries like the USA to
locate their military power and personnel. Therefore, it is equally in the best interest of
Turkey’s allies to have the largest Sunni country fighting with them.
From another perspective that is linked to PKK, the organisation and its Syrian branch, the
YPG, are fighting against ISIL and have saved the Yazidi minority which was attacked
remorselessly by ISIL. Also, it is clear that Turkey wouldn’t want the PKK and YPG getting more
global recognition and appreciation by fighting ISIL on its borders. While Turkey was initially
reluctant to take military action as it only did once in January 2014, before joining the
coalition; seeing that PKK has shown great efforts to combat ISIL, Turkey (AKP government)
could no longer remain indifferent and obfuscate its motives. In order to show more tangible
support towards its NATO member states and to its strategic ally USA, Turkey has allowed
two of its military bases to be used by the USA to launch attacks on Syria (New York Times,
2015). Beyond allowing other states to attack via its territory, Turkish fighter jets have hit
various Islamic State targets within Syria (ibid). However, as Turkey’s fight against PKK
resumes concomitantly with its recently escalating fight on ISIL, questions arise whether the
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USA tolerates Turkey’s aggressive policy on PKK
since the bases given to them were highly
lucrative to fight effectively.
In that vein, as this point will be clarified later on,
it seems that “’Turkey is more concerned by the
growing strength of the PKK's Syrian affiliate—
the Democratic Unity Party (PYD)—and its armed
People’s Defence Units (YPG), than it is about IS.”
(The Economist, 2014).
Figure 4: Abdullah Öcalan, leader of the PKK, available from:
dusuneninsanlaricin.com
Key events
This timeline of events aims to give a brief background to Turkey’s political setting. As the list
from BBC has been reduced in length for this study guide, delegates are encouraged to check
the whole background. The link could be found in Further Readings section of this paper.
1952 - Turkey joins NATO, by moving away from Ataturk’s neutral stance
1984 - Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) begins launching a separatist guerrilla war in southeast.
1990 - Turkey allows its bases to be used by the US-led coalition against Iraq.
1992 - 20,000 Turkish troops enter Kurdish safe havens in Iraq to fight against PKK.
1995 - Military action taken against the Kurds, in northern Iraq, with approximately 35,000
Turkish troops.
1999 - February - PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan captured in Kenya.
2002 - August - Parliaments passes reforms to fulfil EU integration and membership process.
Reforms include the abolition of the death sentence except in times of war and the bans on
education and broadcasting in Kurdish to be lifted.
2002 - November - Justice and Development Party (AK) with Islamist predilections “wins
landslide election victory”. Party expresses its commitment to maintain secularism.
2002 - December - After constitutional changes, the head of the ruling party (Recep Tayyip
Erdogan) can run for the parliament and become the prime minister.
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2003 - June-July - Intensifying efforts for the EU membership, laws facilitating “freedom of
speech, Kurdish language rights and reducing the role of military” are passed by the
parliament.
2004 - May - PKK declares its plans to end ceasefire due to ‘’annihilation operations’’ against
its forces and personnel.
2006 - June - The new anti-terror law worries the EU as could be used to oppress dissidence.
2007 - July - AK Party wins the parliamentary elections. Abdullah Gul elected president the
following month.
2007 - December - Turkey launches air strikes on PKK fighters in northern Iraq.
2009 - December - The government introduces measures in parliament to increase Kurdish
language rights and reduce the military presence in the mainly-Kurdish southeast as part of
its "Kurdish initiative". Constitutional reform.
2011 - June - Justice and Development (AK) Party wins a majority after elections. PM Erdogan
starts his third term in office.
2011 - October - PKK kill 24 Turkish troops around the Iraqi border, which makes it the
deadliest attack on Turkish military since 1990s.
2012 - October - Strained relations with Damascus as Syrian mortar fire kills five civilians in a
Turkish border city. Leads to the parliament’s authorisation of military action inside Syria.
2015 - June - Pro-Kurdish and pro-minority left-wing People's Democratic Party (HDP)
surpasses 10% threshold at parliamentary elections, prevents AKP ruling alone and prevents
plans to execute a future presidential system.
2015 - July - After the Islamic Suicide bomber’s killing of 32 activists on Syrian border, Turkey
initiated airstrike against the IS. Concomitantly ends the ceasefire with PPK.
2015 - October - IS accused by Turkey of executing twin suicide bomb attacks in capital
Ankara, during a peace rally by the Kurds. However, Kurdish groups link these events to the
government and accuse it of neglecting security on such a high scale.
2015 - Turkey shoots down a Russian warplane, insisting that the warplane has been warned
several times. Russia, as an important trading partner to Turkey, imposes economic sanctions
on the country. (BBC, 2015)
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Discussion of the Topic
The situation of Turkey’s eastern border has almost always been a heated debate. As
previously shown via the timeline of events, Turkey has an ongoing war on what it calls a
terrorist organisation, the PKK. Kurdish minorities demanding more rights and an
independent state by separating themselves from the Turkish rule has been a fervent issue
as throughout the on and off conflict, thousands died and Turkey has used its military power
/ budget extensively.
