THE
NEGRO
JOURNAL
HISTORY
DISCIPLINING INDUSTRIAL SLAVES IN THE OLD
SOUTH
The wholeSouth is like one of her own cottonsteamers-suchas
I have just left,filledfromthe hold to the topmostdeck with
the most inflammablematter; everythingheated up to the
burningpoint,and a furiousdraughtblowingfromend to end,
and a huge high pressure boiler in her belly pressed to
On such a volcano is based the institution of
bursting. ...
slavery .... The remedy proposed for this state of things is
repression,severity.... Terrorismdoes not pacify a people. It
onlychangescomplaintintoconspiracy....
James Stirling,Lettersfrom
the Slave States (1857).
Perhaps the most serious problem facing antebellum
southernwhiteswas the controlof their black population.
Slave disciplinewas difficult
enoughon isolated plantations
whereninetyper cent of the bondsmenworked; to control
those 200,000 or so slaves who, by 1860, worked in southern
industrieswas more perplexingstill.1 For not only did
industrial slaves resist as frequentlyas did plantation slaves,
but many Southerners doubted, along with James Henry
Hammond,"whethertheir [the slaves'] extensiveemploymentin manufacturesand mechanicarts is consistentwith
1 For further information on the use of slave labor in southern industries,
such as the processing of agricultural staples; the extraction of ores, metals,
turpentine,and lumber; the manufacture of textiles, iron, tobacco, and hemp;
and the constructionand operation of transportation facilities, see my doctoral
dissertation "Industrial Slavery in the Old South, 1790-1861" (University of
California, Berkeley, 1968), directed by Professor Kenneth M. Stampp. An abbreviated version of this article was presented before the annual meeting of the
Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Baltimore, October, 1966,
where it was ably criticized by Professor Willie Lee Rose of the University of
Virginia.
1
112
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
safe and soundpolicy.Whenevera slave is made a mechanic," concludedthe Carolinian,"he is more than half freed,
and soonbecomes,as we too wellknow,and all historyattests
... the most corruptand turbulentof his class."2
It is true that,in the finalanalysis,all disciplinerested
uponviolentcoercion;butsuchbrutalitywas notcharacteristic of industrialslavery. Whippings,trackingswith dogs,
patrols,and threatsof sale werecommon
jailings,shacklings,
to be sure. Mercilesssuppressionof insurrections
certainly
occurred.3But the most intelligentmasters of industrial
slaves necessarily experimentedwith more sophisticated
of their
and increasingtheproductivity
meansof controlling
in the long run.
workerswhichwereprobablymoreeffective
Thesesubtlemethodsofdisciplineare analyzedbelow.
methodswerethe routinizThe mostcommondisciplinary
the totalmastery
of
indoctrination,
ing daily work,religious
of living and workingconditions,and the pass and badge
system.For example,masterscontinuallydirectedoverseers
strictlyto followwork schedules."Two leading principles
are endeavoredto be acted on," adviseda Georgiaricemiller
to his overseer."1st, to reduceeverything
in his instructions
to system,2d, to introducedaily accountabilityin every
the slaves receivedspecifictasks,
department."Accordingly,
a Negro driverwas responsiblefor each gang, and every
eveningthe driversand slave foremenreportedto thewhite
overseerin theowner'spresence.
Masters discoveredthat slave singingnot onlyhelpedto
routinizeindustrialworkbut it increasedand regulatedprothesingingof induction.Thoughmanytravelersinterpreted
of
an
indication
slaves
as
dustrial
contentment,
singinghad
device."We encouractuallybecomea calculateddisciplinary
we
confided
the manager
as
much
as
their
can,"
age
singing
of a Richmondtobaccofactoryto poet William CullenBryant,"for theboysworkbetterwhilesinging."
DeBow's Review, 8 (1850), 518.
3 R. Starobin, "Industrial Slavery," ch. 3; K. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution (New York, 1956), ch. 3 and 4.
4 Southern Agriculturist,6 (1833), 571-572.
5 P. Godwin, ed., The Prose Writings of William Cullen Bryant (New York,
1884, 1964 edition); ef. Louisville Journal, Nov. 29, 1830, typescript,misc. papers
H (Filson Club). Singing was also, of course, a means of slave communication.
2
DISCIPLINING
INDUSTRIAL
NEGROES
IN THE OLD
SOUTH
113
an
Many employersconsideredChristianindoctrination
effectivemeans of controllingindustrialslaves. Through
bondsmenlearned that slaveryhad direligiousinstruction
vine sanctionand that disobediencewas as muchan offense
againstGod as againsttemporalmasters.Slaves receivedthe
Biblical commandthat servantsshouldobeytheirsuperiors.
awaitinginsolentslaves in
Theyalso heardof thepunishment
thehereafterand of thesalvationrewardingfaithfulservice.
