University of Wisconsin Milwaukee
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Theses and Dissertations
August 2016
The New Orleans Festival Arts Community:
Embodying Culture, Performing Afrocentric
Identity
Shukrani Keisha Gray
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Follow this and additional works at: http://dc.uwm.edu/etd
Part of the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons
Recommended Citation
Gray, Shukrani Keisha, "The New Orleans Festival Arts Community: Embodying Culture, Performing Afrocentric Identity" (2016).
Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1267.
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THENEWORLEANSFESTIVALARTSCOMMUNITY:
EMBODYINGCULTURE,PERFORMINGAFROCENTRICIDENTITY
by
ShukraniK.Gray
AThesisSubmittedin
PartialFulfillmentofthe
RequirementsfortheDegreeof
MasterofScience
inAnthropology
at
TheUniversityofWisconsin-Milwaukee
August2016
ABSTRACT
THENEWORLEANSFESTIVALARTSCOMMUNITY:
EMBODYINGCULTURE,PERFORMINGAFROCENTRICIDENDTITY
by
ShukraniGray
TheUniversityofWisconsin-Milwaukee,2016
UndertheSupervisionofProfessorWilliamWood
Anthropologistshaveevaluatedartasindicesofculturallyspecificintentionsthat
expresstheartist’sviewofhisorhersocialrelations.NewOrleansFestivalArts(NOFA)
communityisfilledwithartobjectsandotherformsofculturalexpressionthatexpressartists’
socialrelationships,historicalcontexts,andculturalbeliefs.Socialaidandpleasureclubs,Black
Indiansandotherorganizationsorchestrateelaborateparadesthatincorporatecostumes,
streetdecorations,banners,music,danceandsong.Theseartisticexpressionsindexidentity
withinthecommunity.Thisresearch,basedinNewOrleans,Louisiana,isfocusedonthecity’s
vibrantAfrocentriccommunityanditsfestivalartscommunity.UsingAlfredGell’stheoryofthe
anthropologyofart,thisresearchexamineshowartisusedasanexpressionofAfrican
DiasporicIdentity,agency,andatoolforsocialchange.TheAfrocentriccommunityofNew
Orleanshasbeenapartofthecity’slandscapesincethe1960’sandcontinuestothrivetoday.
AlthoughthereisnoexclusivelyAfrocentricgroupwhopracticesNOFA,therearemembersof
NewOrleansAfrocentriccommunitywhoplayvariousrolescreatingartinNOFAsettings.Itis
myargumentthatartcanbeusedtoexaminetheintersectionofAfricanDiasporicIdentityand
NewOrleansFestivalArtstomakesenseofthebehaviorsofparticipantsinthecontextof
specificsocialrelationshipsandhistoricalcontextsuniquetoNewOrleans.Finally,thisthesis
examineshowAfrocentricNOFApractitionersutilizeart,symboliclanguageandperformanceto
ii
createchangeintheircommunity.Iseektounderstandhowartisusedasatooltoconstruct
andtransmitidentity,andhowartempowersactorsastheyexpresstheiridentityandaddress
communityconcerns.
iii
©CopyrightbyShukraniGray,2016
AllRightsReserved
iv
Dedication
IdedicatethisthesistothelivingmemoryofBabaKabailaCharlesGrayandMamaTabasumu
RosettaGray,mylovingparents.Itistheirguidancethatgavemethefortitudetocompletethis
program.Iwouldalsoliketodedicatethisthesistothemanywonderfulpeoplewhohaveaided
myjourneyalongtheway,specificallyDr.CherylAjirotutu,withoutwhomIwould’vequityears
ago.IgiveaheartfeltthankstothestaffatTheBeanGalleryandCaféNicauldbecausethey
gavemetheproperenvironmenttohashoutmyideas.FinallyIdedicatethisthesistothemany
menandwomenwhoservedasmentorsthroughoutmyprocess,including,butnotlimitedto:
Mycommitteemembers,Dr.ZadaJohnson(whosavedmefrommyself)andDr.WilliamWood;
Dr.KendraHarris,whogavemetheinsightandresourcestocarryon;Dr.RachelCarrico,who
walkedthisjourneywithme,andsoontobeDr.MoniqueHassman,wholentaneartomy
manyrantsandraves.Thankyouallforyoursupportandkindorsternwords.Becauseofyou
thisthesisispossible.
v
TABLEOFCONTENTS
ListofAbbreviations ____________________________________________________vii
ListofFigures_________________________________________________________ viii
Chapter1:Introduction___________________________________________________1
Chapter2:NewOrleansFestivalArts________________________________________6
SecondLineParades__________________________________________________________7
SocialAidandPleasureClubs(SAPC)_____________________________________________9
MardiGrasIndians__________________________________________________________10
Chapter3:ResearchDesignandMethodology _______________________________10
Chapter4:Symbols,Art,andIndentityinNewOrleansFestivalArts _____________17
AestheticsversusAgency_____________________________________________________22
Chapter5:AfrocentricIndentityinNewOrleans_____________________________25
TheRootsofNewOrleans’African-CenteredMovement ___________________________27
IdentifyingNewOrleansAfrican-CenteredCommunity_____________________________31
Chapter6:AestheticizingtheClubhouse____________________________________34
Chapter7:WeAreWhatWeWear_________________________________________41
IdentityinSecondLineSuit ___________________________________________________44
BigQueenAusettuaandtheOyaSuit___________________________________________48
Chapter8:ConnectiongNewOrleansFestivalArtsThroughSpokenWord_________51
Chapter9:ThePowerofActiveandPassiveAgencyinNewOrleansFestivalArt____58
WorksCited___________________________________________________________ 61
Appendices___________________________________________________________ 68
vi
LISTOFFIGURES
Number
Page
1. NewOrleansFestivalArtsDiagram.......................................................9
2. SecondLineParadeWindsThroughNewOrleans................................9
3. BlackMenOfLaborParade2015........................................................11
4. BigQueenAusettuaAmorAmenkumSuperSunday2015.................12
vii
BMOL CORE NOFA SNCC SPAC YMO LISTOFABBREVIATIONS
BlackMenOfLaborSocialAidandPleasureClub
CongressofRacialEquality
NewOrleansFestivalArts
StudentNonviolentCoordinatingCommittee
SocialAidandPleasureClub
YoungMenOlympianJr.SocialAidandPleasureClub
viii
ChapterOne:Introduction
IndianRedisasongusedtosignalthebeginningofanyBlackIndianevent.It’sasongof
reverence.IndianRedexpressestheMardiGrasIndians’resilientspirit,resourcefulnessand
tenacity.Thosewhosingthesonghailtheirprideinatraditionthathascontinued
uninterruptedintheBlackcommunitysincethe1800’s.Therearetwowaysofsingingthefirst
stanzaofthesong:
Madicudefio,endansdey,enddansday
Madicudefio,endansdey,enddansday
WearetheIndians,Indians,Indiansofthenation
Thewild,wildcreation
Wewon’tbowdown
Downontheground
OhhowIlovetohearhimcallIndianRed.
ThisishowmanyoftheMardiGrasIndianssingthispartofthesong.However,ChiefDavid
MontanaoftheWashitawNationmakesapointtousethesongtoemphasizehisconnectionto
theBlackandAfricantraditionsrepresentedintheMardiGrasIndiantradition.Eventhewayhe
andhisqueen,AusettuaAmorAmenkumrefertothemselves,“BlackIndians”isindicativeofa
“Blackconsciousness”.WhenChiefDavidMontanasingsIndianRed,hechangesthelinefrom
“WearetheIndians”to“WeareBlackIndians,BlackIndians,BlackIndiansofthenation”.By
changingonewordinthesong,ChiefDavidMontanateacheseveryonearoundhimthatthe
MardiGrasIndiantraditionismorethanjustatributetoIndianculture.Hisinsistenceonusing
thephrase“BlackIndians”insteadof“theIndians”declareswhoheisasaparticipantinsuch
events,andwhathisparticipationintheseeventsmeantohim.
1
ItisthisuseofartasavesselforcommunicatingIdentitythatisthefocusofmy
research.NewOrleansisfilledwithfestivaltraditions,whichIrefertoasNewOrleansFestival
Arts(NOFA),andtheyareperformedonaregularbasis.Withinthistradition,thereisanetwork
ofAfrican-CenteredartistswhouseartisticexpressionswithinNOFAsuchasart,song,dance,
andsymboliclanguage,toconveytheiruniqueworldview.
Mythesislooksatthetopicofartandidentity.Thisthesisfitsintothelarger
conversationwithinanthropologyonart,identityandagency.ItstemsfromAlfredGell’swork
onartasanindexforexpressingidentityandeffectingsocialchange.Ibeganmyresearchwith
theintentionofanalyzingAfricanretentionsinNOFA.Mypreliminaryliteraturereviewand
researchgoalswerefocusedonfurtheringthediscussionofclassicalargumentswhichbegan
withMelvilleHerskovits’work,MythoftheNegroPast(1958),andwerecarriedthroughworks
ofwell-knownresearcherslikeJosephE.Halloway,JasonBerry,andMichaelSmith.Likethese
authors,myinterestslayinunderstandingtheAfrican“spirit”displayedinNewOrleansmusic,
dance,iconographyandsongs.Myresearchgoalwastotracesuchexpressionstotheirroots,
throughCongoSquare,theCaribbeanandfinallybacktoWestAfrica.Theproblemwiththese
earlyworksandwithmyconceptualizationofmyresearchisthatI(andthey)assumedan
innateAfricanconnection,demonstratedintheirsupportofthetheoryofAfricanCultural
Continuity(thebeliefthatcertainbehaviorswerepracticedduetoaninnatecultural
connection).Unfortunately,theseearlyresearchersfailedtoexplicatethecomplexmyriadof
identitiesintheAmericanBlackcommunityandintheAfricanDiaspora.Inotherwords,we
bothfailedtoaccountforthemultiplewaysAfricanAmericansexpresstheiridentityand
connecttotheworldinwhichtheylive.
2
Byfocusingontheartasanexpressionofidentity,Iamabletodiscusshowpeople,
livingwithinaspecificsociallandscape,(aspecifichistoricalandsocialcontext),constructan
identityanduseittoexpresstheirplaceinagivencommunity.ArtistslikeShakaZulu,Mardi
GrasIndianChief,aretakingthealreadyestablishedparadingtraditions,inhiscase,thatofthe
MardiGrasIndiansandusingthemtoexpresstheiruniqueviewofNewOrleansculture,history
andplaceintheworld.Cultureincorporatesallaspectsofacommunity’slifestyle.Each
individualchoosespiecesoftheculturetheyliveintoconstructtheirindividualidentity.When
Zulucreatesasuit,likehis2015scarabbeetlesuit,hisdecisiontochooseEgyptiansymbols
meanssomethingspecifictohimandtothosewhoseehiminhissuit.Themessageisclearto
thosewhounderstandthelanguageofthesuithecreated(asuitthatindexeshissocial
identity).ThesuitbecomesasecondaryagentofShakaZuluthroughtheactofcommunicating
identitytohisaudience.
Swidleremphasizestheconnectionbetweencommunityenclavesandindividualagency
bystating“collectiveactionisunderstoodtorestonthechoiceofindividualactors(276).”
Amit,VeredandRapport,Nigel(2002)alsoemphasizetheimportanceofindividualactors
withinacollective,whentheyprovidealternativewaystoanalyzecommunity.African-centered
artistsuseNOFAtocreateartthatcommunicatestheirbeliefsandvalues.NOFAprovidesthe
ritualsettingofsecondlineparades,Mardi-Grasparadesandothergatheringsinwhichwecan
seeAfrican-centeredidentityinaction.Becauseartisinteractive,wearealsoabletoanalyze
whatagencyarthasonceitiscreated.Iamabletoask:“Whatdoestheartdo?”,and“How
doestheartaffectchangeintheindividualwhoseesit,andinthecommunityinwhichitis
displayed?”GragoryMinissale(2009:11-13)helpsustounderstandtheroleofartin
3
anthropology,becauseart“providesavisualandmentaltopographyofourownconscious
involvement,aprocessofintersubjectivenegotiationbyvisualmean”…hecontinues,“art
makesitpossiblefortheviewertoseethought…organized.”
ThisstudymakesanimportantcontributiontotheliteratureonartandAfricanidentity
inNewOrleansinseveralways.First,NOFAhavebeenthesubjectofmanyresearcherswhotry
toconnectNOFAtoitsAfricanroots(Holloway2005,Regis2001,2012Smith1994).These
studieshaveattributedtheAfricanconnectioninNOFAto“unconsciousAfricanand/orNativeAmericanculturalretentionsthatdramatizeunconsciouscollectivememories”(Johnson2010).
Thisresearchtakesadifferentapproach,whichgivesvoicetotheactivechoicesmadebymen
andwomenwhocreatenewwaystomanifestAfricainNOFAtoday.Atthecoreofthisresearch
istheunderstandingthatcontemporaryNOFAartistshavedecidedtoexpresstheirconnection
toAfrica,notfromanAfricanessence,butfromaconscioussocio-politicalaffiliation,whichis
usedasastrategyforresistanceandchange.ThisstudyshowshowaNewOrleanstraditionhas
changedduetocertainhistoricalmovementsthathaveinfluencedtheviewsandbeliefsofthe
artistswhocreateindexincurrentNOFAevents.Thisresearchspecificallyfocusesonindex
createdinthesecondlineandMardiGrasIndiantraditions,whichincludessuitmaking,
accessoriesanddecorationsthattransformparticipants,buildingsandstreetsintoartistic
expressions.Thisstudyalsoisimportantbecauseitshowshowindividualsuseartasacultural
tooltoaddresssocialchange.Bystudyingidentitythroughart,datafromthisresearchcanbe
usedtoidentifyculturalpracticesthatassistNewOrleansresidentsinnegotiatingissuesof
culturalidentityandhistoricalconsciousnessandresistance.
4
Thisthesisisorganizedasfollows:ChapterTwo(NewOrleansFestivalArts)beginswith
abriefdiscussionoftheNOFAthatarerelevanttothisstudy.ThischapterusesAlfredGell’s
Anthropologyofarttodiscussspecificartindexes.Thedescriptionsincludetheindexesthatwill
betheprimaryfocusofstudyandwillincludeconceptsthatthereadershouldbefamiliarwith
inordertounderstandtheconceptofidentityinNOFA.InChapterThree(ResearchDesignand
Methodology),Igiveadetaileddescriptionofmymethodology,goingthroughmyprocessof
datacollectionandmyintroductionintotheNOFAcommunity.ChapterFour(Symbols,Artand
IdentityinNewOrleansFestivalArts)discussesdifferentconceptionsoftheuseofartin
anthropology,beginningwithsymbolicrepresentation.Thischapterreviewsthetheoretical
discussionofartandanthropologyandendswithareviewofrelevantethnographiesthat
discussartandanthropology.ChapterFive(AfrocentricIdentityinNewOrleans)discussesthe
historicalcontextthatinfluencedthedevelopmentoftheNewOrleans’Afrocentriccommunity
sothereaderwillhaveabetterunderstandingofthesymboliclanguagerepresentedintheart
indexandtheartistpresentedinmydatachapters.ChaptersSix,SevenandEightaremydata
chapters.InChapterSix(AestheticizingtheClubhouse)IdiscussthehowtheBlackMenOf
Laborusetotheartdisplaycreatedfortheirannualparadetoconveykeymessagesofidentity
tothecommunity.InChapterSeven(WeareWhatWeWear)IdiscusshowtheBMOLandhow
MardiGrasIndians,AusettuaAmorAmenkumandVictorHarrisuseAfricanspiritualideologyto
communicatethroughart.Ialsodiscusshow,followingGell,theirartdisplaysitsownsecondary
agencyinNOFAevents.ChapterEight(ConnectingNOFAthroughSpokenWord),thelastdata
chapterdiscusseshowNOFAandsymboliclanguagerepresentedinnarratives,chantsandsong
areusedaseffectchangeeitherthroughhistoricalreconnectionorpoliticalresistance.Inthe
5
finalchapter(ChapterNine:ThePowerofActiveandPassiveAgencyinNewOrleansFestival
Arts),Ireviewkeyfindingsfromthedatachaptersandtheirimplicationsfortheartcreated
throughNOFA.Ialsosummarizehowartcanbeusedasaculturaltooltoaffectchangeandto
expressidentity.
6
ChapterTwo:NewOrleansFestivalArts
NewOrleansFestivalArtsisaphraseusedbyDanielE.Walker(2004)todescribeaset
ofperformancebehaviorspracticedinNewOrleans.Hecoinedtheterm“FestivalArts”to
connecttheperformancepracticesinNewOrleanswiththefestivaltraditionsofWestAfrica.
FestivalartsinNewOrleansandWestAfricaincorporatemusic,dance,maskingand
iconographyaspartofa“collectivewhole.Inthisstudy,IfollowWalkerandrefertoaspecific
setofbehaviorsasNewOrleansFestivalArts(NOFA).