The current Kurdish debate has its roots in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I,
while the British occupied the Ottoman province of Mosul that is rich in oil (BBC,2015). In
1919, with Mosul being added to the new Iraqi state, it was a British protectorate. The Treaty
of Sevres (1920), which was signed by the defeated Ottoman government, “provides for a
Kurdish state”, followed by an agreement by the League of Nations. In 1923, the Shaykh
Mahmud Barzinji goes against the British rule and declared a Kurdish kingdom in northern
Iraq (ibid). In 1923, however, the newly found Turkish Republic by Kemal Ataturk does not
ratify the treaty.
In 1970, after various clashes and uprisings, the Iraqi government and the Kurds agree on a
peace accord which grants Kurds autonomy over the region. Consequently, Kurdish is also
recognised and the constitution states that “the Iraqi people is made up of two nationalities;
Arab and Kurdish”. With the outbreak of war between Iraq and Iran, sides become blurred as
Iranian side encourages Kurdish uprising: clashes continue.
The turning point is in 1991, after the expulsion of Iraq’s army from Kuwait. With continuing
Kurdish uprisings, around ‘’1.5 millions of Kurds leave before the Iraqi government’s
onslaught. Following this, Turkey decides to close its borders and directly or indirectly forces
thousands of Kurds to seek refuge in the mountains.
Later in the 21st century, in a letter to the secretary general of the United Nations, Kurds
accuse the Iraqi government of expelling Kurdish families from Kirkuk. (ibid) Moreover, the
US-led campaign against Iraq does not necessarily help Kurds as territories where they reside
come under fire and attack.
In 2007, the head representative of the Turkish government declares that Turkey should
execute an operation against Kurdish guerrillas based in northern Iraq.
Coming back to our day, despite so-called peace talks between Kurdish forces and the Turkish
government, hundreds are wounded in 2012 and overall, thousands passed away from both
sides. What makes the debate on Turkey’s eastern borders is exactly due to this long, bloody
and highly problematic past. With ISIL joining the big picture, it gets even more complicated.
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While Kurdish forces fight against ISIL and
receive machinery and support for doing so,
it comes to the meaning that NATO members
have supported a group that is considered to
be a terrorist organisation by their ally,
Turkey. There are various factors that render
the debate more complex: the fact that the
Islamic State has conquered a myriad of of
Kurdish towns, ISIL causing an exodus of
various peoples including Syrians and
Figure 5: PKK fighters in patrol in Iraq, Available from
www.bbc.com
Yazidis and also Turkey’s new role in the USled military alliance against the IS. While it
seems like Turkey would benefit from fighting the IS in order to find stability in the region,
Turkey equally underscores that air-strikes against ISIL should be launched concomitantly
with operations against PKK rebels in northern Iraq.
The upcoming measures taken by the coalition alone will probably trigger more political
resentment and will provoke further insurrection towards Turkey as it will be taken as the
sole responsible of the possible loss of civilian lives while operations continue.
At this point, although Turkish government’s motives are clearly debatable; it should be
reckoned that the Iraqi-Kurdish relations alone are very complex and involve a deeper
economic stratum.
Bloc positions
Turkey
While Russia support the regime of Assad in Syria, Turkey wants him gone and is believed to
ease its border-crossing process to let Syrian rebels in, although the West considers them to
be terrorist. However, this argument is contested but still should be considered while writing
a resolution. The recent downing of the Russian jet should show point out something beyond
a random and an intrepid action by Turkey. Despite calls by Obama and Hollande to maintain
good relations, the Russian side is still sceptical over the downing of the jet. Was this a NATO
member’s impulsive and miscalculated action, or was it somehow the outburst of NATO’s
accrued stance against Russia’s action in the region?
Either way, it is evident that for Turkey, the dissent with Russia has background. Most
recently, the tension was due to Russia’s bombings of Turkmen population in northern Syria.
Although this attitude of protecting Turkic minorities and peoples existed in the previous
Turkish foreign policy, the AKP government puts a lot of emphasis on its Eurasian partners
and allies. In that vein, Turkey supports those Turkmen population as they are fighting against
Assad’s regime (New York Times, 2015).
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Turkey is clearly putting more emphasis on fighting PKK rather than doing so against ISIL.
Despite various accusations pointed towards the AKP government, one could ask whether
countries should target and prioritise domestic issues before moving towards bigger threats
like ISIL, considering that PKK has been on Turkey’s political agenda since 1980s. Delegates
should aim to critically evaluate the steps via which Turkey can regain order and stability.
Russia
Following the tensions over the downing of a Russian war plane, Russia has continuously
accused Turkey of working with ISIL. The most prominent and striking argument was that
Turkey was smuggling oil from ISIL and therefore was reluctant to fight against it. However, it
should be reckoned that it is plausible for ISIL to smuggle oil via Sinjar, “before it was
recaptured by US-backed Kurds. Consequently, this could help ISIL to smuggle to its Raqqa
stronghold, but not to Turkey.” (Business Insider, 2015)
Beyond Russia’s economic sanctions and discouragement of tourism in Turkey and has stated
“it will cut its imports of Russian petroleum by 25% in 2016” (ibid.).
As trade seems to be the major concern for both countries, not only for Turkey that imports
a significant amount of gas but also for Russia that faces serious sanctions from the EU
members over its handling of the Ukrainian crisis, it is debatable whether the so-called oil
smuggled from Syria would satisfy Turkey. At this point, it should be reminded that “oil bought
at the well-head for $20-25 per barrel in mid-2014 could end up in Turkey being sold at below
the world market price of over $100/barrel, yielding healthy profits to everyone involved. For
a trader to make a profit selling bad quality Syrian products in Turkey now the well-head price
would have to be much lower, and this would not necessarily make commercial sense for IS.”