"My plantationsare visitedby ... Episcopal clergymen...
each Sunday," disclosedone ricemiller."I have foundthe
greatestadvantagefromthis & I knowmany [slaves] who
performtheirservicefor me as a religousduty." An itinerantpreacherat a Virginia coal mine "was gratifiedto
learn from the managers,that many of them [the slave
and
miners]are orderlyand consistentin theirdeportment,
that generally,there is a marked differencebetweenthe
conductof thosewho professand thosewho do not profess
"6'
religion.
Large slaveowningindustrialistsoccasionallybuilt chapand hiredclergymen
to preachto
els at theirestablishments
theirslaves on Sundays.Many sugarmillersand ricemillers
held regularSunday services,especiallyduringthe milling
season.One NorthCarolinacottonmanufacturer
occasionally
allowed preaching,revivals,and baptisms.A Virginia coal
to preach to its
miningcompanypermitteda circuit-rider
slave colliersduringa work-break
down in the pits. Later,
this companyreportedlyhad built a churchfor its black
miners.7
The distribution
of food and clothingwas carefullycontrolledto disciplineindustrialslaves. For example,Moses
Austindividedhis slave leadminersinto several "messes,"
each of whichreceiveda preciseportionof food.The "forge
6Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 156-162; R. L. Allston memo, n.d., (South
Carolina Historical Society); Niles' Register, 65 (1843), 108-109.
7 Charleston Courier, July 19, 1844; receipt, June 1, 1846, Williams-ChestnutManning Papers (Univ. of South Carolina Library); Hudson Diaries, 1855
(Univ. of North Carolina Library); Nov. 30 and Dec. 1956, vol. 2, Warmoth
Papers (UNC); C. C. Jones Diaries, 1857-61 (Tulane Univ. Library); Holt
Diary, Aug. 8 and Sept. 13, 1852, and April 24, 1853 (UNC); Richmond Whig,
June 26, 1846; Niles' Register, 65 (1843), 108-109. Under certain circumstances,
of course, religion could have a liberating effect upon oppressed bondsmen.
114
JOURNALOF NEGROHISTORY
hands eat in one kitchencollectively,
its being so convenient
we can overseethewhole,"reportedan ironmanufacturer.
A
to
overseer:
ricemiller
his
explained
It has alwaysbeenmyplanto giveoutallowanceto thenegroes
on Sunday in preferenceto any other day because this has
much influencein keepingthemat homethat day. Whereas, if
theyreceivedallowanceon Saturday for instanceSome of them
would be offwith it that same eveningto the shops to trade &
perhapswould not get back untilMondaymorning....
"Don't give Booker any summershoes because he stole
Monroes 1856. . . . Don't give John & Charles any summer
in his
shoes,becausetheykilleda shoat," wrotea gristmiller
"Memo for1857.?"
Industrialhousingarrangementswere oftenplanned to
preventslaves fromescaping.The New OrleansGas Company's fiftybondsmeninhabitedtenementsinside the plant,
whichwas surroundedby iron gates and brickwalls fifteen
feethigh."The wholeof our concernis surroundedwith a
brickwall tenfeethigh," wrotethemanagerof an Alabama
textilemill whichlodgedits slaves withinthe grounds;"no
one is admittedafterworkhoursexceptthewatchmenor one
oftheowners."9
To facilitateidentification
and to minimizeescapes,bondsmenwere requiredto wear badges or to carrypasses when
theylefttheindustrialsite.Badges weremandatoryin most
urban centers,passes in rural areas and in some townsas
of Dismal Swamp
well.Thus,to one travelerthemanagement
slave lumbermenwas "interesting and instructive.... Early
in February-theygo into the swamp in gangs, each gang
undera whiteoverseer.Beforeleaving,theyare all examined
and 'passes,' good for a
and registeredat the court-house,
year are giventhem,in whichthe featuresand marksupon
described."The demandforpasses
theirpersonsare minutely
sMoses Austin's memorandum,1815, E. C. Barker, ed., The Austin Papers
(Washington, 1919), I, 247-249; Jordan, Davis & Co. to W. Weaver, Sept. 8,
1832, Weaver Papers (Duke Univ. Library) C. Manigault to J. P. Cooper, Jan.
"Memo for 1857," Ledger, 1856, vol.
10, 1848, Manigault Letterbook (SCHS);
5, Walton Papers (UNC).
9 H. Sinclair, The Port of New Orleans (Garden City, 1942), 190-191; Patton,
Donegan & Co. to Haddock, Haseltine & Co., Dee. 11, 1847, Patton, Donegan
& Co. Letterbook (Huntsville Public Library). Cf. R. Wade, Slavery in the
Cities (New York, 1964), ch. 3.
DISCIPLINING INDUSTRIALNEGROESIN THE OLD SOUTH
115
was apparentlyso greatthatthe New OrleansGas Company
usedprintedforms.'0
howNeitherpasses nor controlledliving arrangements,
ever,could substitutefor close, personal supervisionby rehad to be caresponsiblewhites.Slaves workingby-the-piece
to prevent
work
counted
their
watched
and
fully
correctly
themfromcheatingtheir employers.One master only suspectedhis slave ricemillerof improperlyfillingthe barrels.