ThischapterdescribessomeoftheNOFA,andinparticular,theonesthatarethefocus
ofmyobservationsandinterviewquestions.However,notalloftheartsincludedintheNOFA
networkareincludedhere.Ifollowthedescriptionswithsectionsdiscussingthesebehaviorsas
theyarerelatedtoCongoSquare.CongoSquareisahistoricalspacelocatedinNewOrleans’
ArmstrongPark.ThisspaceholdsaspecialplaceforNOFApractitionersandishonoredbythem
as“theroot”ofNOFA.IincludethiscontextbecauseAfrica-centeredpractitionersoften
mentionCongoSquarewhentheyrefertoNOFA.ItisimportanttoaddressCongoSquareto
understandhowthesebehaviorsconnecttotheAfrican-centeredpractitionerswhoserveasa
partofthisstudy.Figure1directlybelowillustrateshowthethreeexpressiveculturalformsare
apartofNOFA.
7
MardiGras
Indians/BlackIndians
SocialAidandPleasure
Clubs/Benevolence
Societies
SecondLine
Parades/Music/Dance
New
Orleans
FestivalArts
(NOFA)
Figure1:NewOrleansFestivalArts(NOFA)
SecondLineParades
Figure2:SecondLineParade
Tama,Mario.Second-LineParadeWindsThroughNewOrleans
Secondlineisaphrasethatdescribesthedance,“Iain’tneverseennobodysecondline
likethat”,theevent“theBlackMenofLaborwillhavetheirSecondLinethisSunday”ormusic
“IheardthatsecondlineplayingandIjusthadtodance”.(Thesecondlinemusiccanbeplayed
eitherbyaliveband,ormaybereferringtorecordedsecondlinemusicoftenplayedatparties
8
orontheradio.)Thisuniqueeventhasbeendescribedasawalkingblockparty.Thetraditional
secondlineparade,organizedbysocialaidandpleasureclubs(SAPCs)consistsofabrassband
(bassdrum,trumpets,tromboneandtuba),themembersoftheorganization,andspectators.
AllthreegroupsmovecollectivelythroughthestreetsofNewOrleans,followingadesignated
paraderoute.ThebrassbandandthemembersoftheSAPCheadtheparade.Theyarereferred
toasthe“firstline.”ImmediatelybehindthebrassbandandSAPCarecommunitymembers
whocomefromfarandnearinresponsetothemusic.Theseimpromptudancersarereferred
toasthe“secondline.”Thesecondlineparadebeginsatapre-designatedplacethatusually
hassomesignificancetotheSAPCsponsoringtheevent.Secondlineparadesusuallylastupto
5hours.Secondlineroutesincludeseveralrestpoints,called“stops.”Thestopsservetwo
purposes,one,toprovidethehundredsofparticipantsaplacetorest,buyfood,andgather
withotherparadeparticipants;andsecond,tosignifyanimportantrelationshipbetweenthe
paradingorganizationandthespacewherethestopislocated.Thiscouldbethehomeofa
deceasedclubmember,abusinessthatsupportstheparadingorganizationoranimportant
personintheorganization’snetwork.
AscommunitymembersandartistsbegintoembraceanAfrocentricidentity,wecan
seeshiftsinthemusic,instrumentssongs,anddancesintegratedinthetraditionalsecondline
parade.ArtistandcommunitymembershavebeguntoaddAfrocentricsymbolsintheir
clothing/costumes,djembedrumsanddjundjundrumsparadealongsidetraditionaljazzband
ensembleaswellasothershiftsintheculture.Theseshiftswillbeexploredindetailinmydata
chapters.
9
SocialAidandPleasureClubs(SAPCs)
Figure3:BlackMenOfLaborAnnualParade2015
Phototakenbyauthor
Socialaidandpleasureclubsdatebacktothelate1800's.Theseorganizationswere
createdasameanstocombattheracismandextremesegregationoftheJimCrowSouththat
blockedthemfromfinancialresources.Blackshadtopooltheirmoneytogethertopayfor
funerals,toaidintimesofsicknessorforanymajorexpenseafamilymighthaveincurred.
CurrentSAPCsrepresentawiderangeofNewOrleans’demographics.TheBlackMenofLabor
(BMOL)isaclubthathasaddedanAfrocentricidentitytotheSAPCtradition.Theyhaveinfused
Africanfabric,AfricaniconographyandAfrocentricprinciplesofeconomicempowermentand
communitybuildingintotheirclubsrepresentation.
10
MardiGrasIndians/BlackIndians
Figure4:BigQueenAusettuaAmorAmenkumSuperSunday2015
Phototakenbyauthor.
TheMardiGrasIndians(alsoknownasBlackIndians)aresmall,privatelyorganized
groupsofworking-classAfricanAmericanmenandwomen,whoobserveasetofritualsand
ceremoniescenteredonthedayofMardiGras,theTuesdaybeforeAshWednesday.
Collectively,theirorganizationsarecalled"gangs"or"tribes".Theyrangeinsizefromhalfa
dozentoseveraldozenmembers.Thetribesarelargelyindependent,butapairofumbrella
organizationslooselycoordinatestheUptownIndians(SouthofCanalStreet)andthe
DowntownIndians(NorthofCanalStreet).ThemostrecognizablefeatureofMardiGrasIndian
performancetodayaretheIndians’“suits”--wearableartworkswhichcanbesevenoreightfeet
tallandcanweigh150to200pounds.MardiGrasIndiansuitstakeatleastoneyeartodesign
andcreate,andrequiretheworkseveralpeoplesewing,tocomplete.MardiGrasIndianswear
theirsuitsMardiGrasDay,St.Joseph’sNightandSuperSunday.SomeBlackIndiansalsowear
theirsuitsduringprocessionsaroundthegroundsattheNewOrleansJazzandHeritageFest.
11
TheMardiGrasIndiantraditionincludessymbolicactionswhereAfrocentricmembers
candisplaytheiridentity.SomeIndiansfusesymbolsfromtraditionalAfricanreligions,
traditionalAfricanartandothersourcesintheirsuits.Asthesememberscreatesongs,chants
anddancesthatrepresenttheirmultilayeredidentity,anthropologistcanbegintodocument
thechangesinmeaningaffectedbythechangingidentitynarrative.
NOFAsinthecontextofthesecondlinetradition,SAPCs,andMardiGrasIndiansarethe
focusofthisresearch.Thesestrongtraditionsprovidemultipleformsofartforobservinghow
artistuseartifacts,ritualandspokenwordtoexpresstheirworldview,influenceandinform
theiraudience.NOFAsalsoallowsustounderstandtheagencyandpowerofartonceitis
createdandexertsitselfaforceintheconstructionofAfrocentricidentitieswithintheNOFA
tradition.
12
ChapterThree:ResearchDesignandMethodology
Theresearchforthisthesiswasconductedusingacombinationofparticipant
observation,interviewingandprimary/secondarysourceresearch.Myacademicappointment
ingraduateschool(asateachingassistant)hasallowedmetheopportunitytovisitNew
Orleansfairlyoften(sometimesuptofourtimesayear)since2007.IamcurrentlyaNew
Orleansresidentandhavebeensince2012.Ihavetheuniqueperspectiveofbeinganinsideroutsider.IamanoutsiderbecauseIamrelativelynewtoNewOrleans.Anyonewhoisfrom
hereknowshowproblematicbeinganoutsidercanbewhenyouaretryingtodoanythingin
thecityofNewOrleans.Fortunately,Ihavesomeexperiencesandpersonalidentity
characteristicsthathavehelpedmetodeveloprapportwithmyresearchsubjects.Firstofall,I
wasintroducedtotheBlackMenofLaborthroughoneofthemembersofmythesis
committee,ProfessorCherylAjirotutuwhohasdoneworkinNewOrleans.Sheestablisheda
solidreputationassomeonetrustworthyanddedicatedtobringingresourcestoNewOrleans.
Thiswasevidentbythenumberof“grassroots”residentswillingtoworkwithher.Iwasgreatly
aidedbyworkingunderherduringmyinitialstaysinNewOrlean.Workingwithmanyofher
contacts,(settingappointments,facilitatingstudentinterviews,runningerrands)helpedtoget
mynameoutinthecommunity.ItwasDr.Ajirotutuwhointroducedmetomyfirstcommunity
contact,Bruce“Sunpie”Barnes.Bruceisalong-standingmemberofthebenevolence
organization,TheBlackMenofLabor(BMOL).Bruce,inturn,introducedmetoToddHiggins
andFredJohnson,twooftheadministrativemembersofBMOL.Thesemensanctionedmeas
partoftheBMOL’sfamily,anhonorthathashelpedmetodocument,interviewandseebehind
thescenesinawaythatwouldneverhavebeenpossiblewithouttheirapproval.
13
Myacademicconnectionshelpedmeinitially,butitwasmylifelongmembershipin
Chicago’sAfrocentriccommunity(andasaresult,NewOrleans’Afrocentriccommunity)andmy
AfricanDiasporicidentitythatgavemethegreatestassistanceasIgotacclimatedtoNew
Orleans.MyresearchfocusesonindividualswhoclaimanAfricanDiasporicidentity,butforthe
sakeofsimplicity,Iwillrefertothemaseither“Afrocentric”or“AfricanCentered”(Ifully
understandthismaybeslightlyproblematic,asthemembersthemselvesmayuseotherterms
todefinewhotheyare).TheAfrocentriccommunityvariesacrosstheUnitedStates,butthere
aresomecommontiesthatallowedmetointegrateintotheNewOrleans’Afrocentric
communityfairlyeasily.
Iwasbornin1970duringthetimewhentheUnitedStateswasinthemiddleofthe
BlackPowerMovement.IattendedanAfricanCenteredschoolwhichmyparentshelpedto
open.IamatrainedAfricandancer/choreographer/performer,specializingindancesfrom
Senegal,Guinea,MaliandtheCaribbean.Allofthesedetailshavehelpedtogarnermy
acceptanceintotheNewOrleansAfrocentriccommunity.MyproficiencyasanAfricandancer
hasallowedmetoperforminseveralNewOrleansvenues.IamknowninNewOrleansasa
danceperformerandinstructor.OneofmyfirstdanceinstructorswasMariamCurry,founder
anddirectorofaNewOrleansAfricandancecompany,N’KafuAfricanDanceCompany.Ms.
CurryhasbeentrainingchildrenandadultsinAfricandanceandculturesincethe1980’s.My
associationwithN’kafuallowedmetheopportunitytomeetotherAfricandancersand
musicians,performers,poetsandvisualartists.TheseartistsarepartofNewOrleans’larger
AfricanDiasporiccommunity.Inreality,I’vebeenestablishingmyselfasapartofthis
communitysince2008,atotalof8years.
14
Myimmersionintothecommunityasresident,participantandresearchergivesmethe
opportunitytoexperienceNOFAinawaythatmostareunabletoexperienceit.WhenIcalled
ToddHigginstoarrangehisinterview,forexample,hiswordswere,“Youarein.Youarefamily.
Notmanygettobeinourfamily,butyou,youarefamily.”I’vedevelopedfriendshipswith
manyofthepeopleI’vechosentointerview.We’vegrowncloserasI’vevisitedtheirhomes,
mettheirfamilies,workedwiththem,performedwiththem,talkedonthephoneetc.I’ve
“sewn”withAusettuaAmorAmenkumforthelastthreeyears,a“riteofpassage”inandof
itself.“Sewing”istheactivityofhand-makingcostumeswornbyNewOrleansBlackIndians
(MardiGrasIndians).Thetraditioninthepastwasthatfriendsandfamilyweretheonlyones
allowedtoparticipateinthesecrettraditionofsewing.Ihavebeenabletolearntheartof
sewingandcontinuetolearnthisskill.I’malsoadancerinKumbuka,alocaldancecompany
directedbyAusettuaAmorAmenkum.IperformedatJazzFest2014ontheCongoSquareStage
andin2015aspartofAusettua’sdancecompany.
Theserelationshipshavebenefitedmepersonallyaswellasacademically.WhenI
movedherewithnojobandlittleresources,itwasmembersoftheAfrocentriccommunitythat
pointedmetowardsresources,gavemesmalljobstokeepmyincomegoing,broughtfood,
tookmeouttoeat,checkedonmeduringinclementweather,andsoon.Peopleinthe
communityknowmeasastudent.Someunderstandthefullextentofmyresearch,othershave
ageneralsenseofwhatIamdoing,butallhavebeensupportive.Peoplehaveexpressedatrust
inmycharacter,aknowingthatIwilltellthe“rightstory”whenitcomestoNewOrleans
performanceartandthecommunitythatcreatesandsustainsit.Theyhavefaithinthefactthat
Iunderstand,eventhoughsometimesevenIdon’tknowwhatthatmeans.ButIfeelit.
15
Mostofmyparticipantswereinformedofmyresearchevenbeforeitformallybegan.I
feltitimportantthatpeopleunderstoodmydualroleinthecommunity,knowingthatIwas
observingbothformyselfandformyresearch.ManyhavecommittedtomyresearchinwaysI
sometimesunderestimated.IhadaconversationwithaparticipantonedayinDecember2014.
Shecalledmeonthephonebecauseshehadbeenthinkingaboutmyresearch.“Letmeask
you,whatexactlyareyouresearching?”Iexplainedtohermyideasabouttheconnection
betweenpresentdayAfrocentricpractitionersandtheearlyBlackPowermovementandhow
thatenvironmentcreatedtheartistsandtheiruniquewayofpresentingtheirarttoday.She
thoughtaboutwhatItoldherandsheresponded,
That’sgood.I’mgladyouaretalkingaboutbeingAfrocentric.Igetaskedtodoa
lotofinterviewsasanIndianQueen,andeveryoneseemstobetalkingabout
CongoSquareandtheAfricanconnection.Ijustwantedtomakesureyouwere
doingsomethingthatwouldmakeyoustandout.Butthat’sgood…nooneis
reallytalkingaboutthat.
Talkingtoherletmeknowthatshewasinvestedinmyresearchandinmeasaperson.Italso
mademefeellikeapartofthecommunity,andnotsomuchofanoutsideobserver.This
conversationalsohelpedmetounderstandtheimpactmyresearchcanhaveonthelivesofthe
artistsIchoosetoobserve.Thisworkistheirlife’s-blood.
LivinginNewOrleansIwasabletoattendanumberofsecondlineparades,heldeach
Sundayinvariousneighborhoodsaroundthecity.I’veobservedbrassbandpartiesin
neighborhoodlounges(wherepeopledancetosecondlinemusic),Sundaydrumcirclesat
CongoSquare,ARedBlackandGreenbikeride(abikeeventdesignedtoincreasecommunity
awarenessandAfrican-AmericanbikeridershipinNewOrleans),workshops,lectures,Kwanzaa
celebrationsandotherpubliccommunityevents.AnytimeIwasabletoattendaneventImade
16
sureIhadmycameraormyphone.Asaresult,Ihavehundredsofphotosandvideosofthese
eventsspanningfrom2012tothepresent.MyfocuswastounderstandwhatNewOrleans
Afrocentriccommunitylookedlike,whatkindofactivitieswereattendedbyitsmembers,who
werethekeyplayersandtheirsocialconnectionstooneanother.DuringthisprocessIbeganto
recognizefacesthatwerepresentinseveralvenues,keyplayersinthecommunity.Ibeganto
understandcertainunifyingthemeswithinthecommunity.Ichosemyinitialparticipantsfrom
theseinformalobservations.Ausettua,Kamau,andFiYiYiarepeopleIidentifiedthroughthis
process.Allofmyinterviewswerearrangedoverthephone.Istartedwithatextmessageor
phonecalls.Somepeopledon’tliketextmessages,andthosepeopleIcalled.Ifoundthatfaceto-faceinteractionortalkingonthephoneseemstogetbetterresults.Ialsolearnedthatemailscanbeseenasanimpersonalwayofcommunicating,andusuallyimplyaformalitythat
createsbarriers.Allofmyparticipantswereeagerto“helpmewithmypaper.”Theproblemis
thatALLofmyparticipantsareextremelybusy.BeinganartistinNewOrleansmeansyoulikely
havemultiplejobs.Soschedulingwasmybiggesthurdle.Thesecondhurdlewasdeciding
wheretoholdtheinterview.Thechoicesweregenerallytheparticipant’shouse,myhouse,a
studyroomatDelgadoCommunityCollege’sCityParkLibraryoracoffeeshop.Outofthese
choices,thecoffeeshopwastheleastproductivebecauseitwasdifficulttofindbothprivacy
andquiet,sothiswasoftenmylastresort.Ihaveyettousethecoffeeshoptointerview,
althoughtheyofferameetingroom(for$20andhour).
MymethodologyfollowsMarcusE.George’sframeworkformulti-sitedethnography
(1995).Anthropologistshavetraditionallyfollowedasingle-siteapproach,whichfocuses
attentionononelocation.However,Ihavefoundthatamulti-sitedapproachisamore
17
effectivemethodforexamininghowNOFAartistusetheirartandotherculturalequipmentas
“strategiesofaction”withinsocio-culturalcontextsthatspanandconnectspacesthroughout
thecity.Themulti-sitedethnographyisusedwhenthesubjectisnotboundbyonerelatively
small,bounded,specificlocation.Traditionally,ethnographicinvestigationoccursinone
boundedlocation,allowingtheresearchertorigorouslyinvestigateasmall-scalecommunity,
organizationorfamily.Whenthecommunityinquestionisnoteasilydefinedbyageographic
locationorisverylarge,theresearcherisabletousemulti-sitedresearchtofollowthe
occurrencesinthespaceswheretheyoccur.Usingthismethodology,theresearcherisableto
identifyacommunitynetworkthatdefinesandsustainsparticularphenomena.