(BBC, 2015).
Following the argument from this point, Turkey’s main source of oil is Russia with its total
consumption of about 720,000 barrels per day. (ibid.) The message is rather ambiguous but
it is evident that poor quality oil that might be smuggled from Syria is a far cry from fulfilling
the needs of Turkey. Although this accusation seems vague, it still might help to attract
attention to Turkey’s rather unknown and dodgy relationships. In that vein, delegates are
highly encouraged to examine readings and the media critically.
NATO members
NATO countries express concern over Mr. Erdogan’s authoritarian rule and impulsive actions
for a while. NATO officials state that Turkey’s agenda on the matter is not necessarily aligned
that of the USA, UK or France.
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Recently, NATO has stated that is willing and ready to send troops to assist Turkey in order to
defend its member against threats on its southern border, following the political tension
between Russia and Turkey. On another note, the US ambassador to NATO, Douglas Lute,
expressed concerns over Russia’s worrisome and escalating “naval presence, long-range
rockets and a battalion of ground troops being build up.” (The Guardian, 2015).
Apart from allowing the US to use its military base by the Syrian border, Turkey has equally
allowed France permission to use its airspace to fight against ISIL. Furthermore, Germany is
willing to “send six Tornado reconnaissance jets, refuelling aircraft to İncirlik Airbase in
southern Turkey, a frigate to protect a French aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean Sea, and
up to 1,200 military personnel to the region for one year”, especially after the recent attacks
that took place in the French capital (Harriet Daily News, 2015).
Lastly, three days ago Britain’s permanent representative to the United Nations, Matthew
Rycroft, “has written to the president of the security council, Samantha Power, officially
notifying her of the UK’s decision to join airstrikes on Syria” (The Guardian, 2015).
United States of America
Understandably, the US has a more complicated role on this matter. As expressed previously
in the study guide, the US is heavily denounced by Kurds as the US seems to be tolerating
Turkish government’s increasing attacks on PKK and on the Kurdish minority as it has Turkey’s
permission to use Turkey’s Incirlik base against ISIL (Independent, 2015). However, the US
refutes any arguments linking Turkey’s increasing fight on PKK with its use of Incirlik base.
Interestingly, while the US allies itself with the Kurds in Syria, it criticises their mother
organisation PKK and labels its members as terrorists. The White House spokesman, Ben
Rhodes stated that the US recognises PKK as a terrorist organisation and Turkey should take
necessary action against the terrorist
organisation. Although the US will be able to
attack more efficiently with the Incirlik base
which is located 60 miles from the border,
approximately 400 air strikes were not successful
at preventing Ramadi, the capital of the Anbar
province being captured by ISIL. This might show
that the intertwined relationships and their
ideological clashing points prevent countries
fighting ISIL from being efficient and functioning
at full capacity (ibid.).
Figure 6: Incirlik air base, available from: incirlik.af.mil
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Points a resolution should address
Resolutions should consider to address following issues in order to impede the disquieting
ascent of ISIL, by concurrently considering Turkey’s and other countries’ stance on powers
such as PKK and YPD fighting the terrorist organisation on the spot.
1. How can member states stimulate a more efficient fight against ISIL beyond aerial strikes?
2. How can Turkey eschew further tension with PKK and other forces fighting against ISIL?
3. How should NATO approach organisations like PKK, despite their efforts to detract ISIL’s
power and attritional crimes against humanity?
4. How can member states create further cooperation to prevent or to eliminate events like
the downing of the Russian jet, in order to sustain order between opposing blocs?
5. To what extent the effects of the future bombings of Syria by the member states could
be reduced in order to prevent the derogation of existing worrisome living conditions of
the civilians?
6. What actions can NATO take in order to assist Turkey’s military actions in the region?
7. How should NATO and its members approach Russia, in the light of recent tension between
Russia and Turkey?
Further reading
http://s.telegraph.co.uk/graphics/MobileSwitcher/v2/images/203814441524712099506940.svg : the map of the conflict including ISIL,Rebels, Kurdish YPG, proregime Hizbollah militant presence and so on. This could help to solidify the clashing interests
in the region.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-17994865 : a very helpful BBC timeline of events
for Turkey. Delegates could also find the PKK profile on BBC website.
http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com : delegates make use of the Turkish newspaper’s English
website to gain insight to the Turkish media’s stance on recent and past events.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-34973181: this article explains the background to
oil smuggling but critically discusses whether Russia’s allegations are right.
Bibliography
BBC, Available at : http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-15467672,
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Business Insider UK, Available at : http://uk.businessinsider.com/russia-turkey-isis-oil-ties2015-12?r=US&IR=T, Natasha Bertrand .
Hurriyet Daily News (2015) , Available at : http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkey-givesfrance-authorization-to-use-turkish-airspace-in-anti-isiloperations.aspx?pageID=238&nID=92013&NewsCatID=352, Sevil Erkus .
The Guardian(2015) , Available at : http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/08/natoready-to-deploy-forces-to-defend-turkey-against-any-threats, Kareem Shaheen.