Othermasterswereparticularlyvexedby slave woodcutters.
"You will please have them[barrelstaves] countedby some
one you can dependon aftertheyare hauled down,"wrotea
to his overseer,"for I suspect
NorthCarolinafishery-owner
yourNegroesmightgive you an accountof morethan they
cut& I knowthatmyCooperswillnotaccountforall thatare
carrieddownif thecountingis leftto them."
means of discipliningworkersand inAnothereffective
was the system of rewards and
creasing their efficiency
incentivesassociated with industrialslavery.Such indirect
controlsconsistedof the simpledevice of grantingholidays
and themoresophisticatedone of givingmoneyor commodities to slaves. Holidays were not simplyan obviousway of
restingthe hands but an integralpart of a subtlesystemof
supervisionof slave labor. Rest periodswere less a slave's
rightthan a master's privilege,because employersgranted
recessesor deniedthemaccordingto whetherthe slaves had
workedwell,refrainedfromresistance,or remainedhealthy.
The dates and lengthsof holidayswerevaried so thatactivities of Negroescould be carefullyregulatedand theirexpectationsenhanced.
The timingof holidaysvaried accordingto industryand
master,but almostall industrialslaves, exceptsugarmillers,
enjoyed a few day's relaxationat Christmas.This recess
10Ibid., ch. 4; F. L. Olmsted, A Journeyin the Seaboard Slave States (New
York, 1861), 153; J. Mackay to J. K. F. Mansfield, Oct. 27, 1835, MackayStiles Papers, vol. 34 (UNG); blank printed pass of New Orleans Gas Works,
Slavery Papers (Emory Univ. Library).
11 J. Haynes to C. Manigault, Nov. 24, 1847, Manigault Papers (Duke); S.
Armistead to B. Nicholls, Oct. 14, 1822, Nicholls Papers (North Carolina
Archives).
116
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
coincidedwiththelong-established
hiringperiodfortobacco,
for others who interand
iron
and
manufacturers
hemp,
ruptedoperationslate in Decemberto rentslaves.12Though
mosthiredslaves thusreceiveda vacationat the end of the
year, owners occasionallyrequested employersto detain
slaves duringthe recess if it was inconvenient
for themto
returnhome.13
Oncethecustomof returning
hiredslaves to theirmasters
fortheholidayseason was broken,as it oftenwas, bondsmen
were entirelyat the mercyof their employers,who often
compelledthem to continuework. Five slaves were thus
forcedto remainaboard the Savannah River dredgeboats
forinfractions
of
duringthe Christmasrecessas punishment
Other
bondsmen
had
their
rest periods spoiled
discipline.
whentheywere compelledto stand on the hiringblock.On
the otherhand, some hired slaves enjoyedlongervacations
than those employedby their owners. For example, the
Charlestonand SavannahRailroad's hirelings,
mostof whom
came fromVirginia and North Carolina,annuallymade a
three-weeks'steamboatexcursionto visit their ownersand
friends.14
Most enterprises,exceptsugar mills,shut down on Sundays; forgood workslaves mightenjoyhalf of Saturdayas
well. A NorthCarolina gold mine observedall Sundays,as
wellas Easter Monday,Whitmonday,
July4, September29,a
five-dayChristmas,and designated"Negroes day," during
or to sharewiththeir
whichslaves minedgoldforthemselves
owner.Some employers
grantedoccasionalholidaysto deserving slaves or permittedrelaxationat the end of arduous
work periods. Several slave wool manufacturersgot one
to go to
afternoon
"to takea rabbithunt,"anotherafternoon
with
their
a circus,and a wintrymorningto skate
master,
sometimes
severoften
drove
them
hours,
long
who,however,
12The Slave Time Books, 1833-39and 1837-52,GrahamPapers (Univ. of
VirginiaLibrary), for example,reveal that Christmaswas observedfromDec.
25 to Jan. 1, everyyear,withoutexception,at this iron works.
13H. S. Clark to D. W. Jordan,Nov. 12, 1851, Jordan Papers (Duke),
J. Chewto W. Weaver,Dec. 5, 1830,WeaverPapers (Duke), for example.
14J. Mackay to J. K. F. Mansfield,Dec. 1 and Dec. 30, 1835, MackayStiles Papers, vol. 34 (UNC); CharlestonMercury,Dec. 15 and 24, 1859.
DISCIPLINING
INDUSTRIAL
NEGROES IN THE OLD
SOUTH
117
al days and nights in succession.15At a cotton gin Negroes
who had been promiseda four-dayvacationafter the crop
was ginned consideredthis insufficient
compensationfor
theirunusualexertionsand succeededin extractingan extra
day's rest. ". . . The negroes interruptme at this moment,
withclamorsthatI mustgive themtomorrow,(Monday) as
an additionalholiday,whichtheyhave had sincelast Wednesday evening,"wrotethe ginnerto his brother."I wanted
themto wait untilall of yourscame up; but theypreferthe
present,& I have consentedforthemto takeit.""'
