#2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby Access to Health Care: Does Neighborhood Residential Instability Matter?* JAMES B. KIRBY Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services TOSHIKO KANEDA Population Reference Bureau Journal of Health and Social Behavior 2006, Vol 47 (June): 142–155 Many Americans do not have access to adequate medical care. Previous research on this problem focuses primarily on individual-level determinants of access such as income and insurance coverage. The role of community-level factors in helping or hindering individuals in obtaining needed medical care, however, has not received much attention. We address this gap in the literature by investigating the association between neighborhood residential instability and access to health care. Using individual-level data from the 2000 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey and block-group level data from the 2000 decennial census, we find that individuals who live in neighborhoods with high residential turnover have worse health care access than residents of other neighborhoods. This association persists even when the prevalence of poverty, the supply of health care, and a variety of individual characteristics are held constant. Delivered by Ingenta to : We offer explanations for theseUniversity findings ofand suggest North Dakotadirections for future research. Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 Many Americans do not have adequate access to health care services (Institute of Medicine 2001; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2000). Identifying and understanding factors that help individuals obtain needed medical care or that hinder them from doing so is therefore an important goal for researchers interested in the U.S. health care system and, ultimately, in population health. To date, most research on access to health care has focused on individual-level determinants such as insurance coverage, income, educational attainment, and race (Brown, Wyn, and Teleki 2000; Center for Health Economics Research 1993; Collins, Hall, and Bebus 1999; Institute of Medicine * The views in this paper are those of the authors, and no official endorsement by the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality and the Department of Health and Human Services is intended or should be inferred. Address correspondence to James B. Kirby, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 540 Gaither Road, 5th floor, Rockville, MD 20850. 2001). However, there is an increasing amount of research that suggests community characteristics may also influence individuals’ ability to obtain needed medical care (Anderson and Davidson 2001; Anderson, Rice, and Kominski 1996; Berk, Shur, and Cantor 1995; Kirby and Kaneda 2005). We contribute to this line of research by investigating neighborhood residential instability—measured by the proportion of individuals living in their current homes for only a short time—as a possible community-level determinant of access to health care. While substantial geographic variation in the use of health care has been documented (Bindman et al. 1995; Carlisle et al. 1995; Cunningham and Kemper 1998b; Komaromy et al. 1996; Roderick et al. 1999; Wells and Horm 1998), it is not always clear whether this variation is a function of the composition of individuals in areas or whether it is actually due to characteristics of the communities themselves. This distinction between “composition” and “context” is central to this study. 142 #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE 143 For example, there may be lower average lev- ments was associated with an increased likeliels of access in unstable communities simply hood of having a usual source of care and havbecause such communities are composed dis- ing at least one physician visit. proportionately of poor individuals who canIn addition to the social and economic facnot afford care regardless of where they live. If tors identified by these studies, factors related so, the association between residential instabil- to the supply of health care services in a comity and access to care is “compositional.” munity may influence access and use. For Alternatively, there might be something about example, both Brown et al. (2004) and living in unstable communities that affects Andersen et al. (2002) found that the number access regardless of individuals’ personal char- of federally qualified health centers was posiacteristics, in which case the association is tively related to the likelihood of having a “contextual.” Only recently have studies begun usual source of care. Not all research, howevto investigate the possibility of a contextual er, supports a supply-effect (Grumbach, relationship between neighborhood character- Vranizan, and Bindman 1997). The organizaistics and access to health care. tion of the health care market in an area may Studies reveal substantial variation across also affect individuals’ ability to get care. One communities in several different indicators of study suggests that the extent to which physiaccess, including subjective reports of access cians in an area derive their income from manproblems (Cunningham and Kemper 1998a; aged care organizations decreases the amount Cunningham and Kemper 1998b), the number of time they spend providing charity care of physician visits children have during a given (Cunningham et al. 1999). As a result, poor year (Long and Marquis 1999), and pre- individuals in such areas may be less able to ventable hospitalizations (Billings, Anderson, obtain care. and Newman 1996; Bindman et al. 1995; All of these studies suggest that factors at Friedman et al. 1999; Gaskin and Hoffman the community level may affect individuals’ 2000). More generally, both hospital-based access to net of their personal characterDelivered by Ingenta to care, : care use and ambulatory care use vary considistics. Residential instability, however, has not University of North Dakota erably across geographic areas (Carlisle al. 2008 been17:35:46 