The Guardian ( 2015) , Available at:
http://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2015/dec/03/syria-airstrikes-britain-launchesbombing-against-isis-targets-rolling-reportIndependent ,
Independent (2015) , Available at : http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middleeast/turkey-conflict-with-kurds-was-approving-air-strikes-against-the-pkk-americas-worsterror-in-the-10417381.html, Patrick Cockburn .
Independent(2015) , Available at : http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middleeast/isis-vs-isil-vs-islamic-state-what-is-in-a-name-9731894.html, Helen Lock.
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Topic B: The Provision of Effective Governance in Libya
Introduction
Over the past hundred years, Libya has been one of several African countries to change
leadership numerous times. It was firstly under control of the Ottoman empire until 1911
when Italy took over the area around Tripoli during the Italo-Turkish War3. Italian governance
remained until 1943 when they were defeated during the Second World War. Libya then
passed under a UN administration until it gained independence in 1951. A coup d’état led by
Col. Muammar al-Gaddafi in 1969 led to 42 years of a Socialist-Islamic dictatorship under
which political opponents were persecuted and the regime sponsored violent terrorism all
around the world4. Attacks such as the Lockerbie bombing over Scotland5 and a discotheque
bombing in Berlin resulted in the political and economic isolation of the Libyan regime
through UN sanctions. These sanctions were lifted in 2003 after the regime accepted
responsibility for these attacks6.
Subsequent to this, unrest began in several
middle-eastern countries in what became
known as the Arab Spring, leading to
protests for democratic reform in Libya. In
response to these protests, Gaddafi started
a violent crackdown on dissent that
resulted in a full-blown civil war between
government and opposition forces. This
violence resulted in the UN authorization of
military and naval intervention in Security
Council Resolution 1973, followed by a nofly zone and NATO intervention. The first
civil war ended following the capture and
death of Gaddafi in the battle of Sirte. The
Gaddafi regime was replaced by the
National Transitional Council. In 2012, a
new government was formed in Libya,
called the General National Congress
Figure 1: Map of the Second Libyan Civil War, Available from:
www.bbc.com [Accessed on 28/11/15]
3
Liberti, F. (2011) “Italian – Libyan Relations”, Available from Al-Jazeera Network at:
www.aljazeera.net/mritems/streams/2011/7/13/1_1073735_1_51.pdf, [Accessed on
29/11/15]
4 CIA (2015) “The World Factbook: Libya”, Available from:
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ly.html [Accessed on
29/11/15]
5 BBC (2015) “Timeline: Lockerbie bombing”, Available from:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-34541363, [Accessed on 29/11/15]
6 OpCit, n.4
15
Mullens & Taskin
(otherwise known as the GNC). The GNC then subsequently unilaterally extended its mandate
even though it had been dissolved. This led to the retired General Khalifa Haftar calling for a
caretaker government to oversee elections. However, the GNC formed a rival government in
Tripoli where as the majority of elected deputies based themselves in Tobruk due to security
concerns, this government is also known as the House of Representatives.
NATO’s intervention in Libya has been one of the most controversial military interventions in
recent history. While first under the banner of humanitarian protection from Muammar
Gaddafi’s forces, it quickly became evident that this intervention was put in place to oust
Gaddafi from power. While many analysts, and NATO itself, claim Operation Unified Protector
in Libya as a success, and a model for future intervention, critics claim that NATO exceeded
its United Nations mandate and aimed for regime change rather than a de-escalation of
violence in Libya7.
Most importantly however is the claim that NATO’s intervention in Libya is the major cause
of violence that still grips the country to this very day and has resulted in the Second Libyan
Civil War. As a delegate of NATO, your task will be to suggest reforms to Libya’s existing
governance in order to end the ongoing conflict. As of present, the conflict has caused
widespread destruction of property, civilian injuries and deaths with over 400,000 people
displaced. Another 150,000 people (including foreigners) have fled the country and most
foreign embassies, the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) have closed their missions in the country due to fears over safety8.
Definition of key terms
This section will aim to outline the key events and UN resolutions in the ongoing conflict. We
would highly encourage you all to research further these crucial events to gain a better
understanding of the causes of the second civil war. As such, the subsequent events have
played a significant role in the ongoing violence.
Key Events
In May 2014, the retired General Khalifa Hafter, with foreign support announced in a
television broadcast that the GNC had been dissolved9 after the GNC unilaterally expanded
7
Isaac, S. (2012) “NATO’s intervention in Libya: Assessment and Implications”, Available
from: http://www.iemed.org/observatori-en/arees-danalisi/arxiusadjunts/anuari/med.2012/Khalifa_en.pdf [Accessed on 27/11/15]
8 HRW (2015) “World Report 2015: Libya”, Available from Human Rights Watch at:
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015/country-chapters/libya [Accessed on 27/11/15]
9 Baroud, R. (2014) “The Libyan Bedlam: General Hafter, the CIA and the Unfinished Coup”,
Available from: http://www.middle-east-online.com/english/?id=64378, [Accessed on
01/12/15]
16
Mullens & Taskin
its mandate. Hafter launched a military
operation against Islamic factions in eastern
Libya to remove terrorist groups. His Libya
Dignity alliance targeted extremist groups
such as Ansar al-Sharia (the group which was
partially in charge of the attack on the US
Consulate in Benghazi) and the Islamic Shura
Youth Council in Derna, the ISIL affiliated
group in Libya. General Hafter subsequently
called for elections to take place in June.