The entirepatternof holidayswas askewin theLouisiana
sugar industrywhere refiningof the crop oftenremained
by Christmasor New Year's Day. Variables such
incomplete
as ripeness,the weather,the health of the slaves, the number
of runaways,and the breakdownof machineryinevitably
to the delays that compelledmost sugar millers
contributed
to celebrateChristmasearly,late,or notat all. One year,the
Bayside mill observed ChristmasDecember 6 through8,
whilethe Magnoliamill waiteduntilFebruary16. For variwork
ous reasons,but usuallyto punishslaves forinefficient
or bad behavior,some refinerseliminatedrecesses entirely.
Hudson's sugar mill skipped Christmasholidays in 1852,
1853,1954,and 1856-a commonpatternat otherrefineries.7
Entrepreneursconsciouslyused holidaysboth to control
and
theirindustrialslaves and to increasetheirproductivity,
One
bondsmen.
clearlyhad no intentionof liberatingtheir
his overseerto slaughtera steerand to
instructed
ricemiller
distributeextraallotmentsof bacon,molasses,corn,and rice
duringthe millingperiod,onlyif the slaves behaved themwho had givenhis slaves
selves.A turpentine
manufacturer,
twohogs,a barrelof flour,and potatoesfortheirChristmas
dinner,promisedthat"I shall due myveryBest to keap the
negroesall strat& satisfyde.I hope that theywill behave
to reducethenumberof
well." Anotherricemillerattempted
F. L. Fries Woollen Mill
1840-42
(NOA).
Diary,
16 J. Liddell to M. Liddell, Dec. 28, 1851, Liddell Papers (Louisiana State
Univ. Library).
Plantation Journal, 1860 (UNC);
Magnolia Journal, 1858-59,
17Bayside
Warmoth Papers (UNC); Hudson Diaries (UNC).
15 Burwell-Taylor Expense Book, 1832-39 (UNC);
118
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
slaves feigningsicknessduringthearduousmillingperiodby
promisingeach slave whodid notlose timean extrabushelof
rice. "It shouldbe takenintoview thata greatquantity[of
sugar] has been consumedby thenegroes[duringthe grinding season], forwhenwe beginto harvesteveryone eats,"
admittedThomas Spalding in a passage on "Expenses" in
his widelyread Observationson theSugar Cane.18
Whatindustrialslaves themselves
thoughtof suchholiday
can
be
from
inferred
their
behaviorand fragperiods
only
mentarysurvivingopinion.Evidently,the bulk of industrial
slaves used holidayperiods feverishlyto relish extra allotor as an opportumentsof food,as a timeformerrymaking,
on
to
catch
in
lost
up
sleep. Moreover, the opinionof at
nity
Frederleast one industrialslave,theBaltimoreship-caulker
ick Douglass, holidayskept bondsmen"occupied withprospective pleasures within the limits of slavery. ...
These
holidaysare conductorsor safetyvalves to carry off the
explosiveelementsinseparablefromthe humanmind,when
reducedto theconditionof slavery.'19
Holidayswere oftenfestiveoccasions,duringwhichmasters arranged dinners,dances, games, and "marriages."
Extra allowances of rice, flour,or corn were doled out;
beeves or hogs might be killed; molasses, vegetables,or
or
tobaccoweresometimes
trinkets,
distributed;and clothing,
moneywas occasionallyhanded out to the slaves.20Since
thesegratuitieswerepresentednot onlyat Christmasbut on
otheroccasions,however,theythus comprisedpart of the
Anotherpart of this
complexsystemof discipline-by-reward.
18 Instructions to G. Swanston, May 26, 1838 and Instructions for Overseer
for the Year 1841, Arnold-Screven Papers (UNC); B. Grist to J. Grist, Dec.
25, 1860, Grist Papers (Duke); Plantation diary in 1859 Almanac, Allston
Papers (SCHS); T. Spalding, Observations on the Sugar Cane [1816], reprinted
in E. M. Coulter, Georgia's Disputed Ruins (Chapel Hill, 1937), 262.
19 F. Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom (New York, 1855), 253-254.
20 McCollam Diary (LSU); McCutcheon Journal, 1838-42 (LSU); Sparkman
R. J.
Journal (UNC); Pr6 Aux Cleres plantation journals, 1852-54 (LSU);
Comite
Arnold plantation journal, vol. 3, Arnold-Screven Papers (UNC);
journal, 1857, Kilbourne Papers (LSU); A. B. Fiagg plantation journal, Plimton
Collection (Columbia Univ. Library); Harper's Monthly, 7 (1853), 767; "Christmas Presents: 1842-Dc25th," plantation book, 1841-44, Liddell Papers (LSU);
"Memo of Money Paid or given to the Negroes in 1854," Stirling Papers (LSU).