examined. Yet sociologists have been Wed, 13etAug 1995; Komaromy et al. 1996). Some of these interested in residential instability as a predicstudies establish that personal characteristics tor of various community-level and individualsuch as insurance coverage, income, educa- level outcomes for at least five decades (Faris tion, and race cannot completely account for and Dunham 1939; Shaw and McKay 1942). this variation. This suggests that associations Research links residential instability to crime between community-level factors and access to (Sampson, Raudenbush, and Earls 1997), menhealth care may be, at least in part, contextual; tal health (Ross, Reynolds, and Geis 2000), community characteristics themselves could social relations (Crutchfield, Geerken, and influence individuals’ ability to obtain needed Gove 1982; Sampson 1985; Sampson and health care services. Groves 1989; Sampson et al. 1997), and social A few studies actually identify specific capital (Coleman 1988, 1990). In addition, community-level social and economic charac- there is a large amount of work in medical teristics that are associated with access, net of sociology that links social networks to health individual-level factors. Looking at a sample care utilization (Earp et al. 2002; Freidson of low-income individuals in the 100 largest 1970; Horwitz 1977; Kadushin 1966, 1969; metropolitan areas, Andersen et al. (2002) Levy-Storms and Wallace 2003; McKinlay found that high unemployment and low per 1973; Pescosolido 1992; Suchman 1964). This capita income were associated with a reduced research is also relevant because residential likelihood of having at least one physician visit instability is likely to affect the development during the year. In a study of 54 urban areas, and functioning of social networks. Brown et al. (2004) found that the size of the safety-net population, as proxied by the proportion of individuals who had low incomes THEORY AND HYPOTHESES and were uninsured, was negatively associated Residential instability plays a role in several with the likelihood of having a usual source of care. This study also found that, among unin- prominent sociological theories. Early formusured individuals, the size of Medicaid pay- lations of both social disorganization theory #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby 144 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR and social control theory posit that low resi- cine, and responses to illness are all affected dential instability increases social integration by network homogeneity and exclusivity, and as measured by the likelihood that neighbors that these factors explain racial and ethnic will know one another, be willing to help one differences in health care utilization. another, and be able to exert informal social Subsequent studies found that help-seeking control (Hirschi 1969; Shaw and McKay behavior is affected by the types of social cir1942). In contrast, residents of neighbor- cles in which individuals are involved hoods characterized by high rates of residen- (Kadushin 1966, 1969). Later research estabtial turnover are more likely to be strangers lished that network structure and content and less likely to be embedded in social net- affect the timing of seeking care as well as the works through which they might receive type of care sought (Freidson 1970; resources and by which social control is exer- McKinlay 1973). More recent work suggests cised (Crutchfield et al. 1982; Sampson 1985; that the interaction made possible by social Sampson and Groves 1989; Sampson et al. networks helps individuals handle health1997). Research suggests that residential related difficulties (Pescosolido 1992), that instability thus leads to high levels of crime community members are more effective at and victimization (Sampson et al. 1997), low encouraging health care use than health care levels of exchange (Sampson, Morenoff, and professionals (Earp et al. 2002), and that Earls 1999), and, in some circumstances, being well-connected to church and civic netreduced psychological well-being (Ross et al. works increases some types of preventive 2000; Sampson et al. 1997). screenings (Levy-Storms and Wallace 2003). Residential instability also figures promiThus, over the past four decades, medical nently in research using the concept of social sociologists have established that social netcapital. Coleman defines social capital as a works are important in determining access to resource that “.|.|. inheres in the structure of and use of health care services, while relations between actors and among actors”by Ingenta to : Delivered research in other areas suggests that residen(1988:98). For example, trust, shared expec-of North Dakota University tial instability disrupts social networks. Our tations, and norms of reciprocityWed, in commu13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 nities facilitate free exchange of valuable hypotheses are based on these two premises. information and resources. Coleman’s (1990) work identified continuity of community structure as one key to the emergence of social capital, and it showed that a high level of population turnover disrupts this continuity. Residential instability not only hinders the development of new social ties, but the frequent severing of social ties disrupts entire social systems within communities (Coleman 1990). Recent research links social capital and social integration to a variety of healthrelated outcomes (Berkman et al. 2000; Hawe and Shiell 2000). A common premise in the theoretical perspectives described above is that residential instability disrupts the development and functioning of social networks; individuals in residentially unstable communities are less likely to be embedded in social networks through which information and other resources can be exchanged. Other research suggests that the content and structure of social networks are important determinants of access to and use of health care services. More than 40 years ago, Suchman (1964) found that knowledge