Figure 2: NATO Airstrike in Libya, Available from:
http://bit.ly/1Rh1Asz
The ongoing crisis intensified due to boycotts, violence and low voter turn out in the 25th of
June Elections for the Libyan House of Representatives10. A new 200-seat parliament was
established to replace the interim GNC. However due to violence only 188 seats were filled.
Following the election, around 158 members of parliament convened in Tobruk due to
security concerns in Tripoli. This led to around 30 members of parliament boycotting the
move and supporting the now defunct GNC instead. The violence in Libya can be seen as a
two fronts with the support of hundreds of militias combatting each other for political
legitimacy in the post-Gaddafi era.
On the 6th of November 2014, another crucial event occurred. The Libyan Supreme Court
issued a ruling which said that it was unconstitutional for the Tobruk based government to
reform election laws. This proved to be further fuel to the flame as the elected government
in Tobruk rejected the ruling and the GNC claimed to be the legitimate legislature and thus
called for the dissolution of the Tobruk government11.
Following an election which was plagued by violence and boycotts, Libyans voted for a 60member assembly with the task of drafting a new constitution. This assembly was meant to
draft a new constitution by December 2014. The draft constitution12 was authored by the
assembly, however due to the ongoing conflict it naturally hasn’t been accepted by all sides.
UN Action
The UN has undertaken a number of resolutions on the conflict, mainly through the Security
Council, the resolutions listed here are the most important resolutions for this topic and are
not those relevant to the 2011 NATO intervention in Libya. In Security Council resolution 2009
10
OpCit n.8
ibid
12 Constitution Net (2014) “Libya – Initial draft constitution 2014”, Available from the
Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance at:
http://www.constitutionnet.org/vl/item/libya-initial-draft-constitution-2014-english
[Accessed on 29/11/15]
11
17
Mullens & Taskin
(2011), the council unanimously established
the United Nations Support Mission in Libya
(UNSMIL) in order to assist Libyan nationals to
restore public security and the rule of law,
undertake political dialogue, strengthen
accountable institutions, protect and promote
human rights13. This mission has recently been
given the task to establish accountable political
institutions in line with Security Council
Resolution 2238 which further aims to facilitate
a Libyan-led political solution to the crisis14 and
extended the mandate of UNSMIL the to the
16th of March 2016 under this resolution.
Figure 3: ISIL Fighters in Sirte, Available from
www.thenational.ae
Security Council Resolution 197015 (2011) gave the International Criminal Court jurisdiction
over events occurring in Libya out of fear that domestic court trials would be politically
motivated. While Security Council Resolution 2214 (2015)16 aims to address the rise of
terrorism in Libya.
However, U.N. action has been hindered by rejections from the House of Representatives for
a unity government, even though the organisation said it would continue to take part in UN
backed peace talks with its rivals in Tripoli17.
Discussion of the topic
There are a number of areas within Libya that require urgent reform in order to stop the
ongoing conflict. It is worth keeping in mind that Libya does not presently have any
democratic institutions which are fully accountable to the electorate. This is mainly due to
13
UNSC Resolution 2009 (2011), Available from:
http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2009(2011) [Accessed on
29/11/15]
14 UNSC Resolution 2238 (2015), Available from:
https://unsmil.unmissions.org/Portals/unsmil/Documents/UNSCR223810September2015.p
df [Accessed on 29/11/15]
15 UNSC Resolution 1970 (2011), Available from: https://www.icccpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/081A9013-BO3D-4859-9D61-5D0B0F2F5EFA/0/170Eng.pdf, [Accessed
on 02/12/15]
16 UNSC Resolution 2214 (2015), Available from:
http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2214.pdf, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
17 Reuters (2015) “Libya’s recognised parliament rejects U.N. proposal for unity
government”, Available from: http://uk.reuters.com/article/2015/10/19/uk-libya-securityidUKKCN0SD29020151019, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
18
Mullens & Taskin
the 42 years of Gaddafi’s dictatorship; many tenants of free societies such as the freedom of
association and speech are simply not present in Libya. To establish principles such as the rule
of law there must be a political solution which not only addressed issues such as security and
law reform, but also the role of militia groups within Libya who have their own political and
economic agendas.
Security and Militia Groups
The lack of security within Libya remains one of the most prevalent issues. Militias are defined
as an army or other fighting force that is principally composed of non-professional fighters.
Many militias and armed groups remain on the pay roll of both the government in Tobruk and
that in Tripoli. Some pro-federalist militias have been in dispute over their pay and maintained
a blockade on major oil export terminals for an entire year.
Armed groups have also been guilty of targeted assassinations, mostly in Benghazi and Derna,
with over 250 people killed in the first nine months of 2014, including judges, journalists,
security officials, prosecutors and imams. At the time of writing, no investigations have taken
place to determine those guilty for these attacks. Armed groups have targeted foreigners and
diplomats. Unknown armed groups abducted 2 employees of the Tunisian embassy and
unidentified gunmen kidnapped Jordan’s ambassador on the 15 th of April, demanding the
release of a Libyan prisoner in Jordan who was accused of terrorism18.
The complete lack of border controls has meant that there has been a continued trafficking
of people, guns and drugs across the Libyan border with Chad, Sudan, Egypt and Algeria 19.