Georgeoutlinessixmulti-sitedtechniques:Followthepeople,followthething,followthe
metaphor,followtheplot,storyorallegory,followthelifeorbiography,andfollowtheconflict
Mydatacollectionisacombinationof“followthemetaphor”,“followthestory”and“Follow
thepeopleandtheirlives/biographies.”“Followthemetaphor”isusedtofollowmodesof
thoughtinthiscase,Africandiasporicidentityandtheculturaltoolsitcreates.Thismethod
examinessigns,symbolsandmetaphorsto“tracethesocialcorrelatesandgroundingsof
associations…inlanguageuseandprintorvisualmedia.(108)DanielWalker’s(2004)work
informsmydefinitionof“Culturaltools”artistsusesuchasiconography,song,dance,and
masks/costumeinthefestivalartscontexttoconveyconceptsofAfricandiasporicidentity,
spiritual/ancestralconnectionandcommunityengagement.MyprimaryfocusishowAfrican
CenteredpractitionersofNOFAincorporatetheiridentitynarrativesinartcreatedforNOFA.
Thisincludesart,costumes,signage,suitsandotherartifactsusedduringNOFAevents.
18
“Followtheplot,storyorallegory”isusedtoanalyzethestoriesornarrativesNOFA
artistsusetojustifytheirclaimtoanAfricandiasporicidentity.Partofmygoalistounderstand
howartistsarecreatingalternatevisionstodefineorredefinetheirmembershipoftheAfrican
Diaspora.Myobservationsofmultipleeventsasspectatorandparticipantallowsmetogather
dataregardinghowsymboliclanguagesuchasspeeches,songsandconversationsareusedto
enhanceartintheNOFAenvironment.Ialsouseda“followthestory”methodologyto
understandtherepresentationofsymboliclanguage,danceandplacemakingofNOFA.
Finally,Iusethe“followthepeople”strategyasanintegralpartofmymethodology.
Muchofmyobservationsoccurwhilespendingtimewithparticipantsintheirhomes,atwork,
whileperformingandinotherspaceswhereartiscreatedandidentityisexpressed.Myroleas
anapprenticeallowedmetoobservemanyofmyparticipantsastheycreatetheirlifestories.
“Followthepeople”isawaytogainadeeperunderstandingtheparticipants’lifestories.This
processgivesmeaddedinsightofwatchingactivitiesthatdefinetheparticipants’realitiesas
wellasshapeandmoldtheiridentities.ItalsoinformsmyinterpretationofeventsasIam
constantlyaddingtomyvocabularyofsights,soundsandevents.Followingthepeoplealsoe
helpsmeinterpretdatafromamoreinformedperspective.
19
ChapterFour:Symbols,ArtandIdentityinNewOrleansFestivalArts
Aswasdiscussedinthepreviouschapter,mydatacollectionisacombinationofMarcus
E.George’s“Followthemetaphor”and“Followthestory”.Mymethodologyisbasedinthe
theorythatanthropologistscanusesymbolstobetterunderstandsocialidentityandculture,
specifically,symbolsfoundindifferentgenresofart(Gell,1998,1999,Gertz,1977,Kelly,2007,
Morphy&Perkins,2006,Schneider,2010,Svasek,2007).IchosetouseMarcus’methodology
becauseasastudentinthefieldofAnthropology,Iendeavortogainabetterunderstandingof
culture.Thefocusofmyendeavor,however,isdeeplyinformedbyCliffordGeertzwho
challengesanthropologiststorecognizethereareno“universallaws”whendealingwith
culture.Hestates,“universalsaresogeneralastobewithoutintellectualforceorinterest,are
largebanalitieslackingeithercircumstantialityorsurprise,precisionorrevelation,andareof
preciouslittleuse”(2000,134).Thatistosay,thereisnothingthatisuniversaltoonegroup,
andtryingtounderstandwhat“allAfrocentricartists”believeordoisfutile.Instead,Irecognize
thatIhaveacertainperspective,whichisbasedonmyexperiences,asdothoseofeachofmy
participants.My“worldview”colorswhatIsee,howIinterprettheworld,andhowIinterpret
thedataIcollect.Ialsomustapplythisunderstandingtomyresearch.Insteadoftryingto
define“whatNewOrleans’African-centeredpractitionersare”,Ichosetoidentifystrategies
someoftheseparticipantsusetoexpresswhotheyarewithinthelargercommunity.Geertz
(Ibid:139)describestwotypesofsocialscientists,thosewhosegoalisto“discoverfacts,set
themintopropositionalstructures,deducelaws,predictoutcomes,andrationallymanage
sociallife”,andotherswhosegoalisto“clarifywhatonearthisgoingonamongvariouspeople
atvarioustimesanddrawsomeconclusionsaboutconstraints,causes,hopesand
20
possibilities—thepracticalitiesoflife.”Inlookingforamethodologyandtheoreticalframeto
follow,Ichoosetofocusonsymbolsandmetaphorsfoundindifferentformsofart.Through
art,Iamabletoanalyzethewiderangeinwhichsymbolsareusedthatreflectsthediversityof
theartistintheAfrican-CenteredNOFAcommunity.Ilookforaframethatallowsmeto“clarify
whatonEarthisgoingonamong”theAfrican-centeredNOFAcommunity”,withthe
understandingthatIonlyhaveaccesstoasnippetofbehavior;amomentinthecontinuumof
time.
Geertz(1977:483)studiedJavanese,BalineseandMoroccansocietiesby“searchingout
andanalyzingthesymbolicforms—words,images,institutions,behaviors—intermsofwhich,in
eachplace,peopleactuallypresentthemselvestothemselvesandtooneanother.”Heexplains,
“whateveraccurateorhalf-accuratesenseonegetsofwhatone’sinformantsare“reallylike”
comesnotfromtheexperiencesofthatacceptance…butfromtheabilitytoconstruetheir
modesofexpression,whatIwouldcalltheirsystemsofsymbols…(Ibid:492).VictorTurner
(1977:pagenumber?)alsousedsymbolstobetterunderstandculture,butunlikeGeertz,he
usedsymbolstofindcommonthemesthatcanbe“identifiedineveryculture.”Turner’swork
on“SymbolsinAfricanRitual”identifiesritualas“animportantsettingfortheexpressionof
themesandritualsymbols”(Ibid:185)(Eventhetitleimpliesthereareuniversaltruthsin
AfricanRitual.Anotionthatseemsimpossible,giventhenumberofcountries,ethnicgroups,
spiritualbeliefs,politicalstrictures,etc.thatwouldutilize“AfricanRitual”).GeertzandTurner
agreeontheimportanceofanalyzingsymbolsinordertounderstandtherelationshipsshared
inagivencommunity.Symbolscanbeusedtounderstandcommunityvalues,howthosevalues
aresharedwithothersandhowthecommunityinteractswiththesymbols.Turner(1977:186)
21
pointsout,“ritualsymbols…maybeoffsetbyalossofclarityofcommunication”andhegoes
ontosay,“Thiswouldbeinevitableifsuchsymbolsexistedinavacuum,buttheyexistin
culturalandoperationalcontextsthattosomeextentovercomethelossinintelligibilityandto
someextentcapitalizeonit.”Thisleadsustobelievethatpeoplewithacommoncontextwill
interpretsymbolsthesameway.Geertzwouldsay,thelossofclarityofcommunicationisa
possibility,duetothefactthateachindividualbringstoasituationhis/herownsetof
experiences,valuesandprocessesthatmayskewthewaytheyinterpretsymbols.Marit
Munson(2011:72)indiscussingartinarchaeologymakesthepoint,
thereisnosingularaudienceforanygivenworkofart,butinsteadmany
differentaudiences,eachwithitsownwaysofviewingandunderstandingart.
Indeedsocialfactorssuchasclass,age,gender,knowledge,education,and
religionallinfluencethewaysinwhichindividualsencounterawork.
BothTurnerandGeertzagreethatsymbolsareactive.Peopleusesymbolstorelayinformation,
tocreateattachment/distanceoremotionalresponses,andtoconveyimportantideology.
Turnerexplains(1977:189-90),“Theweavingofsymbolsandthemesservesasarichstoreof
information,notonlyaboutthenaturalenvironmentasperceivedandevaluatedbytheritual
actors,butalsoabouttheirethical,esthetic,political,legal,andludic(thedomainofplay,sport,
andsoforthinaculture)ideas,idealsandrules.”However,Geertzdisagreeswiththenotionof
researchersbeingabletointuitunderstandingfromobservingritualandsymbolic
representation(oneofhiscriticismsofMalinowski).Instead,hesuggeststhattheresearcher
mustlayerinterpretationsbycomparingmultiplesetsofdataandinterpretthemtogaina
deeperunderstanding.Turner’sapproachtounderstandingsymbolsistoaskactorstoexplain
“whatthesymbolsmeanwithinthecontextoftheritual”andthenreinforcethatinformation
byobservinghowactorsactuallyusethesymbolsinritual(Ibid:190).
22
AestheticsversusAgency
Whenconsideringartandanthropologyasatheoreticalframe,itquicklybecomes
obviousthisisaconversationinvolvingtwofieldsofstudy,AnthropologyandArtHistory.
Therefore,itbecomesimportanttodefinetheparametersinwhichthediscussionwilltake
place.Thereisadebateinartinanthropologyovertheclassificationofartifactsasart.The
largerquestionisifartshouldbebasedoninstitutionalstandards,orifitisacceptableto
include“folkart”,whichincludesitemsthathaveafunctionalvalue.MaritMunson(2011:2-3)
usesartinarchaeology,wherethequestionofartvsartifactplaysasignificantrole.Munson
says,
…thesequestionsarecentraltoarchaeologicalstudiesofart,astheyreveala
fundamentaldivideinWesternconceptionsofartandartifact.Centuriesof
Westerntradition,reachingbacktoRenaissanceItaly,suggestthatartisthe
productofcivilizationandleisure…Art,wefeelisforart’ssake,removedfrom
thepracticalconcernsofdailylifeandintendedforthesolepurposeofdisplay.
Thereisalsoadiscussionofwhetherornotartisartbasedonit’saestheticvalue,orif
artisartbasedonwhatitdoestothosewhoobserveit,andwhatitallowsit’screatorto
express.HowardMorphy(2006)speaksaboutaestheticsinhisstudyofspiritualpoweramong
theYolngu.Herehedefinesaestheticsas“arubrictermwithnosimple,universallyacceptable,
definition”…hethenattemptstodefineaestheticsas,“concernedwithhowsomethingappeals
tothesenses…inthecaseofpaintings,withthevisualeffecttheyhaveonthepersonlookingat
them”(302).However,IagreewithMunson’sassessmentthatartcanbecreated,by“regular”
people,whocreateartaspartofalargersocialcontext.Theideaofartasanaestheticproduct
hasbeenalignedwith“WesternConceptionsofart”bymoreauthorsthanHowardMorphy
23
(Levin2014,Minissale2009,Tung2013).Irecognizetherearemorewaysofinterpretingwhat
isartandIapplyittothewayIframethisstudy.
Theargumentsofartversusartifactandtheargumentofart‘saestheticvalueversus
whatitdoestopeople(art’sagency)isthemainfocusofAlfredGell’sArtandAgency:An
AnthropologicalTheory.HereGelllaysprovidesaframeforanalyzingartthataddressesthe
abovearguments.Hisworkhelpsustounderstandtherelationshipbetweentheartist,artand
viewerasweidentifytheparametersforwhichwecananalyzeanddiscussart’seffectson
“socialrelationships”(1998:4).Gellcombinestheoryfromofarthistoryandanthropologyto
createawayofanalyzingart(forhim,visualart)toexplainart’sinfluenceonsociety.Gell(Ibid:
26)defines“theanthropologicaltheoryofart”asa:
theoryofthesocialrelationsthatobtainintheneighborhoodofworksofart,or
indexes.Thesesocialrelationshipsformpartoftherelationaltextureofsocial
lifewiththebiographical(anthropological)frameofreference.Performersof
socialactionsare‘agents’andtheycanactonpatients.
Theanthropologyofartisawaytousearttofocuson“socialrelationships”.Thisframeallows
theanthropologisttoplaceartinaspecifichistoricalcontext,whatGell(1998)referstoas“a
certainbiographicalspace”(11).Thisdescribesaspecificperiodoftimeinwhichcultureis
“pickedup,transformed,andpassedonthroughaseriesoflife-stages”(Ibid:10).Forexample,
thisstudyfocusesontheNOFAcreatedin2015/2016,butthroughtheart,andtheartists,I
havealsoanalyzedthebiographicalspacethatbegininthelate1960’sstartingwithNew
Orleans’CivilRightsMovement,throughthedevelopmentofAfrican-Centeredinstitutionsand
carriedthroughtothepresentexpressionofAfrican-CenteredNOFA.
Gell’stheoryofanthropologyofartisbasedontheideaofartasaproductof“social
processes”(Ibid:4).Heexplainsthattomaketheanthropologyofartworkanthropologically,
24
onemustmoveawayfromtheaestheticsofartand“focusonthesocialcontextofart
production,circulationandreception”(Ibid:3).Itismoreimportanttofocusonartasa
“systemofaction,intendedtochangetheworld”(Ibid:6).Whentheanthropologistconsiders
art,itisimportanttoaskwhatthatartdoessociallyandculturallyintheconversationbetween
artistandviewer.Howdoesthearteffecttheviewer,howdoestheartmotivateorinformthe
viewer.ThisimpactiswhatGellconceptualizesastheagencyofart.Itiswhatart“does”
sociallyandculturally—Gellseesartasasocialandculturalactoralbeitasecondaryonedoing
theworkofthe“primaryagents”(thepeople)inhistheoryofart.ThisiswhatmakesGell
unique,thefactthathebelievestheartistexhibitsagencythroughcreatingart,butalso,that
theartthatiscreatedhasagencyinandofitself.Gellusesasanexampleashieldtoemphasize
thedifferencebetweenseeingartaesthetically,“abeautifulshield”andseeingthesocial
emotionalresponsesthatartcreatesinitsaudience.Gell(1998)describestheseemotional
responsesas,“theinnumerableshadesofsocialemotionalresponsestoartefacts(ofterror,
desire,awe,fascination,etc)intheunfoldingpatternsofsociallife”(6).
ThetheoryoftheAnthropologyofartasGellproposesitdoesnotidentifyartasan“art
object”,“workofart”or“artwork”,butinsteadasan“index”(Ibid12).Heuses“index”to
addressvisualartspecificallyandhowasasecondarysocialagentitliterally“indexes”the
agencyoftheprimarysocialagent.Gellwritesspecificallyaboutvisualart,butclarifiesthatthis
isnottheonlyrealmofarttowhichhistheoryapplies.“Anythingwhatsoevercould,
conceivably,beanartobjectfromtheanthropologicalpointofview,includinglivingpersons,
becausetheanthropologicaltheoryofart(whichwecanroughlydefineasthe“socialrelations
inthevicinityofobjectsmediatingsocialagency’)mergesseamlesslywiththesocial
25
anthropologyofpersonsandtheirbodies”(Ibid:7).WhenGellusestheterm“index”itisto
referto“realphysicalthings”andnottoreferto“performances,readings,reproductionsetc.”
(Ibid:12).
UnlikeGell,butinkeepingwiththewiderfieldoftheAnthropologyofArt,Iwillbeusing
morethanvisualartinmywork,however,myfocuswillbeonhowvariousartformsofNOFA
communityareindexesintheGelliansenseandactas“instrument[s]ofsocialagency”(Ibid:
15).Gelldefinesagencyas“attributabletothosepersons(andthings…)who/whichareseenas
initiatingcausalsequencesofaparticulartype,thatis,eventscausedbyactsofmindorwillor
intention”(Ibid:16).Heclarifies,“socialagencycanbeexercisedrelativetothings,andsocial
agencycanbeexercisedby‘things’”(Ibid:17).Understandingthatagencycanbeexercised
relativetothingsorbythings,werecognizethatthereisadifferenceinthetypeofagency
displayedinNOFA.Wecanseetheagencyoftheprimaryagent,apersonaffiliatedwithNOFA
insomewaywhousesarttocreateaneffect.Orwecanseetheagencyofthesecondaryagent,
theagencytheartoftheNOFAcommunityhaswhenitinteractswithandcausescertainthings
initsaudience.Thiscanbesomethingintendedbytheartist,orsomethingtotallyunintended.
Theagencyoftheart/indexisdependentupontheexperienceandsocialrelationshipithas
withitsaudience(whatGellcalls“thepatient”).
InthisstudyIuseGell’santhropologicaltheoryofarttoexpandmyobservationsbeyond
theboundariesofvisualartandtoincludethoselesstangibleformsofartsuchasperformance
art,danceandspokenword(symboliclanguage).Gelldoessomethingsimilarin“Styleand
MeaninginUmedaDance”wherehediscussesthedifferencebetweendanceandnon-dance.