about disease, attitudes about modern medi- Hypotheses In order to obtain needed health care, individuals need information about the availability of health care resources in their communities. For example, knowledge regarding the location of facilities that offer affordable health care services, the safest and most convenient means of getting to such facilities, the quality of care provided at them, and whether providers can communicate in a particular language are extremely helpful, if not essential, in obtaining needed care. Moreover, much of this information is specific to a given area and therefore is most readily available through informal social contacts. As individuals in residentially unstable neighborhoods are less likely to be embedded in social networks, area-specific information regarding health care services may be less available to them. Further, even if individuals are aware of the health care resources available in their communities, help in actually obtaining care may be less available in neighborhoods char- #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE 145 acterized by high residential turnover because DATA AND METHODS support exchanges are less common. We therefore hypothesize that residential Sources of Data instability is associated with lower levels of Data for this study come from three sources. access to health care, net of other contextuallevel factors such as the prevalence of pover- Individual-level data come from the 2000 ty in a neighborhood and the supply of health Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), a care providers. Further, as the mechanisms we series of longitudinal surveys based on cluspropose are not simply compositional in tered and stratified samples of households that nature, we expect that any association provide nationally representative estimates of between instability and access to health care health care use, insurance coverage, and will persist even after controlling for individ- sociodemographic characteristics for the U.S. ual-level characteristics. In other words, resi- noninstitutionalized population (Cohen 1996, dential instability and access to health care 1997). We link individuals in the 2000 MEPS are associated not simply because unstable to information regarding the supply of health neighborhoods are composed of individuals care providers from the Health Resources and who would have poor access regardless of Services Administration. Finally, to obtain where they live, but because neighborhood neighborhood-level characteristics, we attached residential instability itself affects the ability longitude and latitude figures to addresses in the 2000 MEPS sample (often referred to as of residents to obtain health care services. A limitation of this study is that we are not “geocoding”), which enabled us to link individable to conduct a direct test of the proposed uals to information from the 2000 decennial mechanisms that link residential instability to census regarding the block groups in which health care access; we do not have data on the they live. Block groups are the smallest geographic area for which social statistics are characteristics of the social networks within available. generally contain between 600 Delivered by Ingenta to They : neighborhoods or on the volume or type of and 3,000 people (U.S. Census Bureau 2000) University information that passes through them.of North Dakota and 17:35:46 can be considered approximations of neighWed, 13 Aug 2008 Nevertheless, if we are correct in hypothesizborhoods (Auchincloss, Van Nostrand, and ing that residential instability functions to Ronsaville 2001). decrease access by making the transmission The 2000 MEPS collected data on 25,096 of health care-related information through individuals, 90 percent of whom were successsocial networks less efficient, then other pat- fully linked to a census block group. Though terns in our data should also be apparent. differences between individuals with and withOne such pattern has to do with the preva- out block group information were modest, lence of Spanish speakers at the neighbor- individuals missing block group information hood level and preference for Spanish at the were more often nonwhite, less educated, and individual level. If information via word of poor. To minimize sample selection bias, we mouth is an important determinant of access, imputed missing block-group data and includthen individuals who prefer Spanish over ed a dichotomous variable to identify observaEnglish should have better access in neigh- tions with imputed values. However, the borhoods where Spanish is widely spoken. dichotomous variable identifying such cases Conversely, non-Spanish speakers in predom- was never significant in our analysis, nor did inantly Spanish-speaking neighborhoods our substantive findings change when such should have worse access than those in other cases were removed. We therefore exclude neighborhoods. Another pattern that should individuals without block-group information emerge in our data, if our explanations are from our analyses, yielding a total sample size correct, pertains to the reasons individuals of 22,656. have poor access. If our explanations are valid, neighborhood instability should more strongly predict poor access due to lack of Access to Health Care information than poor access due to other factors (e.g., affordability or problems with Our dependent measure is dichotomous and insurance coverage). We are able to test both identifies individuals who have poor access to health care. We use responses from several these possibilities with our data. #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby 146 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR items in the MEPS questionnaire to construct hood residential instability, measured as the this variable.1 The questionnaire first asked percentage of residents in a block group who individuals whether they had a “particular doc- have lived in their current homes for one year tor’s office, clinic, health center, or other or less. It