Due to the lack of governance within Libya, militias have been able to reap the benefits of
these lucrative businesses to further fund their violent activities. Similarly, because these
militias are funded by the rival governments within Libya, they aren’t prosecuted for their
illegal activities either.
Militias within Libya have established a significant amount of strength and support from
various local populations. For example, Libya Dawn is a group of pro-Islamist militias that in
summer 2014 attacked the international airport in Tripoli and subsequently went on to seize
substantial parts of the capital. This militia is a supporter of the GNC and was the central
group which called upon the GNC to reconvene and claim legislative authority. As such, Libya
Dawn is seen as the rival authority’s “armed forces”, especially since the militia gained military
planes20.
18
OpCit, n.8
ibid
20 BBC (2015) “Guide to key Libyan militias”, Available from:
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-19744533, [Accessed on 01/12/15]
19
19
Mullens & Taskin
Several militias have arisen in support
of the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant
(ISIL) in particular around Gadaffi’s birth
town of Sirte. Following the Libyan Civil
War, a number of rebel fighters went to
Syria to fight against Bashar al-Assad21.
In 2012, one of these groups of Libyan
rebels fighting in Syria established the
Battar Brigade. It is this group would
later pledge loyalty to ISIL after they
returned to Libya22. Current estimates Figure 4: Former rebels have been integrated into the army,
place ISIL forces in Libya at around 3000 Available from www.bbc.com
fighters and the organization sees the
country as a “retreat zone and strategic hub for recruits unable to reach its Syrian
heartland”23. In a report to the Security Council, the UN stated that “ISIL has clearly
demonstrated its intention to control additional territory in Libya. This is a concern, given the
country’s strategic location as a transit point within the region”24, its close proximity to
Europe, and in particular, Italy.
The rise of militia groups affiliated to ISIL can be seen as a convergence of a number of issues.
Even before fighters returned from Syria to Libya there were tensions between Islamists in
Eastern Libya. These disputes were concerning the Islamic legitimacy of Libya’s transitional
governments. Many former rebels who helped liberate Libya from Gaddafi’s rule saw the
post-Gaddafi government as acceptable and thus wanted to influence it from inside by
forming militias such as Libya Dawn. However, those that did not accept its democratic values
and generally approved of more hard-line factions condemned it for relying on former
members of Gaddafi’s regime and for failing to apply Sharia law25.
21
BBC (2014) “Libya violence: Activists beheaded in Derna”, Available from
http://www.bbc.com/new/world-africa-30011640, [Accessed on 01/12/15]
22 Wehrey, F. (2015) “Rising out of Chaos: the Islamic State in Libya”, Available from:
http://carnegieendowment.org/syriaincrisis/?fa=59268, [Accessed on 01/12/15]
23 Crilly, R (2015) “Islamic State is building a ‘retreat zone’ in Libya with 3000 fighters, say
UN experts”, Available from The Daily Telegraph:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/islamic-state/12028246/Islamic-State-isbuilding-a-retreat-zone-in-Libya-with-3000-fighters-say-UN-experts.html [Accessed on
02/12/15]
24 UNSC (2015) “Report of the Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team submitted
pursuant to paragraph 13 of Security Council resolution 2214 (2015) concerning the
terrorism threat in Libya posed by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, Ansar al Charia,
and all other Al-Qaida associates”, Available from: http://untribute.com/wpcontent/uploads/2015/12/MT-report-on-Libya-ENG.pdf, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
25 OpCit, n.19
20
Mullens & Taskin
The power and size of militias has resulted in the escalation of violence as these groups claim
affiliation to either of the rival governments in Libya26. Militias in some areas in Libya have
acted almost as formal government institutions. In some “homogenous communities where
the armed groups enjoyed organic roots and social ties, the forces played a role akin to a local
gendarmerie, performing functions like narcotics interdiction, guarding schools and hospitals,
and even street maintenance.”27 However in mixed communities, in particular the largest
cities in Libya, militias “have evolved into dangerously parasitic and predatory entities,
pursuing agendas that are at once criminal, political, and ideological.”28
The Failing Legal System
The Libyan judicial system has faced a number of setbacks. Firstly, Libyan law is still riddled
with laws from the Gaddafi era which restrict basic freedoms such as the freedom of speech,
association and assembly. The former GNC and the Tobruk government have completely
failed in amending over 30 articles in the Libyan penal code which issue the death penalty for
exercising freedom of expression and association. Since the overthrow of the Gaddafi, a court
in Tripoli has imposed the death penalty against more than 30 officials of the Gaddafi regime,
including Gaddafi’s son and heir apparent Saif al-Islam29 and former chief of military
intelligence Abdullah al-Senussi, a figure who was feared by Libiyans and known as “the
butcher”30. At the time of writing these key figures within the Gaddafi regime have not been
executed, however the fact remains that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has jurisdiction
over the situation in Libya under UN Security Council resolution 197031 and has rejected
several requests from the Libyan government in Tobruk to have a trial on domestic soil over
fears of reprisals and miscarriages of justice, as noted by Jawad Rana, the BBC’s North Africa
correspondent “the verdicts illustrate the difficulties in conducting fair trials in a country rules
by militias, driven by revenge and void of any effective central government”32.