Herehedifferentiatesdanceasartbecauseofthepresenceof“style”and“meaning”(Ibid:
26
155).NOFAincludesawidearrayofvisualartcreatedtodecoratetheenvironment(buildings,
streetlamps,theground),andto“decorate”theperformersintheformofMardiGrasIndians
suitsandSocialAidandPleasureClubParadesuits.Ialsoincludetheperformanceartand
symboliclanguageI’veobservedaspartofNOFA,whichincludessongs,readings,speeches,
dancesandparading.AlloftheseformsofartcanbeanalyzedbyemployingGell’stheoretical
frametounderstand“agency,intention,causation,resultandtransformation”(Ibid:6)asit
appliestoNOFA.
27
ChapterFive:AfrocentricIdentityinNewOrleans
Thefocusofmyresearchistheuseofartasavesselforcommunicatingidentity.New
Orleansisfilledwithfestivaltraditions,whichareperformedonaregularbasis.NOFAis
representativeofatraditionthatconnectsintricatenetworksoffamilies,organizationsand
communities.WithinthislargerNOFAtradition,thereisanetworkofAfrican-Centeredartists
whouseNOFAasameanstoconveytheiruniqueworldviewinsong,dance,music,visualart
andcostume.IusethetermAfrican-Centered,butthisphraseisusedtoidentifypeoplewho
haveanAfricandiasporicidentity.Therearemanyframesofthoughtthatfallunderthelabel
“Africandiasporicidentity”,including,Afrocentric,Pan-African,andBlackNationalistidentities.
Eachoftheaboveideologiesstemsfromthecivilrightsmovement,whereAfricanAmericans
grappledwithissuesofidentityandrepresentation.
TheRootsofNewOrleans’African-CenteredMovement
The1960’sand70’sCivilRightsMovementwereatimeofchangeintheUnitedStates.
AfricanAmericanswerestrugglingtoredefinethemselvesasapartoftheAmericanfabric,and
asapartofalarger,globalcommunity.ThenatureofracismandsegregationintheUnited
StatesledtomanynegativestereotypesaboutAfricanAmericansandtheirorigins.Michael
Wayne(2014:132)explainsthattheAfrocentricmovementemergedbecause“manyblacks
nowsoughtapersonallinktoAfrica,”anancestralconnectionofsorts.AfricanAmericans
begansearchingforliteralandfigurativewaystoreturntoAfricaandtheirAfricanroots:
visitingAfricancountries,incorporatingAfricanlanguageintheirdailyrituals,wearingAfrican
clothesandAfricanprints,buyingAfricanartandchangingtheirEuropeannamestomore
28
Africannames(Ibid).ThislaterbecameidentifiedasAfrocentrism,asocio-politicalidentity.
AfrocentricityhasbecomeasocialandculturalmovementamongAfricanAmericans,andcan
beseeninitsincorporationintomanypublicschoolcurriculumaswellaswell-establishedsocial
gatheringssuchasKwanzaa,AfricanLiberationDayandMaafa.
InNewOrleans,theCivilRightsMovementproducedleaderswhoincorporateda“black
consciousness”intheirwork.ThishelpedtopromotetheAfrican-centeredmovementthat
blossomedinthe1980sand90s.JeromeSmithwasoneofmanyactivistsinthelate1960sand
early70stopromoteachangeinhowNewOrleans’Blackpopulationdealtwiththeoppression
theyexperienced.Inthe1970s,thepoliticalclimatechangedinNewOrleansandresidents
begantolookfornewtoolstoaddtotheir“culturaltoolkitofhabits,skills,andstylesfrom
whichtoconstructstrategiesofaction”(Swidler1986273).RonaldW.Walters(1993)writes
aboutthetransitionfrom“BlackPowertoPanAfricanism”inPanAfricanismintheAfrican
Diaspora.Waltersexplains,“TheStudentNon-ViolentCoordinatingCommittee(SNCC)wasone
ofthevanguardgroupswhichledthebreakfromtheolder,moreconservativecivilrights
organizationsinideologyandtacticsofstruggle”(59).ThroughouttheUnitedStates,SNCCand
theCongressofRacialEquality(CORE)wereincloserelationinthe1960s,fightingforcivil
rights.However,SNCCdidn’thaveasstrongaholdinNewOrleans.Inmyinterviewsand
conversationsaboutpastmovementsinNewOrleans,IheardpeoplementionCORE,butrarely
heardmentionofSNCC.SamoriCamara’s(2011)dissertationchapteronRobertCharlesrefers
toNewOrleansasa“COREcity”.HeexplainsthateventhoughNewOrleanswasaCOREcity,
“SNCCaffectedtheactivistsinNewOrleans,especiallyasthemovementmovedform
nonviolencetoBlackPower”(15).Hesitesasevidencethefactthatin1962,COREexpelledits
29
whitemembersinfavorofanideologymorealignedwithamoreBlackNationalistphilosophy.
ItwasthisideologythatinformedJeromeSmithashecreatedTambourineandFanin1969and
useditasaplatformtoguideNewOrleans’youth.
TambourineandFantaughtchildrenblackconsciousnessthroughthearts,through
sportsandthroughcommunityengagement.ThemessagewasthatBlackshadtosticktogether
inNewOrleansandmakeadifferenceintheircommunity.TambourineandFanwasa
children’scamprunbymenandwomenfromthecommunity.Theyprovidedtheneighborhood
childrenwithtangiblerolemodelsandstrategiesfordealingwithlife.Ritualslikecallingthe
youthtogetherusingthesnareandbassdrumconnectedchildrentotheNOFAtradition.
Childrenwerechosentoplaythe“TambourineandFan”beat,andthiswouldsignalthe
neighborhoodthatitwastimeforcamp.Anexampleofthisblackconsciousnesscanbeseenin
thesongsthatcomefromTambourineandFan.Thesesongswereusedtoteachhundredsof
youthaboutcommunityresponsibility,Blackhistoryandinstillaconnectionwithallthe
membersoftheircommunitybothgoodandbad.Songslike“Blackchildrenwerebornonthe
Africansoul”teachchildrentheyareresponsiblefortheladywiththeAfricanbabyaswellas
fortheboy,smokingweed.Thesong’slyricstellthechildrento“gowhereIsendit,howshallI
sendit”,theninstructswithlyricslike“I’mgonesenditonebyone;oneforthelittlebittybaby,
bornbytheAfricanlady”and“I’mgonesenditthreebythree;threefortheboythatsmokes
thatweed”.TheselyricsexpressthediversityoftheBlackcommunitybyidentifyingboth
positiveandnegativemembers,whilestillincludingtheminthelistofpeoplethechildren
should“send”for.AnotherexampleisthechantTambourineandFaninstructorstaught
childrentodeterthemfromthedangersofdrugs.
30
Whatisdope
Dopeispoisonanddeath
Whatisdope
Dopeispoisonanddeath
Whatisamanthatusedope
Adeadman
Whatisamanthatusesdope
Adeadman
WhoisDr.MartinLutherKing
DrMartinLutherKingwasaFreedomFighter
WhowasMalcolmX?
MalcolmXwasaBlackMantryingtomakethingsbetterforBlackpeople
WhoisBessieSmith?
BessieSmithwasaBluessinger
Whattimeitis?
NationTime
WhatTimeitis?
NationTime
“BlackChildrenWereBornontheAfricanSoil”and“Whatisdope”areexamplesofhow
TambourineandFanusedarttoteachchildrenthevaluessharedbytheadultswho
incorporatedBlackconsciousnessandAfrican-CenterednessintothetraditionsofNOFAs.The
chant“whatisdope”usescallandresponsewhichisprevalentinmanysecondlinesongs.The
term“nationtime”isalsoamarkeroftheBlackconsciousnessthatcamefromthe1970’sand
80’s.Nationtimereferstotheactofnationbuilding,whichincludeseducational,economic,
spiritualandphysicalimprovementsintheBlackcommunity.
TambourineandFanisjustonesmalltributarystreamfeedingtheriverofNewOrleans’
African-Centeredcommunitydevelopment.Fromthe1970’s,NewOrleansexperiencedan
influxofcommunitymovementsthatbegantoshapetheAfrican-Centeredcommunity.The
presenceofAfricandanceandmusichasservedasaspaceforNewOrleansresidentstolearn
aboutAfricancountriesandtraditions.PapaAbdoulayeCamara,thelatedirectorofLesBallet
NationalduSenegalfromCasamance,SenegalledanAfricandancecompanyinNewOrleans
31
fromtheearly1980’suntilhisdeathrightafterHurricaneKatrina.“Pap”or“PapaCamara”,as
manyofhisstudentscallhim,taughtwomen,menandchildrenSenegalese/GuineanAfrican
dancetechniques,costumemakingandaboutAfricanculture.MariamaCurry,directorof
N’kafuAfricandancecompanyandCuluChildren’scompanywasoneofPapaCamara’s
students.AlsofromPapaCamaracameNfungotah,anumbrellacompanygiventoTyrone
“BrothaT”Henry.NfungotahhostsseveralAfrican-centeredeventssuchasDanceforLife,a
programdedicatedtoprovidinghealthyactivitythroughAfricandiasporicdanceclasses.Also
cameN’FungolaSiboAfricanDanceandDrumCompany,directedbyMikealCaesar.Papa
CamerataughtmanyofthedancerswhoareintheforefrontofNewOrleans’Africandance
communityincludingAusettuaAmorAmunkum,directorofKumbukaAfricanDanceCompany.
IdentifyingNewOrleansAfrican-CenteredCommunity
TheelementsoftheAfricandiasporicidentityoftheNewOrleanscommunityincludea
spiritualconnectiontosomethingotherthanoneself(includingareverenceforancestors),a
senseofhistoricalresponsibilitytoknowingyourrootsintheUnitedStatesandyour
connectiontotheAfricandiaspora,acommitmenttoeducatingtheyouthinthecommunity,
andfinallyprotectingandimprovingthelivesofthoseinyourcommunity.Addedtothisare
Africanbasednomenclature(theuseofAfricannames,labelsandlanguageindailylife),African
spirituality,andAfricansymbols(suchasclothing,artandartifactsfromAfrica).
SamoriCamara(2012)identifiesdistinctivecharacteristicsofAfrican-Centered
individualswhenhesays,“CulturalnationalistsbelievedthatAfricanAmericanshadtogoback
toAfricamentally,spiritually,andculturallyinordertofreethemselvesfromtheshacklesof
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oppression.Wearingone’shairnatural,changingone’sname,andwearingAfricangarbwere
hallmarksoftheculturalnationalistiterationofBlackPower”(26).IdeducefromCamara’s
statementthataperson’sname;appearance,spiritualbeliefsandotherattributescanbe
assessedforpossiblemarkersofanAfricandiasporicidentity.ManyoftheAfrican-Centered
NOFAartistIinterviewedsharecommonexperiencesTambourineandFan,Ifa,Africandance
classesorotherAfrican-centeredactivitiesthattendtooverlap.
NewOrleans’African-centeredcommunityislikeanyothercommunity;ithasmembers
whosharecommonbeliefsandpractices.However,thatdoesn’tmeaneverymemberlooks,
speaksorbelievestheexactlysame.NordotheyexpresstheirAfrican-Centeredidentityinthe
sameway.WhenwespeakofmembersoftheAfrican-Centeredcommunity,wespeakofmultifacetedactors.Individualsbelongtomorethanonegroup;theiridentityconsistsoftheir
family,race,religiousaffiliations,occupationandmanyother“groups”.Alloftheseaspectsof
identitychangeovertime,allowingeachindividualtocreateauniquerepresentationofthe
African-Centeredcommunity.It’simportanttorecognizethediversityofexpressionthat
African-CenteredNOFAundertheumbrellaoftheAfrican-Centeredidentity.Otherwise,itis
possibletomissimportantconnections.
WhenIidentifiedparticipantsforthisstudy,Iattemptedtoidentifyacrosssectionof
theAfrican-centeredNOFAcommunity.Irecognizedhowdiversethiscommunityis,andwas
verydeliberateinincludingdifferentkindsofAfrican-Centeredmembers.BernardWilliams
(2008)describesIdentityas“abenignself-appliedstereotype”(62),however,manyofthose
I’veidentifiedas“African-Centeredpractitioners”didnotfitthegeneral“African-Centered”
stereotype.Oneofmyinterviewquestionswas,"Whenyouthinkofyourself,howdoyousee
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yourselfinrelationtoAfrocentricthought?”.TwooftheparticipantsinmystudydidnotselfidentifyasAfrocentric,butdiddisplayseveralofthecommonexperiencesassociatedwith
African-CenteredthoughtinNewOrleans.Forexample,oneofmyparticipantsworksinNew
OrleansCentralBusinessDistrict;hewearsformalbusinessattiretowork,isChristianandlooks
likeany“Eurocentric”AfricanAmericanmanatfirstglance.However,whenhespeaksofhis
viewsofAfrica,heisadamantabouttheimportanceofhisAfricanroots,hisancestors,and
Africancultureineverythinghedoes.HehastraveledtoseveralcountriesinAfricawiththe
expressintentionofcreatingatangibleconnectionwithAfricaandusingthatconnectionto
facilitatebusinessandsocialnetworksthroughouttheAfricandiaspora.Ontheotherhand,
anotherofmyparticipantswearsherhairinlongdreadlocks,isoftenfoundwearingclothing
fromWestAfrica,practicesAfricanspirituality,hasaKemeticname.Kemeticnamesare
associatedwiththeAuserAusetSociety’sspiritualteachings.Theyareapan-Africanreligious
organizationfoundedin1973.TheorganizationprovidesAfrocentricbasedspiritualtraining
basedonancientEgyptiancosmologyanditsmembersstudyAfricandanceandculture.There
areconsecratedOrishainherhome,spiritualtoolsfromtheIfaAfricanspiritualsystemaswell
aspaintings,sculpturesandhistoricalartifacts,whichreflectbothindigenousAfricanculture
andNOFAculture.However,eventhisparticipantgoestoChristianchurchfaithfullyevery
Sunday.Thisisjustasmallcomparisontoemphasizethereisno“onesizefitsall”descriptionof
theAfrican-centeredNOFApractitioner.
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ChapterSix:AestheticizingtheClubhouse
TherearemanydifferencesinNewOrleans’geographicandculturallandscapesthat
makethiscityunique.NewOrleansneighborhoodsusespaceinawaywhichrepresentslocal
culturemorethananyI’veexperiencedincitiessuchasMilwaukeeandChicago.Anexampleof
howtheresidentsandthecityusematerialcultureandarttoexpressidentitycanbeseenon
thecornerofBroadSt.andEsplanade.Anelectricalutilityboxispaintedfromthegroundupin
aportraitoflocalBlackIndian,ChiefDavidMontana,wearinghis2015“MardiGrasIndian”suit.
ThepaintingdepictsChiefMontanainhismostrecentsuit,whitewithseagreenaccents.White
magnoliaflowers,thethemeandcolorofhismostrecentsuit,frameChiefDavid’sface.The
artworkontheutilityboxisconnectedintimatelytothisspecificareaofthecitybecauseitis
locatedoneblockfromChiefDavidMontana’shouse.Thisiswherehe“comesoutthedoor”on
MardiGrasday.“Comingoutthedoor”isaceremonialannouncementtotheMardiGras
revelersthataBlackIndianChiefisbeginninghisrouteonMardiGrasday.ChiefDavid
Montana’simageremindsthecommunityofhislegacyasaMardiGrasIndian,andhis
connectiontotheMontanafamily,knownformaskingMardiGrasIndians.Hisportraitonthe
cornerofBroadandEsplanadetransformsanordinaryspaceintoavisualclaimofownership.
Artthatisapartofthelocallandscape,asopposedtoartlocatedinamuseum,identifiesand
validatesleaderswhocarryonthetraditionssoimportanttothecommunity.ToddHigginsof
theBMOLexplainsthesentiment,
Weliveinacommunity.We’repartofthecommunity.Webreatheeat,dieinthe
community…sothat’swhatwetrytoreallymakepeopleunderstandisthatthey,you
know,thisiswhatourancestorsleftus.Bepridefulinit,Takecareofit.
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CommunityVisionsUnlimited(CVU),anorganizationthatworkswithNewOrleans
neighborhoodassociations,artistsandresidentsto“changeneighborhoodsforthebetter”
(http://www.cvunola.org/),producedtheutilityboxportrait.TheportraitsonBroadStreet
includeChiefDavidMontana’saswellasacaricatureoftheZuluSAPC,locatedoutsidethenew
ZuluclubhouseonBroadStandOrleans.ResidentsandcommunityorganizationslikeCVUuse
artassymboliclanguagetocommunicateconnectionstospace,ownershipintheircommunity
andtomakeidentityclaims.Itisalsousedtoperpetuatetraditions,andofhonoringthosewho
haveearnedaplaceofhonorinthecommunity.LikeoneofCVUfounders,JeannieTidystates,
“IgrewupinNewOrleans,IknowtheseneighborhoodsandIknowwhatmakethemculturally
interesting.”Thisclaimofownershipandidentityextendstothegreaterpublicsphere,as
shownbythefactthattheartworkisdisplayedoncityproperty.