ranges from 1 to 10, with one unit place” to which they usually go when they are corresponding to ten percentage points. We sick or need advice about their health. If a per- also estimated all of our models with alternason reported that they did not have a usual tive cutoffs for duration of residence (2, 3, 4, source of care, the questionnaire then asked and 5 years). All of these cutoffs produced why. If an individual reported that they did equivalent results. have a usual source of care, they were asked The prevalence of poverty is another imporwhether that source was a hospital emergency tant neighborhood-level characteristic to room. Finally, household respondents were include in our models. Poverty is correlated asked whether they or a family member could with residential instability and is also associatnot get care they needed during the previous ed with access to health care (Kirby and twelve months.2 Using responses from these Kaneda 2005). Our hypotheses, however, prequestions, we coded individuals as having poor dict that neighborhood residential instability access if any of the following were true: (1) will have an effect on access independent of they did not have a usual source of care, (2) the prevalence of poverty in a neighborhood. their usual source of care was a hospital emer- We measure neighborhood poverty as the pergency room, or (3) they reported unmet med- centage of individuals in a neighborhood ical need. However, if individuals reported not whose income is less than 125 percent of the having a usual source of care because they “go federal poverty line. Like neighborhood resito different doctors for different needs” or dential instability, the prevalence of poverty in because they recently moved to an area, they a neighborhood is measured in units of ten perwere not considered to be without a usual centage points and therefore can range from 0 to 10. to : source of care. Delivered by Ingenta Our final neighborhood-level measure is a Each of the three criteria described above University of North Dakota dichotomous taps an important dimension of access. Wed, Having 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 variable that identifies neighbora usual source of care is an important gauge of hoods in which at least 80 percent of the resiaccess because it indicates whether an individ- dents speak Spanish at home. The 2000 census ual has a specific entry point into the health long form ascertains whether individuals speak care system if some event necessitates it. Spanish exclusively at home, though many Previous studies use this measure as a standard may be fluent in English. We interact this benchmark for whether an individual has neighborhood-level variable with a dichotoaccess to ambulatory care (Zuvekas and mous variable identifying individuals who Taliaferro 2003). As emergency rooms are not completed the MEPS questionnaire in Spanish. designed to provide routine care, we consider the use of emergency rooms for general medical needs to be an indicator of poor access. Health Care Supply Variables Finally, perceptions of unmet medical need are An association between neighborhood charimportant because they provide a sense of the difficulty that people experience in getting acteristics such as residential instability and care, rather than whether one simply has a access to health care could be in part due to place they would go to get care. Together, these differences in the supply of health care sermeasures provide an overall sense of the extent vices available to residents. The supply of to which individuals have difficulty in obtain- health care therefore needs to be included in ing needed medical care. However, the models our models. Unlike information on residential yield very similar results when each compo- instability and poverty, information on the supnent of our dependent variable is analyzed sep- ply of health care is not available at the blockgroup level. Moreover, it is probably better to arately. measure supply characteristics at higher levels of aggregation because health service providers and facilities serve geographic areas Neighborhood-Level Variables that are generally larger than block groups. To Our main independent variable is neighbor- measure the supply of health care in an area, #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE 147 cific because Medicare covers nearly everyone over the age of 64. Health status is another important predictor of access that may be related to the likelihood of living in an unstable neighborhood. Poor health is likely to be more common in disadvantaged and unstable neighborhoods, and it is also likely related to at least one of the three components in our access measure. Specifically, unhealthy individuals are unlikely to be without a usual source of care. We measure health status using three variables: subjective health status, the presence of chronic conditions, and the presence of functional limitations. Subjective health status is captured with a battery of dichotomous variables indicating whether individuals rate their health as excellent, very good, good, fair, or poor. The variable on chronic conditions indiIndividual-Level Variables cates how many diagnosed conditions a perIn order to distinguish the compositional son has out of the following conditions: angieffect of neighborhood residential instability na, asthma, coronary heart disease, diabetes, from its contextual effect, it is important to emphysema, hypertension, heart attack, and control for individual characteristics that might stroke. Disability is measured with a variable be associated with both access to health care that indicates whether individuals need help or supervision with personal care such as Delivered to : and the likelihood of residing in an unstableby Ingenta bathing, dressing, or getting around the neighborhood. Among the mostUniversity importantof North Dakota house. We originally operationalized health Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 individual characteristics with respect