DISCIPLINING INDUSTRIAL NEGROES IN THE OLD SOUTH
119
disciplinarydevicewas the paymentof moneyto industrial
slaves.2'
That manybondsmenwere actuallypaid moneyhas generallybeen interpretedas an incipientwage systemwhich
was supposedlyan innovationof the last decades of the
pre-CivilWar period.It has been held,moreover,that such
cash paymentsindicatethat the institutionof slaverywas
easing the
undergoingradical structuraltransformations
bondageof the Negroes.Slaves receivingmoneywere,it is
said, in effectbeingliberatedor placed in a realmof "quasifreedom,"a "shadow-land" betweenbondage and liberty.
Thus,moneypaymentswere subvertingslaveryfromwithin.
"The paymentby industriesof extra moneyto ... slaves for
theirpersonaluse," argues one historian,"was an incipient
stage of wages ... Also there was developing ... a tendency
to relymoreand moreon the incentivemotiveinsteadof on
forceand thusliberalizeto someextentthe 'peculiarinstitution.' ",22
An examinationof the manner,timing,history,and
effectsof cash incentives suggest that they were not a step
towardsemancipation
but rathera techniqueof slave control
which had long existed and which supported the slave
system.Industrialslaves receivedmoneyformanydifferent
fabrikindsof work.Some were paid for raisingfoodstuffs,
in
catingclothing,or collectingusefulmaterials theirspare
time.Otherswere paid for workingovertime-"overwork,"
as it was ironicallycalled-at specifictasks,whilestillothers
knownas "Sunday money"for
receivedwhatwas sometimes
"extra-work"-odd jobs done at night,on Sundays,or on
holidays.The formof paymentwas also important:some
bondsmenreceiveddirectpaymentsin cash or kind; others
workedforcredits,againstwhichtheydrewcash or goods.
"Overwork" paymentswere commonto almost every
A tobaccomanufacturer
paid some
typeof southernindustry.
21 Surviving business records suggest that about half of all industrial slaves
-hired and owned-received incentive payments in either kind, cash, or credit.
22 0. Eaton, "Slave-Hiring in the Upper South: A Step toward Freedom,"
Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 46 (1960), 663-678; R. B. Morris, "The
Measure of Bondage in the Slave States," MVHR, 41 (1954), 219-240; J. H.
Moore, "Simon Gray, Riverman: A Slave Who Was Almost Free," MVHR, 49
(1962), 472-484.
JOURNALOF NEGROHISTORY
120
distillslaves from$1 to $3 overtimeweekly.At a turpentine
ery,whichpaid cash forproductionabove the requiredtask,
slaves annuallyearned sums rangingfrom$2 to $14 and
averagingabout $6. (By comparison,free whiteworkersin
theSouthbetween1800and 1861earnedon theaverageabout
$1 a day-$300 per year.23)
Many industrial slaves earned "extra-work" paymentsby
collectingcommoditiesor cultivatingcrops in their spare
time.One masterannuallypaid $1 or $2 to each of twentytwo slave sugarmillersforraisingcorn.The federalgovernto sell driftwoodcolmentpermittedslave dredgeboatmen
lectedfromthe Savannah River. A tannerkepta "List of
Bark fromdifferent
Negroes" which recordedsums owed
slaves for gatheringbark. Minersboughtgold retrievedby
and
bondsmenin theirspare time,and iron manufacturers
also paid cash to slaves.24
ricemillers
Many enterprisesadoptedthe creditsystemof payment.
For example,at one Tennesseeiron furnaceslaves worked
fortyor fiftySundays, chopped wood, and hauled cargoes to
earn "extra allowances" of about $20 in credits. The compa-
nykepta writtenaccountforeveryslave uponwhichcouldbe
drawn shoes, winterand summersuits, shirts,overcoats,
tobacco,knives,and flour.At theend of theyear,thevalue of
goodsobtainedwas subtractedfromthe accumulatedcredits;
the slaves receivedcash for the remainingcredits (usually
about $7 worth) or carried them over to the next year's
account.25
Extra paymentfor night,Sunday,and holidayworkwas
widelypracticedby such industriesas sugarmills,sawmills,
23 Paylists, various dates 1827 and 1828, account book, 1850-52, Leslie Papers
(Duke); account book, 1853-55, and undated receipts ca. 1854 and 1858, Jordan
Papers (Duke). Cf. J. C. Robert, Tobacco Kingdom (Durham, 1938), 203-206;
K. Bruce, Virginia Iron Manufacture in the Slave Era (New York, 1930), 253254; and Squire Gaines Account Book, 1843 (Univ. of Kentucky Library). For
white wages, see R. Starobin, "Industrial Slavery," ch. 5.