Thischapterexploreshowresidentsuseartassymboliclanguage,asatoolto
communicateconnectiontospace,ownershipintheircommunityandclaimsofidentity.Itisin
thisveinthatIlookattheBMOL’sannualparade.IusethiseventtoillustratehowtheBMOL
usearttotransformspaceandinformthecommunityaboutidentity,whilereinforcing
historicalconnectionsandclaimsofculturalownership.TheBMOLemploythearttheyuseto
decoratetheirparadestartpointtocreatemessages.MaruskaSvasekreferstothisprocessas
“aestheticisation.”Svasekdescribesaestheticisationastheprocessbywhich“objectsare
perceivedandtheensuingsensoryexperienceusedtoprovideabasisfordescriptionsof
‘aestheticexperience’,whichinturnareusedtoreinforceabstractideasorbeliefs”(200763).
Art,asexpressedthroughdecoratingabuilding,becomesatoolforexpressingaparticular
worldview.ThesymboliclanguagechosentoadorntheBMOL“clubhouse”(thestartpointof
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theparade)isadeliberateconversationbetweentheorganization,thesurroundingcommunity
andotherobservers.
InmyformalandinformalinterviewswithmembersoftheBMOL,oneoftheprevailing
sentimentsisthatofbeing“different”.This“difference”wasevidentwhenIapproachedSweet
Lorraine’sJazzClub(theclubhouseoftheBMOL)astheBMOLmembersdecoratedfortheir
upcomingparade.ToddHigginsandFredJohnsonpainstakinglyorchestratedthecreationofan
artisticpresentationthatillustratedtheBMOL’sworldview.TheBMOLarecommittedto
continuingNewOrleans’traditionaljazzlegacy.Theyarealsocommittedtohonoringtheimage
ofthestrongworkingclassBlackmenbothpastandpresent,whileeducatingthecommunityof
theAfricanculturalrootsinNewOrleanstraditions.TheBMOL’smissionisrepresentedinart
createdonandaroundSweetLorraine’s,andinthesuitsthatadorntheBMOLmembersFred
JohnsonandthefoundersoftheBMOLhavecreatedanindexinwhichtheyareabletoconvey
abstractideassuchassocialjusticeandeconomicdevelopmentforNewOrleans’Black
community.
ThefirsttimeIsawtheBMOL’sclubhousebeforeaparade,Irealizedtheirgoalwasto
transformtheclubintoavisualmonumentconstructedtohonorthelegacyoftheBMOL,their
connectiontotheTremecommunityandtheircommitmenttoconnectingNewOrleans
traditionstoAfrica.TheBMOLhostanannualparade,andeachyear,thebanners,walls,
groundandposterschangecoloranddesignaccordingtothatyear’stheme.Thisyear,themain
colorswereorangeandgold,red,black,andgreenastheaccent.Approachingtheintersection
ofSt.ClaudeAvenueandTouroStreet,itisabundantlyclearthereisanexcitingeventaboutto
takeplace.Thecornerisinthemiddleofaneighborhoodclassifiedaseconomically
37
disadvantaged.Thereisacheckcashingfacilitylocatedinthenextblockandasecondhand
furniturestorethatcaterstolow-incomeresidents.Butonthisday,thecornerisflankedin
vibrantorange,goldandyellows.TheBMOLhavetakenhoursdecoratingtheirclubhouse,the
adjoiningfenceandthelightpolesthatfacetheclubonbothsidesofthestreet.Normally,
SweetLorraine’sblendsintothelandscape,paintedwhitewithasmalldigitalsigninthe
windowscrollingtheclub’sname.Today,theBMOLhavetransformedthebuildingbyplacinga
banneracrossitsentireface.Thebannerannouncestheday’sparadeingiantorangeletters
trimmedinorangeraffia.Itproclaimes,“TheBlackMenofLabor’sAnnualParade”,and
professestheyare“KeepingOurAfricanCultureandNewOrleansTraditionalJazzmusicAlive
andontheStreets.”Thebanner’sborder,inboldblackprint,displaysthefollowingGhanaian
Adinkrasymbols(Imagesfromwww.adinkra.org).
Sankofa:Symbolofimportanceoflearningfromthepast.
Adinkrahene:Symbolofgreatness,charismaandleadership
Mpatatpo:Knotofreconciliation
Dwennimmen:Symbolofhumilityandstrength
Aya:Symbolofenduranceandresourcefulness
MateMasie:Symbolofwisdom,knowledgeandprudence
Akoma:Symbolofpatienceandtolerance
BoaMeNaMeMmoaWo:Symbolofcooperationandinterdependence
38
ThesesamesymbolsappearontheBMOLparaderoutesheetandtheannouncementforthe
BMOL’sball.ToddHigginsandFredJohnsonchosethesesymbolstorepresentthephilosophy
oftheBMOL,eveniftheirspecificmeaningmayeludethoseinthecommunityandevensome
ofthemembersthemselves.Mr.Higginssaid“IchoseAdinkrasymbolsthatwouldmatchwhat
theBMOLstandfor”.IamfamiliarwithAdinkrasymbolsbecauseIwasraisedinanAfrocentric
home.IrecognizethatAdinkrasymbolsareoftenusedbyAfricanAmericanstosymbolizetheir
connectionwithAfrica,notnecessarilyGhana.TheweekendbeforetheBMOLparade,I
watchedsomeofthemembersplacethebanneronthefrontofSweetLorraine’s.Oneofthe
memberswasstandingnexttome,soIaskedifheknewwhattheAdinkrasymbolswere.He
didn’tknowIwasalreadyfamiliarwiththem,sohetriedtoexplainwhattheywere.Hesaid,
“I’mnotreallysurewhattheymean,butIknowthey’reAfrican.Ithinktheyhavesomethingto
dowithKwanzaaorsomethinglikethat.”So,eventhoughhedidn’tunderstandthateach
symbolhaditsownmeaning,nordidheknowexactlywhatAfricancountrytheAdinkra
symbolscamefrom,tohim,thesesymbolsrepresentedaconnectiontoAfrica.Mr.Higgins
addressedthisinourconversationabouttheAdinkrasymbols,
Someonelikeyouwouldnoticethesymbolsandknowwhattheymean,butmost
peopledon’thaveaclue.TheyjustknowtheyrepresentsomethingfromAfrica.I
hatetosay,butevensomeofourmembersdon’tknowwhattheymean,even
thoughFredandIgivetheinformation.Buttheyknowthey’reAfricansymbols,
andtheycanlookthemupiftheyeverreallywanttoknowwhattheymean.
Choosingthesesymbolsisaconsciousact,whichallowstheBMOLtoconnectthecommunity
theyservewiththegreaterideaofAfrica.TheAdinkrasymbolsareontheirroutesheets,on
39
theirsignageandanythingelsepassedouttothecommunitybecausetheywantto“keepit
consistentforhistory.”
TheBMOL’sartisticindexbalancessymbolismsofAfrican-Centeredconsciousnesswith
thatofsocialjusticeinNewOrleansBlackcommunity.Recognizingtheforethoughtplacedin
choosingwhatimagesisusedintheaestheticisationofSweetLorraine’s,Idrawattentiontothe
5ftplusverticalbannerthathangstotherightoftheentrance.Itisanenlargedcopyof“A
MessagetoNewOrleans”,whichisframedinred,yellow,goldandgreen,withAdinkrasymbols
inthebackground.ThemessageisadirectclaimtotheBMOL’splaceinNewOrleansaskeepers
ofthetraditionaljazzlegacy,asleadersinthecommunityandasdirectdescendantstoa
spiritualandculturallineofupstandingNewOrleansBlackmen.Phrasessuchas“TheBlack
MenofLaborlovethecultureandTraditionsofNewOrleans”,and“Foralltoknow,itisthe
declarationofTheBlackMenofLaborthatcrime,shootings,murder,orviolenceinanyformis
incompatiblewithanddestructivetothetraditionsofsecondlineparading,brassbandmusic
andAfricanAmericanStreetparades”setthisorganizationapartfrommostSAPCbyaligning
themasaguidingforceinthecommunity.TheyhaveplacedthemselvesintheforefrontofNew
Orleans’currenttraditionandhavesetforthprecedentastohowthattraditionshouldbe
presented.TheymakespecifichistoricalclaimsandidentifywithaPan-Africanistworldview
withphraseslike,
WeareawareofourhistoricalantecedentsinAfrica,TheCaribbean,South
America,andthroughouttheAfricandiaspora;thisistheculturallegacywhich
influencesourstyle,dress,symbolism,passionandspirit.
and
Liketheculturalancestorsbeforeus,wehonorourfamiliesandourselves,and
thepersonswhoseloveandsacrificesmadeuspossible.Wefeelandaffirma
40
directspiritualandculturallinktothebrassbandsandsecond-linedancersofthe
past,becauseoftheculturalandsocialhistoryweknowandclaim,TheBlack
MenofLabor,again,affirmthatinthetraditionofsecondlinedancingthereis
noplaceforcrimeandviolence.
TheBMOLusespecificanddirecttermssuchas“TheBlackMenofLaborwillnotindulgeinthe
pathologyofself-hatredandracialsuicide”.Thesestatementsarebothrelevantandconnected
totheTremecommunityandNewOrleans’Blackcommunity.Theirbanneraddressesthevery
realproblemofviolenceintheBlackcommunityandviolencethathasbeenassociatedwith
NewOrleans’secondlinetraditions.Justrecently,Mother’sDay2013,therewasawidely
publicizedshootinginthesameneighborhood,whichoccurredduringtheBig7SAPCsecond
lineparadeandinjured19people,includingtwochildparticipants.
TheBMOL,likemanyofNewOrleans’African-Centeredartists,pullfromanarsenalof
symbolsandbehaviorstoinfusetheiridentityintotraditionalNOFAs.Thesetoolsareusedto
expressabeliefinaspiritualandgeneticconnectiontothelegacyofAfricanancestorsandtheir
AfricanAmericandescendants;OrastheBMOLstate,“KeepingOurAfricanCultureandNew
Orleanstraditionaljazzmusicaliveandonthestreets”.Theirapproachtothesecond-line
traditionisunique.TheartthatsurroundsSweetLorraine’sreflectsthehistoricalplacethe
BMOLholdintheTremecommunityandtheircommitmenttotraditionaljazz,community
activismandtheimprovementofNewOrleans’AfricanAmericancommunity.Theycombine
Africanfabric,symboliccolorssuchasred,blackandgreen(TheUnitedNegroImprovement
Association(UNIA),ledbyMarcusGarvey,createdthered,blackandgreenflagasasymbolof
Pan-Africanism),photos,andsymbolsthatcommunicatetheirorganization’smission.Ifwelook
closeratthesymboliclanguagepresentedindecoratingtheBMOLclubhouse,wecanseethey
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werechosentocreateacertainaestheticenvironmentthatevokesaconnectiontoAfrica,New
Orleans,Tremeandthecivilrightsmovement.
TheartisanimportantpartoftheBMOLsecondlineparadebecauseofitssecondary
agency,itsabilitytoworkonthebehalfofthosewhocreatedit(theprimarysocialagents)to
affectthosewhoattendthesecond-lineparade.Thisartworkiseffectiveincreatinganew
paradigmofknowledgewithinthecommunity,acquaintingparadeobserverswithnew
symbols,conceptsandunderstandingsofwhatbehaviorisappropriateforBlackmeninNew
Orleans.ThepeoplewhoattendtheBMOL’sparadeunderstandtheclub’sconnectionto
somethingAfricanthroughthejazztradition,andasaresult,theirownconnection.Butthe
membersofthecommunitywhoattendthesecond-lineparadealsoconnecttotheBMOL’s
communitylegacy.MixingAfricanfabricwithimagesofcommunityheroessuchasJerome
SmithandDannyBarker,onsomelevelinfusesasenseofBlackconsciousnessandAfricanpride
inaspacethatisusuallyvoidofthesekindsofexpression.Atthesametime,aconnectionis
madetotheoldercommunitymemberswhorememberthemessagesoforganizationssuchas
TambourineandFanwhowereinstrumentalinconnectingthesecondlinetraditionwith
communityactivismandBlackpride.ThisisanexampleofwhatMorphy(2006:302-3)
describesas“propertiesofobjectswhichrequirethemtobeseeninaparticularwaybyviewers
who,becauseoftheirbackgroundorpersonality,areabletoappreciatethem.”TheBMOLhave
aspecificaudienceinmind,mainlyNewOrleans’Blackcommunity.Yes,otherdemographics
attendtheparades,andtheymayormayreceivethesamemessageasthosewhohavelivedin
thiscommunity.However,theywillgetsomethingfromobservingtheBMOL’sdecorations,
evenifit’sjusttherecognitionthattheBMOLaredifferentthanmostclubs.AsOsborneand
42
Tanner(200773)explain,“agencycanbeexercisedbymaterialobjects”,andrelayingthe
messageoftheBMOL’suniqueperspectiveisjustonewaythearthasagency.Theartusedin
theaestheticisationofSweetLorraine’sandthesurroundingarea,allowtheBMOLtocontinue
inculturalshaping,localcontextualizationandcreatingdialogue.Theartitselfreinforcesand
passesonvaluesfromthepast,aswellastheever-changingvaluesoftheBMOL.Thisisa
perfectexampleofhowartcan“bringforthapleasurablefeelingwhileinformingor
communicatingtotheviewerorservingapracticalfunction”(Morphy2006:302).
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ChapterSeven:WeAreWhatWeWear
ClothingandattireisaveryimportantpartofNewOrleansFestivalArtsculture.Itisnot
uncommontospendayearplanning,acquiringfabric,materials,designs,colorschemesand
sewingsuitsfortheannualparade.ThisistrueforSocialAidandPleasureClubsaswellasfor
MardiGrasIndians.Thisaspectofparadingisbothtime-consumingandexpensive.Thesuits
arebothartandperformance,astheyservetoexpressavisionandarepartoftheNOFA
tradition.Ireluctantlyusetheterm“costume”todescribethesuitscreatedinNewOrleans
festivalartsbecauseitinsinuatesthatthesuitscreatedareforshow,partofaperformance.
Whatitdoesnotconveyisthespiritualenergy,theexorbitantamountoftime,theintricate
networkofpeopleittakestocreateeachpiece.Thesefactorsarewhatqualifythe“costumes”
createdforNOFAasanartisticindex,capableofsecondaryagency.Thesuitsinteractwith
thosewhowearthemaswellaswiththosewhoviewobservethemonbehalfofthosewho
makeandwearthem.Gell(1998:74)speaksoftheimportanceofdecorativedesignsand
patterns,whichareagreatpartofcreatingasuit:“Decorativepatternsappliedtoartifacts
attachpeopletothings,andtothesocialprojectsthosethingsentail”.Healsoexplainsthatthe
differencebetweenartandartifactisthatarthas“styleandmeaning”(Ibid:155).Gelluses
danceasanexampleofphysicaldisplaysthatcommunicatemeaningthroughvariationsof
normalmotorbehaviors.Heappliesthisconcepttovisualartaswell(Ibid:74).Anormalor
mundaneact,suchaspaintingawall,becomesartwhentheartistaddsstyleandmeaning.
Gell’sworkwiththeMalakulansallowedhimtostray“alongwayfromtheideathatpatterns
appealtotheeyesorgiveaestheticpleasure,”andbegintorecognizethatartistscanuse
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patterns“asperformances”(Ibid:93.IbelievethesameistrueforthesuitscreatedinNOFA.
Bothexamples,theBMOLannualparadesuitsandAusettua’sMardiGrasIndiansuits,expressa
specificworldview,socialrelationshipsandsocialcontextwhilealsoagency—theyliterally
performtheBMOL’s(andAusenttua’s)identityatAfrican-CenteredparticipantsintheNOFA
community.Keepingthisinmind,IamabletoclassifyboththesuitscreatedfortheBMOLand
themoreobviousartisticexpressionsrepresentedinAusettuaAmorAmenkum’sMardiGras
Indiansuitsasanartindexasameanofhighlightinghowtheyliterally“index”theprimary
agencyofsuchperformers.
IdentityintheSecondLineSuit
WhenIattendedtheYoungMenOlympianJr.SAPC(YMO)annualsecondlineparade,I
immediatelynoticedtheabsenceoftheaestheticmarkersIwitnessedyearlyattheBMOL
secondlineparades.Thebarwheretheybegantheirparadehadnocolorfulfabricandnoneof
thestreetpolesweredecorated.Theonlymaterialdesignatingtheparaderoutewasarope
usedtosectionofftheareawherethememberswouldparadeoutsidethebuildingandintothe
street.WhenIapproachedthebarfromthestreet,theonlywayIcouldtelltherewasasecond
lineabouttobeginwasbythecrowdgatheringoutside.Therewerestreetvendorssetup
acrossthestreetfromthebar,buttherewerewasnothingmuchtoidentifywhotheYMOwere
andwhattheirorganizationstoodfor.Missingwerethebannersdeclaringtheorganization’s
mission,photosofpastparadesorpastmembers,nomemorialsofgreatcommunityleaders.
TheYMO’ssecondlineparadebeganwithabrassbandandasectionofmemberswhoexited
thebuildingdisplayingfancyfootworkanduniquelytailoredsuits.Eachgroupofmembers
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(therewere5separatesectionsofthissecondlineparade)woreidenticaltailor-madesuitswith
matchinghats,shoesandsashes.Althoughthesuitsappearedtobetailor-made,theywere
typicalEuropeanstyledthree-piecesuits.Whatstoodoutweretheoldermemberswhowore
fezhats.EventhoughIdidn’tunderstandthespecificsignificanceofthehats,Ididrecognize
thattheadditionofthisspecialtypeofhatwassymbolicofsomethingimportanttoYMO
members.