to status with an exhaustive set of dichotomous access to health care are socioeconomic status variables to capture all conditions and func(SES) and insurance coverage. These factors tional disabilities. This did not substantially are also associated with the type of neighborenhance the explanatory power of the models, hood in which individuals live. We measure so we elected to use a more parsimonious individual-level SES using a series of dummy operationalization. variables on household income relative to the In addition to SES, health insurance coverfederal poverty line (less than 125%, age, and health status, we control for other 125%–200%, 200%–400%, or 400% or more) basic demographic characteristics, namely: and educational attainment (no high school gender, age, marital status, race/ethnicity degree or GED, a high school diploma only, a (Hispanic, non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic college degree, a graduate or professional black, non-Hispanic Asian, or non-Hispanic degree, or under the age of 25 with a high and another race), and the language of the school diploma). The “under 25” category is a interview (Spanish or not). All of these characproxy for individuals who may not have com- teristics are associated with access to health pleted their education. We measure insurance care and may be associated with the type of status using five dummy variables to indicate neighborhood in which individuals live, makwhether individuals are: age 65 or above and ing these characteristics important to include insured exclusively by Medicare throughout in our model. Table 1 displays general sample the year; age 65 or above and insured by characteristics, and Table 2 shows coding and Medicare plus some private supplemental descriptive statistics for all the variables insurance plan sometime during the year; included in the analysis. under age 65 and insured by a private plan any time during the year; under age 65 and insured by Medicaid some time during the year (but Analytical Approach never by a private plan); or under age 65 and To test our hypotheses, we estimate a series uninsured all year. Insurance status is age-spewe include the number of general practice or family practice physicians per 1,000 people in a “Primary Care Service Area” and the number of hospitals beds available per 1,000 county residents. A Primary Care Service Area is a standardized area developed by the Health Resources and Services Administration to represent market areas for primary care services, consisting of one or more zip codes. Figures for hospital beds per capita are not available at the service-area level, so the county level is used instead. Finally, we include a variable that indicates whether individuals live in a Metropolitan Statistical Area. This is a general proxy for the geographic density of health care providers and facilities. #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby 148 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR TABLE 1. Basic Sample Characteristics Total number of counties Total number of Primary Care Service Areas —(PCSAs) Total number of block groups Total number of observations Mean number of people per county Mean number of people per PCSA Mean number of people per block group Intra-block-group correlation coefficient (95% confidence interval) 548 998 3,527 22,656 41.34 34.52 6.42 .27 (.25, .28) ing at the primary sampling unit must also be considered. If clustering in the sample is ignored, the standard errors of our estimates will be biased downward, increasing the chances of Type I errors. We have chosen to deal with this problem by calculating standard errors using a first-order Taylor series linear approximation method available in Stata, which adjusts for clustering at the primary sampling unit level (Levy and Lemeshow 1999; Statacorp 2001). Though this method was designed to control for clustering due to sample design rather than nested data, it provides accurate variance estimates because block groups, service areas, and counties are all contained entirely within single primary sampling units (Goldstein 1999). All point estimates are calculated using sample weights. of logistic regression models. In the first model, we include only neighborhood residential instability, thereby investigating the bivariate association between residential instability and access to care. In the second model, we add the prevalence of poverty in neighborhoods and the health care supply variables. This model describes how much of the crude association between residential instability and RESULTS access is driven by other community-level characteristics. In the third model, we control A simple first step for evaluating the possifor all individual-level variables in addition to bility that block-group characteristics influthose in the previous models. This model indi- ence access to health care is to examine the cates the extent to which the association intra-block-group correlation coefficient to : between neighborhood instability Delivered and accessby Ingenta (TableDakota 1). This statistic represents the theoretiUniversity of North to health care is due to the composition of indi- cal upper bound for the proportion of variance Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 viduals within neighborhoods or to neighbor- in the dependent variable attributable to blockhood instability itself. Model 4 tests the possi- group-level characteristics. The intra-blockbility that residing in a neighborhood in which group correlation coefficient is significant (r = Spanish is widely spoken interacts with .27, p < .05). While far from conclusive, this is whether the MEPS interview was conducted in at least consistent with the idea that blockSpanish (a proxy for being more comfortable group characteristics explain some of the varicommunicating in Spanish than in English). ance in access to health care. Our multivariate To further test our hypotheses, we estimate analysis delves further into this possibility. an additional model using an alternative In