24 Weaver Papers (Duke and UV); Farmers' Register, 10 (1842), 411-413;
"Negroes corn 1854," Ledger, 1852-55, Liddell Papers (LSU); Bayside plantation
journal, 1850, 1852 (UNC); J. Mackay to J. K. F. Mansfield, Nov. 21, 1835,
Macskay-Stiles Papers, vol. 34 (UNC); Hawkins Papers, vol. 16, 1845 (UNC);
Burwell-Taylor Expense Book, 1832-39 (UNC).
25 Account Books, Vol. I and II, 1854-60, Louisa Furnace (UNC); volumes
25, 29, 41, Pettigrew Papers (UNO).
DISCIPLINING
INDUSTRIAL
NEGROES
IN THE OLD
SOUTH
121
railroads,and turpentinedistillerieswhichrequiredexceptional servicesor extraordinary
quantitiesof itemssuch as
wood. For example,the Cape Fear and Deep River Navigation Works,underboth privateand public ownership,paid
hired and state-ownedslaves small sums (averaging about
one dollar monthly)for burningcharcoal,haulingsupplies,
cookingfood,pumpingboats,unloadingstone,and assisting
on Sundays,holidays,and at night.The Savanblacksmiths
nah Fire Department'sseveral hundredbondsmeneach refires.The slave who
ceived121/2
centsper hour for fighting
reacheda blaze firstwon a rewardof $1, whilethe nexttwo
centseach,and all were eligiblefor
slaves to arrivegot fifty
meritawardsrangingup to $30 per fire.26
The available evidencesuggeststhattheincentivesystem
was neithera late-ante-bellum
innovationnor an indication
thatslaverywas undergoinginternaltransformation
leading
to freedom.Indeed,businessrecordsreveal thatmoneypayments were as commonin the late eighteenthand early
centuriesas in the 1850's. From 1796 to at least
nineteenth
for
1802,
example,slaves at the CumberlandForge in Maryland did variouschoresat nightand on holidaysin returnfor
small sums of money.From 1798 to at least 1808,both the
RedwellFurnaceand thePine Forge in Virginiafollowedthe
same practice.As earlyas 1794,Georgialumberman
Alexanwhile
from
der Telfair distributedbonuses,
1806 to 1823,
Stumpand Rickettspaid cash to theirslave saw- and gristmillers in Alexandria,Virginia.27Not only did the cash
rewardsystemfunction
fullyin the earlynationalperiodbut
manymastersused it forlong periodsof time.For instance,
RobertLeslie made moneypayments
tobaccomanufacturer
26 London Papers (UNC); bills and receipts in Treasurers' Papers: Internal
Improvements: Cape Fear and Deep River Navigation Works (NCA); Report of
the Mayor of Savannah, 1857, 29-30; Digest of Ordinances, Savannah, 1858,
157, 162; various receipts, account sheets, and letters, 1857, North Carolina
Railroad Papers (NCA);
J. Hogg Account Book, 1855-56, vol. 31 (UNC);
"Memo ...
3 Aug. '60," Fisher Papers (UNC).
27Cumberland Forge Ledger, 1796-97, and Daybook, 1802 (Library of
Congress); Redwell Furnace Account Books 1795-99 and 1805-15 (Virginia
Historical Society); Ridwell Furnace Record Book (UNC); Pine Forge Account
Book, 1804-08 (UNC); Account Books, 1794-1800 and 1808-12, Telfair Papers
(Georgia Historical Society); Stump and Ricketts Ledger, 1806-23 (New York
Public Library).
122
JOURNALOF NEGROHISTORY
from1827to 1852,ironmonger
WilliamWeaverfrom1827to
1857,Ebenezer Pettigrew,the NorthCarolina shingler,turpentinedistiller,and planter,from1803to 1854,and Telfair
from1794 to 1860.28Such evidencethereforeindicatesthat
thecash incentivesystemhad, at least as earlyas the 1790's,
become part of the slave system.If cash rewards were
radicallyundermining
bondage,one mightexpectslaveryto
havecollapsedlongbeforethe1860's.