Thishelpedmetounderstandthesignificanceofattireinthesecondlinetraditionas
partofaperformance.Thesesuitsweremorethanjustclothing;theywerelivingartistic
presentations.Thesuitsworninasecondlineparadeexpressastatementtothosewatching.In
thissense,theclothescanbeconsideredart,orevenaperformanceintheGelliansense.The
suitisanimportantcharacterandhasanimportantroletoplayasasecondaryagenttothe
primaryagentalsoperforminginthe“comingoutthedoor”ceremony.Thisceremonybegins
withthebrassbandplayingmusictostarttheparade.Immediatelyfollowingtheband,theclub
membersexitthedooroftheclubhouse/barperformingauniquedancesolo.Thisisthefirst
timethememberswillbeseenintheiruniquesuits,createdforthisoccasion.Thesuitsandall
theaccessoriesarealluniqueformsofartbecausetheyconnectabstractideassuchas
communitystatusandpoliticalandsocialidentity.
TheBMOLusetheirsuitstomakeastatementtothecommunityaboutwhotheyare
andinwhattheybelieve.JustasSvasek(200767)suggeststhat“socialactors”canusethe
materialstheyproduceas“powerfulcommunicativeinstruments,whichmayactivelyevoke
emotionalresponsesandgeneratesocialandpoliticalaction.”TheBMOLcreateartifactsthat
areusedas“pragmatictoolsandperformativeagentstostimulate,enchantandmanipulate
46
theirownandotherpeople’sfeelingsandresultingbehavior”(Ibid:67).TheBMOLuseAdinkra
symbolstoeducatethecommunityandremindparticipantsofthehistoricalandspiritual
connectiontoAfrica.TheirconsistentdonningofcolorfulandvibrantAfricansuitsattheannual
paradedoesthesame.Eachyear,theBMOLchooseacolor,fabricandthemefortheyear.The
designschange,buttheprocessremainsthesame.FredJohnsonandToddHigginsbegin
approximatelyonemonthaftertheparadethinkingaboutthenextparade’sfabric,colorsand
theme.ThefabricisalwaysanAfricanfabric,butthestyleandoriginmayvary.
TheBMOLhavegonefurtherthanjustpurchasingyardsofAfricanprintfabric.Todd
HigginsexplainedtomethatmanyoftheAfricanfabricssoldintheUnitedStatesareactually
madeinChina.Thisfact,andtheircommitmenttodevelopingtransnationalbusiness
relationshipswithAfricancountrieshavepromptedthemtotraveltoGhana,SenegalandSouth
Africatopurchasefabricandothermaterialfortheparade.Fortheir20thanniversary,Mr.
JohnsonandMr.HigginswenttoGhanatogetKentefabric.Duringthistrip,theyvisited
Senegal,JohannesburgandBenin.ThistriphelpedMr.Higginstounderstandthetrue
connectionsbetweenAfricancountriesandNewOrleans.Mr.Higginsdescribedhisreaction,
Wesawourrelatives,ancestors,brothers,mothers,aunts,youknow,sitting
behindaweavingmachineandyouhadathousandfeetofyarn,butitwas
makinganicegarmentcalledKentecloth…whenyoulookatthered,black,
green,goldKenteclothwhichmostWestAfricanpeoplewearmainlyinGhana.
MakingthetriptoGhanaandparadinginclothemadebyhandinGhanaisawayof
emphasizingtoobserversandthemselvestheimportanceofAfricancultureanditsconnection
totheBMOL.Oneimportantfactoristhefabric’sauthenticity.ItwasmadeinGhanaand
therefore,nota“knockoff”.AnotherimportantfactoristhattheBMOLareabletoprovide
47
accesstomaterialforpeoplewhomaynotbeabletogetthe“realthing”.TheBMOLusethis
authenticKenteclothmaterialastheir“formal”attireforspecialoccasions:
Wesaywe’regoingtogoalloutthewaybecausemostofthegroupsinNew
Orleanshavebanquets,ceremonies,funeralsorweddingsthattheydressupin
theircoatsandontheircoatsisalittleinsigniapatch.TheZulushaveagold
jacketwithaZulupatch.TheSudanhaveabluejacketwiththeirpatchandsoon
andsoforth.Wesaid,“Nah,wewanttohaveanAfricansinglebuttonKente
jacket,sowhenwegotoanyfunctionwithanybodyelse,westandout.Westand
outonmorethanone.It’snotbecausethecolorisgoingtoattractyou,it’s
becausethisiswhowerepresent.Thisiswhatwhywedowhatwedo.
Hefurtherexplainshowthehand-madefabricisusedtoexpressAfricanprideandisgiveneven
anelevatedstatuswithinthegroup:
Everytimeweburysomebodyofstation,anaunt,ajazzmusicianoracivilrights
movementleader,aswedidwithDr.RudyLombard,whichisourmentor,we
dressupinthatjacket,youknow,becauseit’sanhonor.It’saboutrespectand,
youknowthat’sawayforustoreallyletpeopleknowthatweain’tafraidtobe
African,aby-partofbeingAfrican-American…butforus,wewastakenaway
fromourland,wedon’tidentifywiththat,buttheBMOL,weidentifywiththat.
Sowe’reAfrican.WejusthappentobeAfricanAmericansinAmerica…yeahwe
werebornherebutweknowthatheritagethatcamehere,itwasbroughthere.It
wasstolenhere.Itwas,youknow,snatchedbutwestillrecognizeandagroup
andasanorganizationthat’sfromwhichwecome.That’sforwhichwegotto
standon.
WhentheBMOLcreatethesuitswornintheirannualparade,theyusespecificfabric,chosen
becauseofitsabilityto“dosomething”.TheartisticindexcreatedbyusingspecificAfrican
patterns,fabrics,colorsanddesignscreatesafeelingofprideintheBMOLwhowearthemas
wellasinthecommunitymemberswhoflocktothestreetstoparadewiththeBMOL’sannual
parade.ThesuitsservetoconnecttheBMOLandthecommunitywithapositiveimageofBlack
menasaproductofagreathistory.
48
IagreewithHowardMorphy(2006:317),thecombinationofthesuits,themusic,and
theritualoftheannualparade“haveaneffectonthementalstateoftheparticipantsasthe
contentoftheartincombinationwiththeritualhasacertainmeaningtotheparticipants.”
AddingtothisperspectivetheGellianapproachtothinkingofthe“effect”thesuitshaveas
secondaryagencyservestohighlightthemultifacetedwaysthatAfrican-Centeredidentitiesare
performedandconsequentlycommunicatedtoparticipantsandobserversatNOFAevents.
BigQueenAusettuaandtheOyaSuit
Thereisanotheraspectofart’sagency,andthatisofbeingconsecratedtohaveagency.
“Anobviouscategoryofobjectsconsidered“affective”wouldincludetalismans,amuletsand
apotropaicfiguresoremblems,allofwhicharethoughttoexertpowerandmaybeattestedin
anynumberoftraditions”(OsborneandTanner200742).Thisisanimportantaspectofhow
AusettuaAmorAmenkumapproachesherMardiGrasIndiansuits.In2015Ihadthegood
fortuneofbeingabletowatchAusettuaAmorAmenkumgothroughtheentireprocessof
creatingaMardiGrasIndiansuit.TheprocessbeganthemorningofMardiGrasasweputthe
finishingtouchesonhermagnoliaflowersuit.Wewerepullinganall-nighter,havingbeenupall
daysewingsequineddesignsforthesuitandplacingthelastfeathersonhercrown.Her
conversationwentto“nextyear’ssuit.”Shewantedtodosomethingmorespecifically
connectedtotheOrishas,soshechosetoworkwithOya.Oyaisthedeityassociatedwithwind
andwhoguardsthecemetery.OyaisdepictedasaBlackwomanwearingaskirtof9different
colors(blue,red,orange,maroon,green,yellow,purple,redandgold),carriesahorsetailandis
knownasawarriorspirit.Overtheyear,AmorAmenkumcreatedthedesignforthe2016suit,
49
incorporatingsymbolsassociatedwithOya.Thesuit’saproniswornasapiecethatdrapesover
theshouldersandendsinaskirt,whichdrapesthefrontofherlowerbody.Herapronwas
designedtolooklikethe9coloredpanelsofOya’sskirt.AmorAmenkumspentmanymonths
lookingfortherightfacetorepresentOya’simageonthefrontofhercrownandonherchest
piece.ShewantedthefacetoberecognizedasaBlackwoman’sface,notasalightskinnedface
orawhiteface.ThiswasveryimportanttoAusetassheexpressedseveraltimes“Iwantherto
lookAfrican!Idon’twanthertolook“Indian.”
ThissuitisthefirstsuitAmorAmenkumcreatedwithherownspecificideologyinmind.
PreviouslyshehadsharedthecreativeprocesswithChiefDavidMontanaandwasunableto
incorporateaspecificconceptconnectedwithherspiritualandculturalbeliefs.Inpriorsuits,
AmorAmenkumincludedsmallreminderswithinthedesignsChiefMontanacreated.Inthe
2015suit,mentionedabove,AmorAmenkumperformeddivination,aprocessof
communicatingwiththespiritualrealmthroughshellsorcardstodeterminethespiritofthe
suit.AmorAmenkumdoesthisforeachofhersuits,evenifshedoesn’tincorporatethespirit
intotheactualdesign.The2015magnoliasuitconnectedAmorAmenkumtothespiritofthe
ancestors.IntheAfricanspiritualsystemofIfa,ancestralinteractionsaredonewearingall
white(aswillbeseeninthenextchapterwhendiscussingtheMaafaceremony).The2015
magnoliasuitwaspredominatelywhiteandwasasuitofmagnoliaflowers,(whiteflowersare
alsoassociatedwithancestorsintheIfatradition).Sothroughdivination,AmorAmenkum’s
MardiGrasIndiansuitwastransformedfromtoavesselwhichconnectshertoaspiritual
energy.
50
AmorAmenkum’s2016suittooktheprocessevenfurther.Toincorporatethespiritof
Oyaintothesuit,andtoconnectAmorAmenkumtothespiritofOya,shebroughtinapriestto
blessandconsecratethesuit.Thisactenhancedthesuitsabilityto“do”something.Theactof
consecratingthesuithelpedtoactivatethesuit’sagencyforbothAmorAmenkumasshewore
thesuitandfortheparadeparticipants.AmorAmenkumexplainedwhatthesuit“does”,
There'ssomething...aconnection,thespiritfindsawaytomanifestitselfthrough
art,youknow,throughpaintingsandthroughcarvingsandthroughobjects.
There'ssomethingaboutobjectifyingthespirit.Thespiritneedsapointof
contactwhereitcanenterinatandthat'swhattheMardiGrasIndiansallowto
do.Thesequence,becauseitreflectsthelight,thatallowsthatspirittolockin,
whichenergizesthesuitandthesuitbecomes,youknow,notjustohit'sapretty
suit,itbecomessomethingthatistheobjectificationofthespiritthatismoving
throughcommunitiesinaverycircularfashion.They’recircular,theykindofgo
allaroundtheneighborhood,circletheblock,it'sjustadifferentkindofapproach
andthat'sveryAfricanbecauseAfricadothattoointermsofgoinginandoutof
neighborhoods,youknow,bringingthatenergytohealtheneighborhood,you
know.ItisthesameconceptofmasqueradingandwellIjustanswereditinhow
thesuitbecomesenergizedinthepointofcontactwiththespirit.Itcancomein
severalways.Itcancometotheperson,right?It'salsomanifestedwiththe
energyofthepeoplewhosewonthesuit.Allthatmakesthesuitcometolife,
youknowandit'sanexplainablefeelingsIcantellyouwhenyouputiton,that's
whenyoureallyfeelit.Youknowit'snotjustlikeputtingonadress,Ijustdon't
feelthesamethinglikegoingtoMacy'sandbuyingadressandputthatonas
comparedtowhenIputtheIndiansuitonbecauseitisatotallydifferentfeeling.
Butthatishowitbecomesaliveandwhathappensisallthosestones,those
rhinestonesandthesequinsandthefeathers,becausefeathersrepresentpeople
risingabovetheirenvironment,whateverthey'redealingwith.Wheneveryousee
feathersonsomeone,that'sreallyrepresentshavingtheabilitytobeaboveit
andsohavingthefeathersontoo,itisthegreatestexampleofwhatyoucando,
whatwecandowhenwecometogether,youknow?
AmorAmenkum’s2016OyasuitdemonstratesOsborneandTanner’spointthatobjectscan
haveagency—butnotjustoftheperformersasthisquotefromAmorAmenkumdemonstrates
buttheagencyof“spirits”aswell.African-CenteredartistssuchasAmorAmenkumidentify
51
specificmaterialsandprocessestoincorporateaspiritualaspecttotheartoftheirMardiGras
Indiansuit.
Suchsuitsarebothaestheticallypleasingandfunctional,andmostimportantlyspiritual.
ThesamesentimentwasexpressedinmyinterviewwithVictorHarris,whohasmasked50
yearsandisknownas“TheSpiritofFiYiYi”,
Mysuitisspiritualandit'sGodly.Idon'tjusthavenosuitonandhavefunwithit
justtobeprettyandallofthat.Thisisspiritualforme.ThisisGodly.Thisis,this
is,thisisthespiritrighthere,thesuit.I'mthespiritofthesuit.That'swhythey
saythespiritofFiyaya.
Harrisalsospeaksofthepowerofthesuittoaffectthosewhointeractwithit:
…yeahandoneguysworetoGodthathewassickasadog,aboutfeltlikehe
wasgoingtodie..andthatwasthefirstyearthespiritofFiYiYicameout…He
saywhenIcameout,whenIcameoutandhesawme,hejumpedupandhe
wasn’tsicknomore.
African-CenteredNOFAartistslikeAmorAmenkumandVictorHarriscreatepiecesofart
throughtheyear-longprocessofmakingasuit.Thereareartistsalloverthecitywhomake
MardiGrasIndiansuits,buttheprocessandperspectiveoftheAfrican-Centeredartistcreatesa
differentexpressionandinteractionwiththesuit.IncorporatingAfricanspiritualconcepts,
whethertheyarebasedintraditionalpracticessuchasIfaoriftheyarecreatedthroughasense
ofAfricaasisthecasewithVictorHarris,allowtheartisttocreateadifferenttypeofagencyfor
theirart.
Suchartists,theirsuitsandthespiritsthatinhabitthemandtheirsuitsastheyperform
exhibitagencyandexpressescertainworld-viewstothecommunity.AmorAmenkumisableto
effectparadeparticipantsandobserversthroughhersuit,includingthesymbolsandfolkloreof
Orishaspirituality.She’salsoabletoinvokethespiritofOyaassheparadesthroughthe
52
neighborhoods,asshe,likehersuitbecomesasecondaryagentforthespiritofOyawho
interactswiththeneighborhoodsshevisitsthroughAmorAmenkumandhersuit.VictorHarris
empowershissuitwiththespiritofFiYiYi,whichallowsFiYiYitoupliftthespiritofthosewho
interactwiththisspiritastheyinteractwithVictorHarrisasheparadesthroughthe
neighborhoods.Inthisway,theAfrican-Centeredartists,actingassecondaryagentsforthese
spirits,areabletohealandupliftthespiritsofthoseintheircommunity.
53
ChapterEight:ConnectingNewOrleansFestivalArtsThroughSpokenWord
Thischapterswitchesfocusfromthevisualartrepresentedindecorationsandsuit
makingtotheartofsymboliclanguage,specificallythatofnarrativesandperformance.Again,
thisstudyaimstoidentifyhowAfrican-Centeredartistsusearttoexpresstheirvaluesand
world-viewsandtoeffectchangeintheirenvironment.AsGell(1998:18)pointsout,“Social
agencycanbeexercisedrelativeto“things’andsocialagencycanbeexercisedbythings.”This
chapterwilldemonstratehowperformanceandsymboliclanguagecanalsoexertsocialagency
andeffectchangeormakeclaimsofhistoricalrelevancy.Theeventsinthischapterfallunder
theNOFAumbrellabecausetheyareconnectedeithertothetraditionthroughpracticeor
throughnarrative.Thefirstepisodediscussesthesymboliclanguageofthe“CongoSquare”
narrative,whichiscommonknowledgeamongalltheAfrican-CenteredartistsIobservedand
interviewedduringmystudy.ThesecondepisodefallsundertheNOFAumbrellabecauseitis
anexampleofhowthesecond-linetraditionisusedtoeffectchangeinthecommunity.
IhavehadseveralconversationswithmyintervieweesaboutNOFAcultureandits
historicalconnectiontoCongoSquareandthetraditionsthatcomefromthattime.Amor
AmenkumusesthestoryofCongoSquaretosetthemoodoftheclassandasateaching
momentforstudentstoembodytheenergyofCongoSquareintothemovementsshe
demonstratesduringtheclass.Severaltimesduringclass,sheremindsherstudentsofthe
meaningofthesongsandhowtheyconnectedtothedance,howcertainmovementswere
flirtatious,etc.ShekeepsbringingstudentsbacktothemarketplaceofCongoSquare.