The attacks of militias against judges, prosecutors, lawyers and witnesses has caused the
closure of prosecutor’s offices and courts in Benghazi, Derna, Sirte, Sebha and the Justice
Ministry in Tripoli. This has brought about the complete breakdown of the judicial system and
26
Wehrey, F. (2014) “Ending Libya’s Civil War: Reconciling Politics, Rebuilding Security”,
Available from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace at:
http://carnegieendowment.org/files/ending_libya_civ_war.pdf, [Accessed on 01/12/15]
27 ibid
28 ibid
29 Jawad, R. (2015) “Libya death sentences cast long shadow over rule of law”, Available
from: http://www.bbc.com/new/world-africa-33855860, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
30 BBC (2015) “Profile: Abdullah al-Senussi”, Available from:
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-17414121, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
31 OpCit, n.15
32 OpCit, n.26
21
Mullens & Taskin
the rule of law33.
The government’s failure to gain control of detainees held in militia-held facilities has meant
that the rule of law has not been restored. Even in facilities held by either governments in
Libya, there has been a complete lack of due process, access to lawyers, judicial reviews and
access to key evidence34.
These issues have not been aided by the passing of legislation by both governments which
attempt to restrict liberalist ideals. On September the 14th, the Tobruk government passed
Counter terrorism legislation which undermines basic freedoms to speech, association and
assembly via a sweeping and wide-spread definition on terrorism35. On the other hand the
GNC has implemented laws that “contradict constitutional liberalism”36.
The Justice Ministry alone has held, according to Human Rights Watch, 6.100 detainees in 26
prisons by the Judicial Police without proper sentencing37. 90 per cent of these detainees have
not been sentenced. In addition to this, the ministries of defence and interior have held an
undisclosed amount of detainees for unknown reasons whilst many militias also continue to
hold an “unknown number of detainees in informal facilities”38 and are responsible for
widespread human rights abuses including torture and death in custody.
The Denial of Basic Freedoms
As mentioned above, one of the key areas
needing reform in Libya after 42 years of
dictatorship are basic freedoms such as the
freedom of expression and speech. Armed
factions and militias have once again been
responsible for the intimidation, kidnapping
and murder of journalists and attacks on media
outlets. Several high ranking journalists have
been assassinated such as Miftah Bouzeid, the
editor of the weekly newspaper Berniq, a
33
Figure 5: Armed men outside the Ministry of Justice, Available
from www.bbc.com
OpCit, n.8
ibid
35 ibid
36 Ashour, O. (2015) “Between ISIS and a failed state: The saga of Libyan Islamists”, Available
from the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World at Brookings at:
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Research/Files/Reports/2015/07/rethinking-politicalislam/Libya_Ashour-FINALE.pdf?la=en [Accessed on 01/12/15]
37 OpCit, n.8
38 ibid
34
22
Mullens & Taskin
prominent critic of Libya’s Islamist extremists39. After the overthrow of Gaddafi the number
of Libyan satellite television stations increased exponentially from two at the end of the
Gaddafi regime, to more than 50, with the number of publications rising from four daily
newspapers to dozens of publications40. Journalists were suddenly given the freedom to
discuss political issues – a privilege which was never given under 42 years of dictatorship.
These media outlets face constant threats from heavily armed militia groups as these groups
benefit from near immunity from prosecution. As such Human Rights Watch notes that it is
“not aware of a single instance in which officials prosecuted a perpetrator of an attack against
a journalist or media outlet since 2011”41. It needs to be ensured that international
investigative mechanisms are established to document serious human rights violations,
especially those that can amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, including but
not limited to: politically motivated assassinations and attacks against journalists. Although
the Security Council has given authorisation to the ICC to pursue investigations into serious
crimes, it lacks the resources and capabilities to fully establish the rule of law within Libya to
bring those who are responsible for human rights violations to justice.
Bloc positions
The present conflict has been generally divided into two main blocks, those member states
that support the House of Representatives and those who support the rival government in
Tripoli. Most NATO member states have recognized the House of Representatives as the
official representatives of the Libyan government and where as some member states
(particularly in Africa) have refused to recognize the government in Tobruk and have given
arms and support to the GNC in Tripoli. Even though the vast majority of member states
recognise the House of Representatives there are some divisions internationally on how to
confront the issue with the House of Representatives rejecting a UN proposal for a unity
government42.
Member states supporting the House of Representatives
For Egypt and UAE, Libya has been very important for President Fattah al-Sisi, following an
increased number of kidnappings and killings of Egyptians by the hands of heavily armed
militias affiliated with ISIL43. Recently, 21 Egyptian Christians were killed by Libyan militias
39
Human Rights Watch (2015) “War on the Media: Journalists under Attack in Libya”,
Available Human Rights Watch at: https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/02/09/warmedia/journalists-under-attack-libya, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
40 ibid
41 ibid
42 OpCit, n.17
43 Aman, A. (2015) “Egypt acts as middleman for Russia-Libya arms deal”, Available from:
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/02/egypt-efforts-libya-army-russiaweapons.html#, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
23
Mullens & Taskin
affiliated to ISIL, resulting in Egypt
collaborating with the Tobruk government
to strengthen their military capabilities.
Egypt has also acted as a key mediator in
discussions between Libya and Russia for
the sale of weapons. In August 2015, Egypt
and UAE secretly launched air strikes
against Islamist-allied militias fighting for
control in Tripoli with the support of Saudi
Arabia44.