Table 3, we present odds ratios and t-stadependent variable (model 5). We construct a tistics from four logistic regression models. dummy variable that takes a value of 1 for indi- The results from the first model provide a viduals who do not have a usual source of care description of the crude association between because they do not know where to go to get neighborhood residential instability and the care, because they believe a usual source of likelihood of having poor access to health care. care is not available in their area, or because Consistent with our expectations, residents of they cannot find a provider who speaks their unstable neighborhoods are significantly more language; the variable is coded 0 for all others. likely to have poor access compared to those in This variable identifies individuals who do not other neighborhoods. Specifically, the odds have a usual source of care because they lack ratio from model 1 indicates that a 10 percentinformation, rather than for reasons having to age point increase in the number of residents in do with affordability, insurance, or other barri- a neighborhood who have lived in their current ers to care. homes for one year or less is associated with an A major methodological challenge in this increase of 23 percent in the odds of having study is the hierarchical structure of the data; poor access to health care. individuals are nested within block groups, In our second model, we include the prevaservice areas, and counties. In addition, MEPS lence of poverty in a neighborhood and the is a stratified and clustered sample, so cluster- health care supply variables (i.e., doctors and #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE 149 TABLE 2. Descriptive Statistics for All Variables Variable Weighted Mean Dependent variable —Poor access (yes = 1) .22 —Component variables ——No usual source of care (yes = 1) .17 ——Unmet medical need (yes = 1) .07 ——Usual source of care is an emergency room (yes = 1) <.01 Neighborhood-level variables —Percent of persons living 1 year or less at current residence 1.91 —Percent of persons living below 125% of federal poverty line 1.03 —More than 80% of residents speak Spanish (yes = 1) .01 Health care supply variables —Specialists per 1,000 PCSA residents 1.33 —General practitioners per 1,000 PCSA residents .75 —Hospital beds per 1,000 county residents 3.52 —Person resides in an MSA (yes = 1) .84 Individual-level variables —Male (yes = 1) .49 —Married (yes = 1) .41 —Age 35.65 —Race and ethnicity ——Non-Hispanic white .71 ——Non-Hispanic black .13 ——Non-Hispanic Asian .03 ——Non-Hispanic other .01 ——Hispanic of any race .12 —Interview conducted in Spanish (yes = 1) .04 —Highest degree obtained ——No high school diploma/GED .10 ——High school diploma/GED Delivered by Ingenta to : .37 ——College graduate University of North Dakota .12 ——Graduate or professional degree .06 Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 .35 ——Younger than 25, inapplicable —Income relative to federal poverty line ——Under 125% .15 ——125%–200% .13 ——200%–400% .33 ——More than 400% .39 —Self-rated health ——Excellent .33 ——Very good .34 ——Good .24 ——Fair .07 ——Poor .02 —Needs help with daily activities (yes = 1) .01 —Number of serious chronic conditions .44 —Health insurance ——Private insurance, younger than 65 .67 ——Public insurance, younger than 65 .10 ——Uninsured, younger than 65 .11 ——Private insurance, 65+ .07 ——Public insurance, 65+ .05 Notes: PCSA = Primary Care Service Area. MSA = Metropolitan Statistical Area. hospital beds per 1,000 residents and whether one resides in a metropolitan statistical area). The association observed in model 1 remains statistically significant even after controlling for these community-level characteristics, though the odds ratio is smaller. Net of the prevalence of poverty and the supply of health care, a 10 percentage point increase in the number of neighborhood residents with hous- Minimum Maximum 0 1.00 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 1.00 0 0 0 10.00 7.74 1.00 0 0 0 0 14.49 3.23 22.64 1.00 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 90.00 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 0 0 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 0 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 8.00 0 0 0 0 0 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 ing tenure of one year or less is associated with a 15 percent increase in the odds of having poor access to health care. Results from supplementary models (not presented) indicate that the majority of the decrease in the coefficient for neighborhood instability is due to the inclusion of neighborhood-level poverty, not the supply of health care providers or metropolitan residence. Note also that neighbor- #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby 150 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR TABLE 3. Odds Ratios and t-statistics from Four Logistic Regression Models on Having Poor Access to Health Care Odds Ratios and t-statistics Independent Variables Neighborhood-level variables —Percent of residents living one year or less in current homes Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 1.23 (7.97)** 1.15 (5.52)** 1.31 (7.95)** 1.13 (4.68)** 1.10 (2.76)** 1.13 (4.63)** 1.09 (2.45)* 1.17 (4.40)** 1.00 (.01) 1.06 (1.05) .66 (2.10)* .97 (1.99)* 1.26 (2.31)* 1.06 (1.09) .73 (1.65) .97 (2.21)* 1.09 (.85) 1.06 (1.12) .73 (1.67) .97 (2.15)* 1.08 (.75) 1.26 (.86) .95 (.69) .97 (1.83) .90 (.76) 1.51 (9.38)** .73 (5.92)** 1.00 (.24) 1.51 (9.37)** .72 (6.05)** 1.00 (.26) 1.06 (1.03) .79 (2.37)* .99 (2.10)* 1.17 (1.76) 1.30 (1.52) .99 (.04) 1.34 (3.83)** 1.18 (1.86) 1.30 (1.57) .99 (.02) 1.17 (1.98)* .66 (2.87)** 1.02 (.07) .95 (.13) .89 (.81) 1.18 (2.49)* 1.03 (.37) .88 (1.25) .53 (6.32)** 1.14 (1.93) 1.03 (.31) .87 (1.28) .52 (6.40)** 1.31 (2.77)** 1.41 (3.02)** 1.43 (2.00)* .87 (.88) 1.29 (2.49)* 1.76 (6.57)** 1.32 (4.16)** 1.28 (2.37)* 1.74 (6.35)** 1.32 (4.16)** 2.80 (5.66)** 3.55 (7.94)** 2.28 (6.84)** .88 (1.80) .89 (1.48) .91 (.91) 1.36 (2.09)* .97 (.10) .88 (1.76) .89 (1.50) .91 (.88) 1.37 (2.13)* .97 (.09) 1.04 (.41) 1.29 (2.20)* 2.03 (5.20)** 3.22 (6.74)** 1.19 (.47) 1.47 (3.49)** 1.46 (3.44)** 2.29 (5.97)** —Percent of residents living below 125% of federal poverty line Health care supply variables —Specialists per 1000 PCSA residents —Primary care physicians per 1000 PCSA residents —Hospitals beds per 1000 county residents —Resides in an MSA (yes = 1) Individual-level variables —Gender (female = reference) —Marital status (unmarried = reference) —Age in years —Race and ethnicity (Non-Hispanic white = reference) ——Non-Hispanic black ——Non-Hispanic Asian ——Other non-Hispanic ——Hispanic Delivered by Ingenta to : University of North Dakota Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 —Educational attainment (high school/GED = reference) ——No high school diploma/GED ——College graduate ——Professional/graduate degree ——Younger than age 25, inapplicable —Income relative to federal poverty line (more than 400% = reference) ——Under 125% ——125%–200% ——200%–400% —Self-reported health (Excellent = reference) ——Very good ——Good ——Fair ——Poor —Help with ADL (“no” = reference) —Insurance status (Younger than 65, private insurance = reference) ——Younger than 65, public insurance (continued on next page) #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE 151 TABLE 3. (Continued) Odds Ratios and t-statistics Independent Variables ——Younger than 65, uninsured Model 1 ——65 or older, Medicare only ——65 or older, Medicare plus private —Number of serious conditions Language and language interaction variables —80% or more of residents speak Spanish at home (“no” = reference) —Interview conducted in Spanish (“no” = reference) —Interaction: Interview language ⫻ neighborhood language Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 4.08 4.04 3.03 (18.14)** (17.85)** (9.83)** .35 .35 .40 (7.38)** (7.37)** (3.93)** .59 .59 .76 (3.36)** (3.37)** (1.21) .76 .76 1.06 (5.71)** (5.67)** (1.40) 1.13 (.51) 1.71 (3.95)** .54 (2.03)* 1.21 (.40) .97 (.13) .65 (.78) Observations 22,656 22,656 22,656 22,656 22,656 * p < .05; ** p < .01 (two-tailed test) Notes: Absolute value of t-statistics in parentheses. PCSA = Primary Care Service Area. MSA = Metropolitan Statistical Area. hood-level poverty has a large and significant ed information is transmitted through social networks. To explore this possibility further, odds ratio of 1.31. In our third model, we add all individual- model 4 includes a dummy variable identifying Delivered to : neighborhoods in which at least 80 percent of level variables to evaluate the extent to whichby Ingenta University Dakota residents speak Spanish at home, and it the association between neighborhood residen-of North Wed, care 13 Aug 17:35:46 includes an interaction between this variable tial instability and access to health is 2008 attributable to differences in the composition and whether the MEPS interview was conductof individuals in neighborhoods. Odds ratios ed in Spanish. If information transmission for the individual-level control variables through social networks is important in obtainshown in model 3 are frequently significant ing needed health care, then Spanish speakers and are generally in the expected directions. It in predominantly Spanish-speaking neighboris noteworthy that the odds ratio for the preva- hoods should have, on average, better access lence of poverty in a neighborhood is reduced than Spanish speakers in other neighborhoods. markedly, from 1.31 to 1.10, suggesting that Conversely, non-Spanish speakers should have much of the association between neighborhood worse access in neighborhoods in which poverty and access to health care observed in Spanish is the primary language. The results the previous models is compositional in nature, from model 4 are consistent with these expecrather than contextual. Supplemental analyses tations, with the odds ratios for both interview suggest that the inclusion of individual-level language and the interaction term attaining stapoverty accounts for most of the reduction in tistical significance. To gauge the magnitude odds ratio for neighborhood-level poverty. The of this result, we calculated mean predicted odds ratio for neighborhood residential insta- probabilities for each group defined by the bility, unlike that for neighborhood-level cross-level language interaction.3 The mean poverty, is reduced only nominally, from 1.15 predicted probability of having access probto 1.13. This suggests that the association lems for Spanish speakers in neighborhoods observed between neighborhood residential with a high prevalence of Spanish speakers instability and access to health care is mostly was 22 percent, while that for Spanish speakcontextual in nature. ers in other neighborhoods was 30 percent. For We theorize that the association between individuals who completed the survey in residential instability and access to health care English, the pattern is the opposite: 23 percent exists in part because residential instability of those living in predominantly Spanishreduces the efficiency with which health-relat- speaking areas have problems with access, #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby 152 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR while 21 percent of those living in other neighborhoods have access problems. While these results are not a direct or thorough test of the mechanisms that we propose in this paper, they are consistent with our hypotheses. Results using an alternative dependent variable are also consistent with our hypotheses. In model 5, we re-estimate model 4 using a dummy dependent variable that takes a value of 1 for individuals who did not have a usual source of care because they had just moved to an area, did not know where to find a doctor, or could not find a doctor who speaks their language; the variable equals 0 for all others (see column 5 of Table 3). As expected, residential instability is a stronger predictor in these models than in our main analysis, though the differences are modest. In