Enterpreneurswho consciouslyused cash incentivesto
controltheirindustrialbondsmenand to increaseslave productivityclearly had no intentionof "liberating" their
slaves. For example,a Tennessee iron manufacturerkept
accountof breachesof disciplineand subtractedthemfrom
his slaves' creditsheets.Sam Talley,a slave,thuslost$10 for
twentydays' runaway time, young Reuben Jackson was
charged$7.50 for ten days' absence,and AndersonTrotter
was docked$2 forhis "interestin stolenbag." In his account
booksEbenezerPettigrewcarefullybalancedthe extrawork
of his Negroesagainst theirinfractionsof discipline.Pettigrew's slaves automaticallyforfeitedtheir credits or had
theiraccountsclosedforthievery,
absconding,or othertroublesomeactivity.Thoughone slave lost his moneyfor"infamousbehaviour"and anotherlost his for "outrageousconduct in many ways for 5 years," Pettigrewindicatedthat
receivedtheirmoney." Setbondsmen
well-behaved
eventually
in
tledwithTom,George,Cromwell& Lewis fortheirditching
is nothingmore
the9 feetditch,"he wrote."This settlement
nor less than presentsfor theirgood behaviourwhileworking in it.' 29
Ownersof hirelings,who would have opposed the incen-
28Paylists for 1827 and 1828, and account book, 1850-52, Leslie Papers
(Duke); "Memo of . . . Cash furnished the Hands Deer. 1831," Jordan &
Book, 1849-52; Bath Iron Works Negro Books, 1839-42 and 1846; Bath Forge
Cash Book, 1849-51; Etna Furnace Negro Books, 1854-61 and 1856-59; Buffalo
Forge Books, 1827-29, 1830-40, 1839-41, 1844-48, 1850-57; Buffalo Forge Time
Book, 1830-43; and Buffalo Forge Wood Cutting and Coaling Record, 1831-41
(UV); Cf. memoranda of cash paid Negroes, 1854 and 1857, Weaver Papers
(Duke); "Mema of . . . Cash furnished the Hands Deer. 1831," Jordan &
Irvine Papers (Wisconsin State Historical Society).
29 Account Books, Vol. I and II, 1854-60, Louisa Furnace (UNC); Account
Books, 1817, 1824, No. 3, Pettigrew Papers (NCA); volumes 19, 25, 29, 41,
43, Pettigrew Papers (UNC). The Blue Ridge Railroad accounts, Feb.-Sept.,
DISCIPLINING INDUSTRIALNEGROESIN THE OLD SOUTH
123
tive system if it was liberating their Negroes, approved of
moneypaymentsbecause they improved slave discipline. For
example, two slaveowners who rented Negroes to the Cape
Fear and Deep River Navigation Works explicitlyrequested
that their bondsmen be paid about a dollar monthly."Deducted $6.00 for 3 Days allowed Tom by his master this amt
paid Tom and not included above [in the bill of hire]" was
the notationnext to one master's account.30
Why industrial entrepreneursapproved of the bonus system was best summed up by Loammi Baldwin, director of
constructionof the Gosport Navy Yard. Baldwin required
masters to pay to their hirelings a "bounty" of ten cents
daily, and he steadfastlyrefused to rent slaves frommasters
who declinedto do so:
on thatwork[thenavyyard] had
..all thenegroesemployed
10 centsa day allowedthemon our rollswhichwas paid over
to thembytheirmasters;butif theirmastersrefusedto pay it
theblacksfromour employment.
over,we dismissed
Baldwin insisted that slaves receiving bounties "work with
as much steadiness and cheerfulnessas the whites, and the
fear of losing their ten cents, if they are lazy or inattentive,
saves all the expense of overseers."31A visitor to a Lexington, Kentucky, ropewalk offered the following supporting
evidence:
. . . has his "steint"
everyman and boyin thisestablishment
to perform,
and each one is paid forwhathe does beyondit.
1859, vol. 43, Hawkins Papers (UNC), indicate that some industrial slaves
managed to outwit even the complicated workings of the credit system of
moneypayments.
30 Monthly payrolls for Dec. 1860, Jan. 1861, and attached notes concerning
slaveowners Bryan and Quince, London Papers (UNC);
contingency bills,
March 31 and June 30, 1860, Treasurers' Papers: Internal Improvements: Cape
Fear and Deep River Navigation Works (NCA). Promoters of slave-based
industrialization agreed with slave-employingindustrialists that cash incentives
improved slave discipline and increased productivity; see, for example, letter
by "Hamilton," American Farmer, series 1, vol. 9 (1827), 241, which was never
publicly challenged.
31 L. Baldwin to-Delalande, June 27, 1833, Baldwin Papers, vol. 41 (Baker
Library, Harvard Univ.); L. Baldwin to Navy Department, ca. 1830, quoted in
"Slaves on a Federal Project," Business Historical Society Bulletin, 8 (1934),
32-33. Cf. Woolley [Textile] Mill Papers (UK); Nolensville Turnpike Company
Minutebook, 1855-59 (Tennessee State Library); T. K. Noble to J. Morgan,
Dec. 24, 1857, Hunt-Morgan Papers (UK).
124
JOURNALOF NEGROHISTORY
Thiskeepsthemcontented
and makesthemambitious,
and ...
more labor is obtained . . . than could possible be forcedfrom
in anyof theroomswhere
thembyseverity.