Jordan has also aided the Libyan government through military assistance in particular against
the ISIL affiliate in Sirte. A meeting in April 2015 between King Abdullah II and General Khalifa
Haftar resulted in Jordan pledging support
for efforts by Libya to confront terrorist Figure 6: A fighter watches as smoke rises from a fuel tank struck
by a rocket from a militia, Available from: www.al-monitor.com
organisations.45
The United States of America has naturally been a key player in the conflict, the USA recently
killed ISIL’s top official in Libya46 and has been central in stopping the Qatari funding of
Islamist groups in Libya by mediating discussions between Qatar and UAE47. As such, the USA
is a top ally of the House of Representatives.
Member states supporting the GNC
Sudan has been a key ally for the Islamist government in Tripoli. This has also been because
of constant funding of opponents to the regime in Khartoum by the Gaddafi government.
President Omar al-Bashir, who is indicted by the ICC, recently said that “when the revolution
started in Libya, we supported all the revolutionaries; we say that all rebels in Sudan, whether
44
Kirkpatrick, D. & Schmitt, E. (2014) “Arab Nations Strike in Libya, Surprising U.S.”,
Available from The New York Times at:
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/26/world/africa/egypt-and-united-arab-emirates-saidto-have-secretly-carried-out-libya-airstrikes.html?_r=1, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
45 Al Arabiya News (2015) “Jordan pledges support for Libya in talks with General Haftar”,
Available from: http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2015/04/13/Jordanpledges-support-for-Libya-in-talks-with-General-Haftar.html, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
46 Brannen, K. & Youssef, N. (2015) “U.S. Kills Leader of ISIS in Libya”, Available from:
http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2015/11/14/exclusive-u-s-targets-isis-in-libyaairstrike.htmlhttp://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2015/11/14/exclusive-u-s-targets-isisin-libya-airstrike.html, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
47 Ahmed, A. (2015) “Obama Brokered A Secret Deal Between 2 Arab States That Could Help
End Libya's Civil War”, Available from: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/06/17/libyapeace-uae-qatar_n_7605898.html, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
24
Mullens & Taskin
in South Sudan or Darfur, were funded 100 percent by Gadhafi”48.
Relations between Turkey and Libya have been unclear. Several sources claim that individuals
close to the government (and with support of the government) have been funding armed
Islamist groups who back the GNC49 due to its Muslim Brotherhood connections50. As a NATO
member these are troubling accusations, despite denials from the Turkish government.
Libya’s internationally recognised government recently accused Turkey of sending weapons
to the government in Tripoli with the Prime Minister stating that “Turkey is a state that is not
dealing honestly with us, it’s exporting weapons to us so the Libyan people kill each other”51.
Points a resolution should address
Resolutions need to address the following questions in order to fully solve the ongoing conflict
in Libya.
 How can member states reduce the power and strength of militias and make them
legally accountable for their actions?

What specific legal and political reforms need to take place for the government in
Tobruk to gain democratic legitimacy?

What steps need to occur to ensure that both the rival government in Tripoli and the
one in Tobruk can come together peacefully and unite the country?

How can member states reduce the grasp of ISIL within Libya?

How can democratic reform and elections be implemented in a country which has had
a dictatorship for 42 years and a complete absence of democratic institutions?

What actions can NATO take to support the legitimate government in Tobruk?

How can NATO and other regional organisations ensure the eventual stability and
48
The Cairo Post (2015) “Sudan militarily backs rebels”, Available from The Cairo Post at:
http://thecairopost.youm7.com/news/143075/news/sudan-militarily-backs-libyan-rebelsbashir-to-youm7, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
49 Schanzer, J. (2015) “Ankara’s support for Libyan jihadists raises some troubling
questions.”, Available from the National Interest at:
http://nationalinterest.org/feature/turkeys-secret-proxy-war-libya-12430, [Accessed on
02/12/15]
50 Tastekin, F. (2014) “Turkey’s war in Libya”, Available from: http://www.almonitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/12/turkey-libya-muslim-brotherhood.html#, [Accessed
on 02/12/15]
51 Supra, n.49
25
Mullens & Taskin
security of Libya in the presence of heavily armed militias?

How can NATO ensure legal and democratic reform?

What lessons can NATO learn from the 2011 intervention in Libya?
Further reading
The Secretary General’s report on the current situation is useful to gain an in-depth
understanding of the humanitarian and security situation in Libya:
http://untribute.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/MT-report-on-Libya-ENG.pdf,
For a comprehensive list of all UN documents, including reports and resolutions on the crisis
in Libya please visit the following website:
http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/un-documents/libya/
For an understanding of the role, strength and presence of militias:
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-19744533
To understand the consequences of the 2011 NATO intervention in Libya:
http://www.iemed.org/observatori-en/arees-danalisi/arxiusadjunts/anuari/med.2012/Khalifa_en.pdf
To gain an understanding on the key human rights violations and issues, along with the main
issues facing democratic reform in Libya:
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015/country-chapters/libya
Bibliography
Ahmed, A. (2015) “Obama Brokered A Secret Deal Between 2 Arab States That Could Help
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Al Arabiya News (2015) “Jordan pledges support for Libya in talks with General Haftar”,
Available from: http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2015/04/13/Jordanpledges-support-for-Libya-in-talks-with-General-Haftar.html, [Accessed on 02/12/15]
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Mullens & Taskin
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