TheStoryofCongoSquareisempoweringtoartistslikeAmorAmenkum,whoarefrom
NewOrleansandwhoconnectwiththishistoricalnarrativebecauseitisalsofromNew
54
Orleans.AmorAmenkum’spassionateportrayalofthetraditionsofCongoSquarewas
demonstratedphysicallyasshetaughttheclassthemovements.Shewasabletoconnectthe
movementstoanattitude,asituation,asonglyricthatmadethelivesoftheslavesofthe
1800’smoreconcreteandunderstandable.AusettuaAmorAmunkumwasscheduledtoteach
“dancesofCongoSquare”asapartofayearlyprogramshowcasinglocalNewOrleansdancers.
TheclasswasfiledwithadiversegroupofNewOrleansdancersofalllevels.Theclassfeatured
twodancesfromtheCongoSquareera,CalendaandBamboula.Amunkum’sclasswasthethird
ofadayofone-hourclasses.Thepreviousclassesbeganwithawarm-up,abriefintroductionto
thedanceanddancestyle,thentheinstructorbeganteachingsteps.AmorAmunkumbegan
herclasswithashorthistoryclassaboutCongoSquare:
InordertogetthefeelofthedancesI’mgoingtoshowyou,it’simportantto
understandthehistoryofwherethesedancescomefrom.Yousee,everySunday,
theslaveswouldgatheratCongosquare.Peoplesaytheslaveswoulddanceand
sing,butyouhavetothinkaboutit.Thisistheonlytimethey’dgettoseetheir
friendsandfamiliesthatworkedonotherplantations.Theywouldexchange
information,sellthevegetablestheygrewandthingstheymade.Thedancesthat
weseeinNewOrleansnowcomefromthedancestheydidatCongoSquare,The
CalendaandBamboula.ThesedanceswerebroughtfromWestAfricaandwere
donewheneveryonegathered.Theydancedtodrumsmadefromwoodand
othermaterialswehadhere.
WhenToddHigginsintroducedmetoFredJohnson,PresidentoftheBlackMenofLabor,I
askedMr.JohnsontotellmeabouttheBMOL.Hebeganhisanswerbystating,“Inorderto
knowtheBlackMenofLabor,youfirsthavetoknowaboutCongoSquare”.Hethenbeganto
tellmethesamestoryAmorAmenkumtoldtotheclass.Thisnarrativehasbeenrepeated
severaltimesinconversationswithmyinformants,inperformances,ininterviewswithjazz
musiciansandotherNOFAperformersandinmyinterviews.Itisanimportantpartofthe
narrativeoftheAfrocentricNOFAparticipantsinNewOrleans.Inthecourseofmyresearch,
55
I’vecometounderstandtheimportanceofconnectingNOFAtraditionswiththeirhistorical
rootsinAntebellum,andconsequently,AfricanandtheAfricanDiasporaNewOrleans.
ToddHigginsexplainedtheconnectionbetweenCongoSquare’slegacyandNOFAinhis
interviewasfollows:
Soyouhavethetraditionsofwhatslaves,ourancestorsasslavesdid,kindof
manifestedincertainthingshereinNewOrleans.Youcangobacktowhenthe
slaveownersallowedourancestors,whowereslaves,togopracticetheir
religion,theirculture,theirheritageinCongoSquare,whichisintheTreme...we
trytokeepthetraditionsofourancestorsthattheypracticedinCongoSquare
thattheydidonSundayinCongoSquareup,toeducateyoungmenandyoung
womenthat,youknow,yougottoknowfromwhomandwhereyoucamefrom
toknowexactlywhereyou'retryingtogetandgoandwetrytoteachyoung
blackmenespeciallyhowtobeamanbecauseablackmanhereinNewOrleans
oranyothermetropolitancitygetsabadwrap,youknow.
Soyeswedotrytoteachand,youknow,preserveourcultureasitwas
notvotedin,notlegislatedin,butasitwaspracticedhereinNewOrleans.I
meanourancestorswasallowedtoleavetheplantation,gotoCongoSquareon
Sundayandshareintradingtheirgoods,cooking,singing,dancing,youknow,
findingoutwhichslavesmadeit,whodidn'tmakeitthroughthepassage,things
ofthatnature.SoSundaywasasignificantdayhereinNewOrleans...Soitwasa
daythatwejubilantlycelebratedandwetrytotakeandcontinuethattradition
onthroughBenevolentSocietiesandthingsofthatnaturewhereasallthose
mechanicalthingswerethereforustobecomebetterpeople,tounderstandwho
weare,to,youknow,ensureandencourageoneanotherthat,youknow,ifyou
neededsomethingyouhadthisbig,vast,extendedcommunitythatwasgoingto
helpyougetwhateveryouneed.
NewOrleansisuniqueinthefactthatitishometothefestivalarts.Althoughothercitieshave
someaspectsoffestivalarts(parading,socialaidandpleasureclubs,etc.)noothercityhasthe
intricatenetworkoffestivalartsandorganizationsandculturewithsuchdeephistoricalroots.
In“WalkingthePost-DisasterCity:Race,SpaceandthePoliticsofTraditioninAfrican-American
ParadingPracticesofPost-KatrinaNewOrleans”ZadaJohnson(2010:5)describestheroleof
benevolencesocietiesandtheactivitiestheyproduce,“African-AmericanresidentsofNew
56
Orleanshaveutilizedstreetparadesandcarnivalcelebrationsasexpressionsofheritageand
identityaswellasawaytocontestthesegregationistpracticesofthecity.”TheNOFA
organizationsthatincorporateAfricandiasporicidentityasapartoftheirsocialidentityare
connectedtocertainhistoricalelements,whatZadaJohnson(2010:5)callsanexpressionof
“racialidentity”and“historicalconsciousness.”WhenpractitionerslikeAmorAmenkum,
HigginsandJohnsonconnectNOFAtothehistoricalsiteandtimeperiodrepresentedinCongo
Square,itgivesthepractitionersafootholdintheNewOrleansculturallandscape.AsHiggins
notesinthequoteabove,“ourcultureasitwasnotvotedin,notlegislatedin,butasitwas
practiced(historically)hereinNewOrleans”.ConnectingpresentdayNOFAtraditionsanchors
theirperformancebehaviorstoCongoSquare’sculturallegacyofresilience,resistanceand
culturalpreservation(Regis2001,Evans2011,Walker2004).
OnDecember17,2015,NewOrleansCitycouncilvoted6-1toremovefourmonuments
relatedtotheConfederacyfromprominentareasaroundthecity.StatuesofGeneralRobertE.
Lee,GeneralP.G.T.Beauregard,ConfederatepresidentJeffersonDavisandanobeliskdedicated
totheBattleofLibertyPlacearethefourdesignatedmonumentstoberemovedinthenear
future.Thiscontroversialdecisionwastheresultofmanymonthsofprotestanddebatesfueled
byNewOrleansresidents.Alargepartofthemovementtohavethesemonumentsremoved
wassupportedbyNewOrleans’Afrocentriccommunity.Justafewmonthsbeforethishistorical
vote,AsheCultureCenterheldit’s2015AnnualMaafaCommemorativeParade.Theparade
wasalsocreatedasa“healingceremony;anancestralceremony”.Maafawascreatedasa
communityritualusingvisualart,music,danceandspokenwordandparadingtomemorialize
thelegacyofslaveryinNewOrleansandit’ssharedlegacyforpresentdayresidents.The2015
57
paradeplacedemphasisonthepainfulremindersrepresentedinthemonumentsandstatues
litteredthroughouttheFrenchQuarters.ThechoicetobegintheMaafaatCongoSquarewasa
deliberateactofreclaimingageographiclocation.ParticipantsleftCongoSquareaccompanied
bytraditionalAfricandrummusic.TheparticipantswalkedtheroutethroughtheHistorical
TremeneighborhoodandintotheFrenchQuarterschanting,“We’regoingtothecrimescene.”
Thechants,accompaniedbythemusicbecameasongofredemption.Asmorepeoplejoined
theprocession,theemotionbehind“goingtothecrimescene”wasseenandfelt.Therewasa
starkdifferencebetweentheMaafaparticipantsandthetouristsandFrenchQuarter
attendees.MaafaparticipantswerepredominatelyAfrican-American,andallwerewearing
whiteclotheswhilesinginganddancingtothedrums.Theprocessionwalkeddownthemiddle
ofthestreet.TheMaafaparticipantswore“natural”hairstyles,dreadlocks,braids,natural
haircutsandheadwraps.TheobserversontheFrenchQuartersidewalkswerepredominately
Whiteandbewildered.Manyofthemaskedwhatweweredoing,towhichthereplywas,“This
isMaafa.Wearehonoringourancestors.”
In2016,inadditiontocommemoration,Maafaparticipantsusedtheroutetoexpress
theirangerandfrustrationwiththeimagerychosenbyNewOrleansofficialstorepresentthe
spiritofthepeople.WhentheprocessionreachedtheSupremeCourtlocatedintheFrench
Quarters,oneoftheparticipantsdancedaroundthestatueofEdwardDouglasWhitecarryinga
red,blackandgreenflag.Theprocessionparticipantsstoppedandclappedtothebeatofthe
Africandrumsandotherinstruments,singing“We’regoingtothecrimescene.”Thered,black
andgreenflagisasymbolofthePan-Africanmovementcreatedinthe1920’sbytheUniversal
NegroImprovementAssociation(UNIA).Whenthemusicstopped,thedancerstoodinfrontof
58
thestatue,asMr.LeonWatersspokethroughabullhorn,informingtheparticipantsofEdward
White’shistoryasanopponentofdesegregationandaproductofafamilywhoownedslaves.
Heendedhisspeechbyaskingthecrowd,“Isthisthekindofpeoplewewanttobuild
monumentstorepresentNewOrleans?”Towhichthecrowdunanimouslyyelled,“NO!!!!”
TheMaafacommemorativeparadeisanexampleofhowart,beitvisualart,
performanceart,spokenwordormusic,canhave“agency”--thepotentialtoinfluencethose
whoarewatchingaswellasthosewhocreateit.Creatingasongfromthephrase,“Goingtothe
crimescene”,dancing,drummingandsingingintheFrenchQuartersareallexamplesofhow
arthasagency—itproduceseffectsonpeople.ParticipatingintheMaafatransformsthe
individualintoasocialagent,whocanexpresshisorherfeelingsinaneffectiveway.Dancing
ontheSupremeCourtstepswhilewavingtheUNIAred,blackandgreenflagisawayoferasing
theimageryofastatuethatrepresentsWhiteoppression.Mr.Water’sdeclarationsintothe
bullhornservedbothassymboliclanguage,andalsoasapracticalmeansofdisseminating
informationregardingtheongoingmovementtoremovethestatuesofformerslaveowners.It
cannotbedirectlystatedthatMaafawasresponsibleforthecitycounsel’svotetoremovethe
fourstatuesmentionedearlier,butitdidservetocreateasenseofempowermentand
solidaritywhiledistributinginformationtotheparticipantsandtheparade’sobservers.
ExaminingMaafaallowsustoseedifferentformsofartandhowifhaseffectsonpeople
asthesecondaryagentsofthosewhohavecreatedandperformedit.Wecanconnectthe
socialagentwiththemessagerelayedthroughhisartandgainabetterunderstandingofthe
agent’sbeliefsandintentions.Wecanalsoidentifyhowtheartaffectstheagent’senvironment
andhowitisusedasatooltocreatechange.
59
ChapterNine:ActiveandPassiveAgencyinNewOrleansFestivalArts
TheartandsymboliclanguagecreatedbyAfrican-CenteredpractitionersofNewOrleans
FestivalArtsisusedasaspaceofintentionalactionthatexpressestheAfrocentriccommunity’s
culturalsystems.ArtistsusethemanyartisticindexesthatexistwithintheNOFAtraditionto
expressthisidentityandtoinformthegreatercommunityoftheirvaluesandbeliefs.New
OrleansAfrican-centeredNOFAartistaretheproductofmanyinteractionsthroughoutthe
1960’sthroughtothepresent.Thearttheycreaterepresentsaresponsetothesocial,
political,spiritualandeconomicrealitiesofthistimeperiod.ArtistsuseNOFAtodisplaya
commitmenttoaspecificsocio-culturalideology.Unfortunately,inNewOrleans,the
political,economicandeducationalinequalitiesAfricanAmericansfaceforcethemto
createandrecreatetoolstohelpthemtocountertheeffectsonthempersonallyandasa
community.NOFAisanestablishedpartofNewOrleans’AfricanAmericancommunity
tradition,soitisonlyfittingthatthosewhohavedevelopedthesetoolswouldusethis
artisticarraytoinformthemselvesandthosearoundthem.
NewOrleansFestivalartistsareabletoactivelyexpresstheiridentityand
communicatethroughtheircreations,howeverasGellasserts,theirartalsoexhibits
agencybyinfluencingtheviewerthroughmemory,emotionandinteraction.Inthecaseof
theBMOLaestheticizingtheirclubhouse,theychooseveryspecificiconographytoportray
theirunderstandingofAfrica,NewOrleanssecondlineculture,andtheircommitmentto
traditionalNewOrleansJazz.Butoncetheclubhouseisdone,theartis“setfree”to
influencetheaudienceaccordingtotheirindividualexperiencesandunderstandingof
whattheysee.AmorAmenkum’sBlackIndianssuitshaveaneffectonherasshewearsthe
suit,butalsohasaneffectonthecommunityshetravelsthrough.TheOyasuit,likeFiYiYi’s
60
suitwasinfusedwithspiritualenergythatempoweredthesuittoliftthespiritsofthose
whodanceandsingwiththeprocession—thesuitandtheperformerarebothsecondary
agentsforofsuchspirits.Thesong“We’regoingtothecrimescene”,expressedthe
disapprovalparticipantsfeltovertheplacementofformerslaveownersasmonumentsin
thecity.Thesongalsoenergizedparticipantsandgavethemasenseofunityasthey
completedthemileslongparaderoute.Artiscreatedtocarryamessage,buttheartitself
changesit’senvironmentbyjustexistingasapartoftheritual.
ByanalyzinghoworganizationsliketheBMOL,AusettuaAmorAmenkumand
eventslikeMaafachangethefaceofthetraditionalNOFAtoreflecttheirsocial,politicaland
economicvalues,wecanunderstandhowNOFAhasbeenandcancontinuetobeusedasa
toolforeffectingchangeinthecommunity.PartofunderstandinghowtheAfricanCenteredNOFAartistseffectschangeistounderstandthatartismorethanjustameansof
providinganemotionalreactioninthosewhoparticipateinthegivenartisticdisplay.The
anthropologyofartasdevelopedbyAlfredGellallowsustounderstandthepowerofart
throughit’sabilitytoeffectchange.AnanalysisofNOFAthatincludestheconsiderationof
artasa“thing”withagencyrevealsmoreaccuratelysomeofthedeeperprocessesinvolved
withcreatingandperformingNOFAfromanAfrican-Centeredpointofview.Thefirststep
tomakingthiskindofanalysisistounderstandthehistoricalcontextinwhichthechanges
inNOFAhavetakenplace.TheAfrocentricNOFAartistsareaproductofseveralsociopolitical,artisticandspiritualmovementsthatoccurredduringthelate1960’sandarestill
goingontoday.Thesemovements,(CORE,TambourineandFan,AuserAuset,TheAfrican
DanceMovement),allinformthechoicesthatNewOrleansartistssuchasToddHiggins,
AusetAmorAmenkum,BruceSunpieBarnes,andShakaZuludisplayintheirart.
61
Inanarticleentitled“PerformingAfricainNewOrleans”authorsCynthiaBecker,
RachelBreunlinandHelenA.Regis(2013),discusstheAfricaninfluencesinNOFA.The
authorsmention“thestrugglearoundtheirown[BlackNewOrleanians]representation…
howpeopleofAfricandescentareforcedtoseethemselvesthroughthedistortedlensof
racism”(Ibid:16).TheauthorsdescribeashiftinNewOrleanians’relationshipwithAfrica,
where“Africasignalsculturalperformance,preservation,creativity,andresistance”(Ibid:
19).ByanalyzinghowAfrican-CenteredartistactivelyengageintheNOFAprocessthrough
artandsymboliclanguage,thisstudyservestobetterunderstandhowthatshiftis
occurring.
62
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2015
Appendices
68
AppendixA
UNIVERSITYOFWISCONSIN–MILWAUKEE
CONSENTTOPARTICIPATEINRESEARCH
STUDENTCONSENT
THISCONSENTFORMHASBEENAPPROVEDBYTHEIRBFORAONEYEARPERIOD
1.GeneralInformation
Studytitle:
EmbodiedCulture:NewOrleansArtistsUseofFestivalArtsasaPlatformtoExpress
AfrocentricIdentity
PersoninChargeofStudy(PrincipalInvestigator):
ShukraniGray
MastersCandidateAnthropology
2.StudyDescription
Youarebeingaskedtoparticipateinaresearchstudy.Yourparticipationiscompletely
voluntary.Youdonothavetoparticipateifyoudonotwantto.