model 4, for example, neighborhood residential instability has an odds ratio of 1.13, and the corresponding figure from model 5 is 1.17. While not conclusive, these results are generally consistent with our network-based explanation for the association between neighborhood residential instability and access to health care. The results from this test are consistent with our explanation. However, future research should conduct more direct tests of the link. To do this, data on the size, scope, and density of social networks within neighborhoods are necessary, together with data on the extent to which health-related information and support are transmitted through such networks. Detailed information on neighborhood environments and how residents perceive and respond to their environments would also be useful to future research efforts. Despite its limitations, this study expands understanding of access to health care by identifying residential instability as a possible determinant. Given that a major goal of U.S. health policy is to reduce disparities in access by race, ethnicity, income, and other characteristics (Institute of Medicine 2001; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2000), and given that the United States is highly segregated by these same factors (Massey 1996), understanding how communities influence access is important. While previous research links the prevalence of poverty and the supply Delivered by Ingenta to : of health care in communities to problems with health care access, this study University of North Dakota SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS indicates that these are not the only important Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46 community-level factors. If future research In this study, we investigated the association confirms that the disruption of social networks between neighborhood residential instability is one way through which residential instabiliand access to health care. We found that living ty influences access, community health care in unstable neighborhoods is associated with providers and other community-based organian increased likelihood of having poor access zations should consider developing outreach to care. This association is reduced but not programs that aid in the dissemination of inforeliminated when the prevalence of poverty in a mation regarding local health care resources. neighborhood is held constant. Furthermore, Thus, policy makers may wish to develop prothe composition of individuals in a neighbor- grams to help organizations that serve residenhood with respect to various characteristics tially unstable neighborhoods accomplish this including race, income, health insurance, edu- task. cation, and health status explains little of the association between residential instability and access to health care. NOTES We speculate that residential instability is associated with health care access at least in 1. These are items AC01, AC02, AC03, AC06, part because residential instability disrupts the and AC24 from the MEPS panel 4 and development and flow of health-care-related panel 5 questionnaires. information through social networks. A limita- 2. For this variable, everyone in a given famition of our study is that the current data do not ly takes the same value. This dependence support direct tests of this proposed mechadoes not pose a problem for our analysis nism. We conducted an indirect test of our because we adjust our standard errors for ideas by examining the interaction between clustering in the sample. Please refer to the language ability at the individual level and lan“Analytical Approach” section. guage prevalence at the neighborhood level. 3. For each group, predicted probabilities were #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE calculated for all observations by fixing the neighborhood- and individual-level language variables to values corresponding to that group, leaving all other variables unchanged. 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A Diffusion Network Approach.” Social Sci- U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. ence and Medicine 57:987–1000. 2000. Healthy People 2010: Understanding Long, Stephen H. and M. Susan Marquis. 1999. and Improving Health. 2nd ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. “Geographic Variation in Physician Visits for Uninsured Children.” Journal of the American Wells, B. L. and J. W. Horm. 1998. “Targeting the Medical Association 281:2035–40. Underserved for Breast and Cervical Cancer Massey, Douglas. S. 1996. “The Age of Screening: The Utility of Ecological Analysis Extremes: Concentrated Affluence and PoverUsing the National Health Interview Survey.” ty in the Twenty-First Century.” Demography American Journal Of Public Health 33:395–412. 88:1484–89. McKinlay, John B. 1973. “Social Networks, Lay Zuvekas, Samuel H. and Gregg S. Taliaferro. Consultation, and Help-Seeking Behavior.” 2003. “Pathways to Access: Health Insurance, Social Forces 51:275–92. the Health Care Delivery System, and Pescosolido, Bernice. 1992. “Beyond Rational Racial/Ethnic Disparities, 1996–1999.” Health Choice: The Social Dynamics of How People Affairs 22:139. James B. Kirby is a service fellow at the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality in Rockville, MD. His current research focuses on family and neighborhood influences on health, health behaviors, and access to health care. #2788—Jnl of Health and Social Behavior—Vol. 47:2—47204-kirby RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE 155 Toshiko Kaneda is a policy analyst at the Population Reference Bureau in Washington, D.C. Her research focuses on socioeconomic inequalities in health, mortality, and access to health care among older populations. She is currently involved in projects examining community-level socioeconomic effects on health and mortality among older adults in mainland China. Delivered by Ingenta to : University of North Dakota Wed, 13 Aug 2008 17:35:46
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