Studydescription:
IhaveaskedyoutocomeandsharewithmeissothatIcanlearnaboutyourexperienceasa
NewOrleansartist/memberof(organization).Iwanttounderstandthehistoricalcontextin
whichyoubecameactiveinparticipatinginNewOrleansFestivalArts.Ialsowantto
understandhowyoumakedecisionsconcerninghowyoupresentthevisualrepresentation,
music,artandritualconnectedtoyourpersonalidentitywithinalargercommunity.Our
interviewwillhelpmelearnmoreaboutthewayyouexperienceandpresentyourartandhow
69
itreflectsyourviewsaboutwhoyouare.Iespeciallywanttounderstandhowyourartrelates
ordoesnotrelatetoyourviewsaboutanAfrocentricIdentity,andtherestofyourlife.
ThisresearchwillhelpmetoexaminehowagroupofAfricanAmericansdefineandlivetheir
AfricanDiasporicIdentitywithinNewOrleansperformancearts.Ialsoseektounderstandhow
anAfricanDiasporicIdentityiscreatedandpassedonthroughthearts.Iwilltakethe
informationIgatherandstudyittodiscoverhowAfricanAmericansinNewOrleansexpress
theiridentityandviewsthroughtheprocessofcreatingandreinforcingatradition.
ThisstudywillbeconductedinNewOrleans,Louisiana.Therewillbe5participantsidentified
forinterview.Eachsubjectwillneedtocommit1-2hoursforinterviewandupto5hoursof
observationinthecommunity.
3.StudyProcedures
WhatwillIbeaskedtodoifIparticipateinthestudy?
Ifyouagreetoparticipateyouwillbeaskedtoparticipatein1-21hourinterviews.Youhave
theoptiontoallowthefollowingformsofdocumentationthatwillbevideoandaudiotaped,
andpossiblyphotographed.Thisisdonetoinsureaccuracyandabetterunderstandingof
participants’responsestointerviewquestions.Theaudio/video–tapingisanoptionalportion
ofthestudy.Ifyouoptoutofbeingrecordedbyaudio/videotaping,theinterviewwillstilltake
place,andtheinterviewermaytakenotesforaccuracy.Theinterviewswillbeconductedina
mutuallyagreeduponlocation(artist’sresidence,coffeeshop,communitybookstore,etc.).You
willalsobeaskedtoallowmetoobserveyoupracticing,teaching,andpreparingyourartasitis
usedinthecommunity.Participantscanrefusetoanswerspecificquestions,orrefuse
participationinthestudywithnoconsequences.Ifparticipantdecidestoterminate
participationduringthestudy,datacollecteduptothatpointwouldbeused,withpermission.
Ifparticipantrefusespermission,datacollectedwillbedestroyed.Inadditiontotheinterview,I
willbeobservingsomeofyouractivitiesastheyrelatetoyourinterviewquestions.These
observationsmayalsoberecordedusingaudio/videorecording.Asstatedabove,youcanopt
outofhavingtheseobservationsrecorded,atwhichtime,Iwilltakenotes.Whendoing
observationsinpubliclocationsIamseekingawaiverofconsent,butIwillmakean
announcementsothatthosewhodonotwishtoberecordedcanremovethemselves.Also,
whenI’mobservinginaprivatelocation,likeahouseoranon-profitorganization,Iwillobtain
consentfromthosewhoareIamobserving.
DuringtheinterviewIwillaskyouaseriesofquestionsregardingyourexperiencesasaNew
OrleansArtsperformer.Thesequestionswillincludehowyoustartedinthisartform,your
experiencesasanartist,andhowyouincorporateAfrocentricityinyourart.Imayaskyouto
lookatavideocliporaphotographtoidentifysomethingyouhavedescribedortohaveyou
explainaneventorobject.Imayalsoaskyoutodrawasimplediagramtoillustratenetworksof
people,similartoafamilytree.Thiskindofdetailwillhelpmetohaveabetterunderstanding
ofyourexperience.OurinterviewwillhelpmetounderstandhowNewOrleans’artistsdefine
andlivetheirAfrocentricIdentitywithinNewOrleansperformancearts.Ialsoseekto
70
understandhowanAfrocentricIdentityiscreatedandpassedonthroughthearts.Iwilltake
theinformationIgatherandexamineittodiscoverhowAfricanAmericansinNewOrleans
expresstheiridentityandviewsthroughtheprocessofcreatingandreinforcingatradition.
4.RisksandMinimizingRisks
WhatriskswillIfacebyparticipatinginthisstudy?
Therearenoforeseeablerisksforparticipatinginthisresearchstudy.Thereisapossiblerisk
thatbreachofconfidentialitycanoccurduetothenatureofsomequestions.(Whereyou
attendedschoolandwhatyear,etc).Itislesslikelyansweringsomequestionsmaycause
temporarydiscomfort,suchasminoremotionaldistressfromansweringtheinterview
questions.Inordertominimizeanytemporarydiscomfortorbreachofconfidentiality,the
intervieweehastheoptiontorefusetoansweranyquestionsthatmakeshim/herfeel
uncomfortable.Theintervieweealsocaninformtheresearcherifhe/sheneedsabreakfrom
questioning.
Measuresarebeingtakentominimizeparticipantdiscomfortincluding:
• Datawillbestoredonapasswordprotectedlaptoporinalockedfilecabinet.
• Pseudonymswillbeusedunlessparticipantstatesapreferencetousinghis/hername.
5.Benefits
WillIreceiveanybenefitfrommyparticipationinthisstudy?
Therearenobenefitstoyouotherthantofurtherresearch.
6.StudyCostsandCompensation
WillIbechargedanythingforparticipatinginthisstudy?
Youwillnotberesponsibleforanyofthecostsfromtakingpartinthisresearchstudy.
Aresubjectspaidorgivenanythingforbeinginthestudy?
Youwillnotbecompensatedfortakingpartinthisresearchstudy.
7.Confidentiality
71
Whathappenstotheinformationcollected?
Allinformationcollectedaboutyouduringthecourseofthisstudywillbekeptconfidentialto
theextentpermittedbylaw.Wemaydecidetopresentwhatwefindtoothers,orpublishour
resultsinscientificjournalsoratscientificconferences.Directquotesmaybeusedin
publicationsandpresentations.However,Audio/videorecordingsandphotographswillnotbe
presentedpublicly.Informationthatidentifiesyoupersonallywillnotbereleasedwithoutyour
writtenpermission.OnlythePIwillhaveaccesstotheinformation.However,theInstitutional
ReviewBoardatUW-MilwaukeeorappropriatefederalagenciesliketheOfficeforHuman
ResearchProtectionsmayreviewthisstudy’srecords.
Interviewswillbeconductedinprivatelocationsandpseudonymswillbeassignedunless
participatingsubjectsstateapreferencetousetheirrealnames.Datawillbestoredinthe
privatehomeofficeofthestudentPI,onanon-networkedlaptopwithpassword-protection,
andinalockedfilecabinet.Alltheinformationcollectedforthisstudywillbedestroyedwith
thestudyiscomplete.
8.Alternatives
Aretherealternativestoparticipatinginthestudy?
Therearenoknownalternativesavailabletoyouotherthannottakingpartinthisstudy.
9.VoluntaryParticipationandWithdrawal
WhathappensifIdecidenottobeinthisstudy?
Yourparticipationinthisstudyisentirelyvoluntary.Youmaychoosenottotakepartinthis
study.Ifyoudecidetotakepart,youcanchangeyourmindlaterandwithdrawfromthestudy.
Youarefreetonotansweranyquestionsorwithdrawatanytime.Ifyouchoosetowithdraw
fromtheresearch,thedocumentationandrecordingswillbedestroyed.”Yourdecisionwillnot
changeanypresentorfuturerelationshipswiththeUniversityofWisconsinMilwaukee.
10.Questions
WhodoIcontactforquestionsaboutthisstudy?
Formoreinformationaboutthestudyorthestudyproceduresortreatments,ortowithdraw
fromthestudy,contact:
Dr.CherylAjirotutuandMs.ShukraniGray
UniversityOfWisconsin-Milwaukee
AnthropologyDepartment
72
290SabinHall,P.O.Box413
3413N.DownerAve.
Milwaukee,WI53201
(504)339-6853
WhodoIcontactforquestionsaboutmyrightsorcomplaintstowardsmytreatmentasa
researchsubject?
TheInstitutionalReviewBoardmayaskyourname,butallcomplaintsarekeptinconfidence.
InstitutionalReviewBoard
HumanResearchProtectionProgram
DepartmentofUniversitySafetyandAssurances
UniversityofWisconsin–Milwaukee
P.O.Box413
Milwaukee,WI53201
(414)229-3173
11.Signatures
ResearchSubject’sConsenttoParticipateinResearch:
Tovoluntarilyagreetotakepartinthisstudy,youmustsignonthelinebelow.Ifyouchooseto
takepartinthisstudy,youmaywithdrawatanytime.Youarenotgivingupanyofyourlegal
rightsbysigningthisform.Yoursignaturebelowindicatesthatyouhavereadorhadreadto
youthisentireconsentform,includingtherisksandbenefits,andhavehadallofyourquestions
answered,andthatyouare18yearsofageorolder.
____________________________________________
PrintedNameofSubject/LegallyAuthorizedRepresentative
____________________________________________ ____________________
SignatureofSubject/LegallyAuthorizedRepresentative
Date
ResearchSubject’sConsenttoAudio/Video/PhotoRecording:
Itisokaytoaudiotape/videotape/photographmewhileIaminthisstudyandusemy
audiotaped/videotaped/photographed]dataintheresearch.
Pleaseinitial:____Yes____No
PrincipalInvestigator(orDesignee)
73
Ihavegiventhisresearchsubjectinformationonthestudythatisaccurateandsufficientforthe
subjecttofullyunderstandthenature,risksandbenefitsofthestudy.
____________________________________________ ____________________
PrintedNameofPersonObtainingConsent
StudyRole
____________________________________________ ____________________
SignatureofPersonObtainingConsent
Date
74
AppendixB
ShukraniGray
AnthropologyMastersThesis
InterviewQuestions
MyinterviewquestionsmodelthefourtypesofinterviewquestionsaslaidoutinJ.P.Spradley
’sworkinTheEthnographicInterview(1979).Hesuggestsinterviewquestionsbecategorized
asfollows:
• GrandTourQuestions:Askingtheculturalinformanttogeneralize
• DetailsThroughQuestions:Askingfollowupquestionsaboutanact,event,orcategory.
• ExperienceQuestions:Askingaboutexperience
• Native-likeQuestions:Askingtheculturalinformanttousehis/herownwordsand
expressions.
Introduction:
ThereasonIhaveaskedyoutocomeandsharewithmeissothatIcanlearnaboutyour
experienceasaNewOrleansartist/memberof(organization).Iwanttounderstandthe
historicalcontextinwhichyoubecameactiveinparticipatinginNewOrleansFestivalArts.Ialso
wanttounderstandhowyoumakedecisionsconcerninghowyoupresentthevisual
representation,music,artandritualconnectedtoyourpersonalidentitywithinalarger
community.Ourinterviewwillhelpmelearnmoreaboutthewayyouexperienceandpresent
yourartandhowitreflectsyourviewsaboutwhoyouare.Iespeciallywanttounderstandhow
yourartrelatesordoesnotrelatetoyourviewsaboutanAfricanDiasporicIdentity,andthe
restofyourlife.
Projectexplanation:
ThisresearchwillhelpmetoexaminehowagroupofAfricanAmericansdefineandlivetheir
AfricanDiasporicIdentitywithinNOFA.IalsoseektounderstandhowanAfricanDiasporic
Identityiscreatedandpassedonthroughthearts.IwilltaketheinformationIgatherandstudy
ittodiscoverhowAfricanAmericansinNewOrleansexpresstheiridentityandviewsthrough
theprocessofcreatingandreinforcingatradition.
75
Recordingexplanation:
IfImayhaveyourpermission,IwouldliketotapethisinterviewsoIcangooveritlaterandnot
betiedtopenandpaperaswetalk.Ifthatisok,pleasesigntheconsentformIhaveprovided.
Interviewexplanation:
DuringtheinterviewIwillaskyouaseriesofquestions.Imayaskyoutolookatavideoclipora
photographtoidentifysomethingyouhavedescribedortohaveyouexplainaneventorobject.
Imayalsoaskyoutodrawasimplediagramtoillustratenetworksofpeople,similartoafamily
tree.Thiskindofdetailwillhelpmetohaveabetterunderstandingofyourexperience.
InterviewQuestions:
1. Whatisyournameandwhatyearwereyouborn?
2. Whatcitywereyouborn?
a. IfyouwerenotborninNewOrleans–howoldwereyouwhenyoucametoNew
Orleans?
b. InwhatareasofNewOrleanshaveyoulived?
3. Whatschoolsdidyouattend?
a. Whereare/weretheylocatedinNewOrleans?
4. Didyouattendcollege/university?
a. Nameofinstitutionposthighschoolthatyouattended?
i. Wherewasitlocated?
ii. Howmanyyears
iii. Didyoucompleteadegree?
1. Inwhatyear?
5. Inwhatcommunityorganizationsdoyouparticipateandwhatdoyoudo?
6. Whenyouthinkbackonyourlife,whatwasyourfirstexperiencewiththesekindsof
organizations?
7. Howdidyoubeginparticipatinginthefirstactivity,andhowdidtheothers(ifthereare
others)comeintoyourlife?
8. Pleaselookatthisphotoanddescribe:
a. Whereareyou?Why?
b. Whatyouarewearinginthephoto
c. Whoaretheplayersinthephoto
d. Whatishappeninginthephoto
e. Anyimagery/symbolsyouseeinthephoto
9. PeopledescribeNewOrleansas“themostAfricancityintheU.S.”.Whatdoesthat
statementmeantoyou?
10. Describewhatyouteachothersaboutyourart/tradition?
a. Howdoyouteachothersaboutthistradition?Describeyourteachingmethod
76
11. Whatarethemostimportantpointsyoucoverwhentellingsomeoneaboutyour
art/traditions.
12. Whataretherootsofyourartspractice?
a. Wheredoesitcomefrom?
b. Hopedidyoulearnyourartpractice?
c. IthasbeensaidthatNewOrleansfestivalartshaveAfricanroots.Canyou
explainwhatthisstatementmeanstoyou?
13. OnereasonIchosetointerviewyouisbecauseIhaveobservedthatyouincorporate
AfricanimageryinyourpresentationofNewOrleansfestivalarts.
a. Whydoyoudothat?
b. DoyoualwaysincorporateAfricanimagesinallofyouwork?
c. DoyourecallwhenyoubegantoincorporateAfricanimageryandwhy?
14. AreyoufamiliarwithTambourineandFan?
a. Whoarethey?
15. DidTambourineFancontributetoNewOrleansfestivalartsasweseeittoday?
a. Ifsowhat?Ifnot,whodid?
16. Pleasedescribeyourself?
17. Whenyouthinkofyourself,howdoyouseeyourselfinrelationtoAfrocentricthought?
18. Pleasedescribeyourunderstandingoftherelationship(s)betweenBlacksintheU.Sand
Africa?
19. Pleasedescribeyourunderstandingoftherelationship(s)betweenBlackintheU.S.and
Blacksinothercountries?
20. PleaselistalloftheNOFAorganizationsthathaveimpactedyourartisticdevelopment
andyourexpressionofNOFA.
21. WhoarethemajorinfluencesinhowyouexpressyourNOFA?
22. Haveyoueverparticipatedin/doneanyofthefollowing?
a. WornAfricanprintAmericanstyledclothing
b. WorntraditionalAfricanclothing
c. VisitedorlivedinanAfricancountry
d. LearnedanAfricanlanguage
e. EatenAfricanfood
f. Learned/performedAfricandanceorinstruments
g. DoyouhavefriendswhoarefromanAfricancountry
h. DoyoudobusinesswithpeoplefromanAfricancountry
i. VisitedorlivedinaCaribbeancountry
j. HaveAfricanartinyourhouse
k. ParticipatedinKwanzaa
l. ParticipatedinAfricanLiberationDaycelebrations
m. ParticipatedinMaafa
n. ParticipatedinMarcusGarveyDay
23. Areyoufamiliarwiththeterm“AfricanDiaspora”?
a. Whatdoesitmeantoyou?
24. IsthereaconnectionbetweentheAfricanDiasporaandNewOrleansfestivalarts?
a. Ifso,whatistheconnection?
77
25. Whatarethemajorconsiderationswhenyoudesignasuitforparading?(Allparticipants
designsometypeof“suit”forparading,betheysocialaidandpleasureclubmembers,
MardiGrasIndians,Musiciansetc)
26. Isthereaspiritualcomponenttotheartyoupractice?
a. Describeitandyourpractice
27. Whensomeoneconnectedtoyourorganization/artpassesawaywhatspecialrituals
doesyourgroupperform?
a. Arethereanyspecialceremonies?
b. Describethekindoffuneralanindividualmighthaveoronethatyoueither
participateinand/orobserved.
c. Whendotheseritualsoccur?
i. Isthereanyspecialtimingoranythingdoneinduringtheparade?Ifso,
whendoesthishappen?
28. Doyouparticipateinanyformofannualparading?Ifyes,
a. Canyoudescribefromstarttofinishhowasuitiscreatedforyourannual
parade?
78