I saw no overseers
thelaborwasperformed.32
What slaves themselves thoughtof such rewards can be
reasonably inferredonly from their behavior, for which the
most complete evidence comes from industries using the
incentive system over extended periods. For example, at
William Weaver's ironworks,which made money payments
for more than thirtyyears, slaves who chopped wood and
hauled coal in their spare time each received about twelve
dollars a year. Yet, there is no indication that slavery was
either breaking down or being transformedinto freedom at
Weaver's establishment. These slaves certainly enjoyed
spending their earnings, but slave resistance, to use another
indicator,troubled Weaver no more at the beginning of the
period than at the end. Weaver's bondsmenseemed as firmly
enslaved in the 1850's as in the 1820's.33
In the contextof the holiday and incentivesystem,money
payments were not an incipient form of wages; like other
rewards they were given for extra work, not for required
work. Bonuses were usually not given regularly,but randomly; the amountof paymentwas not fixed,but varied according
to the liberality of the master. Indeed, the incentive system
was so firmlyunder the control of the masters that it could
legally be abandoned at any time without consulting the
slaves, even thoughthismighthave annoyedthe slaves. Bondsmen may have enjoyed their money,yet neither masters nor
slaves ever seriously regarded cash payments as a slave's
right; both continuedto regard incentives as a master's exclusive privilege. Moreover,since bonuses never accrued until
afterthe slave's required day's tasks were completed,masters
insured that a certain amount of work would be done before
overtimeoutlays took effect.In this way productivitytended
32 Louisville Journal, Nov. 29, 1830, typescript, misc. papers H (Filson
Club). Cf. Olmsted, Seaboard Slave States, 127-128, 153-156, and 352-355; F. L.
Olmsted, A Journey Through Texas (New York, 1857), 19, 33; F. L. Olmsted,
The Cotton Kingdom (New York, 1953 edition), 109; Stirling, Letters, 242, both
of whom agreed that money payments improved slave discipline and productivity.
33 Weaver Account Books (UV and Duke); cf. Douglass, My Bondage,
253-254.
DISCIPLINING INDUSTRIAL NEGROES IN THE OLD SOUTH
125
to be increased. Money paymentsfurtherenabled masters to
obtain food, clothing, and supplies, as well as additional
labor, at nominal cost. Slaves were kept at work and out of
mischiefduring what would otherwisehave been their spare
time.Masters usually recouped their outlays eventually,since
bondsmen ordinarily bought supplies chieflyfrom company
commissaries.To be sure, some slaves saved their bonuses to
try to purchase their freedom, but industrial slave selfpurchase was never very common and was declining in the
late antebellumdecades. Moreover,the incentivesystemtended to weaken the slave's temptationto escape and to improve
slave discipline. For, as a traveler observed in Lexington,
Kentucky,hempfactories:
a slavecouldearnhimself
$2 or $3 a week,
By activeworking,
besidesdoinghismaster'swork.Thissumhe is alwaysallowed
to expendas he pleases.Thusthestimulusof wagesis applied
behindthewhip,ofcoursetheprimemotor.34
*
*
*
Slave-employingindustrialistsmaintained control in part
by creating and exploiting divisions within the ranks of the
ruled. As human beings slaves did not differ from other
workers,but the problem of control was made considerably
easier for masters because of differences in color, tribal
origin, and capability among the bondsmen. Moreover, as
plantation practices were transferredto industrial settings,
Negro slave managers were trained both for their skills and
to help discipline their black brothers.In this respect industrial slave managers resembledplantation house servants and
slave drivers, whose accommodationist role has long been
suggested,35even if little analyzed.
Industrial slave managers had an ambiguous role regarding resistance and control. On the one hand, slave industrial workers and artisans were the natural leaders of most
organized resistance movements.But, on the otherhand, they
frequently became their masters' most faithful agents to
controlthe black masses. Even though slave managers them34 Olmsted, Journey Through Texas, 19.
35 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 151-153, S. Elkins, Slavery (Chicago, 1959),
ch. 1-3; E. D. Genovese, et al., "The Legacy of Slavery and the Roots of Black
Nationalism," Studies on the Left, 6 (Nov.-Dec., 1966), 2-65.
126
JOURNALOF NEGROHISTORY
selves mighthave had aspirationsto freedom,they often
betrayedtheirfellowworkers.Moreover,a paternalisticrelationshipsometimesdevelopedbetweenmastersand industrial
slave managers,revealingtheprimaryaccommodationist
role
oftheslavemanagerialgroup.
Slave managerswillinglyassumed great responsibilities,
successfullysupervisedcomplexindustrialenterpriseswith
little guidance from their employers,and responsiblydirectedblackand whiteworkersundertheircharge."In all of
these [rice milling] departments," wrote an observer of one
such manager, "his authority was superior to that of the
[white] overseer. . . . His responsibilitywas much greater
than that of the overseer, and Mr. X. [the owner] said, he
would trusthim with much more than he would any overseer
he had ever known."36
Capability, loyalty, and responsibilityearned some slave
managers their employers' genuine respect and their masters' paternal esteem. Concerning a bondsman directed to
escort a slave mechanic from a neighbor's iron works, one
master confided
a manof colour,
I ... apologizeforsendinguponthisbusiness,
but thiscan be no objectionto a man of sense. . . he is my
founderat Oxford[ironworks]--hasbeen raisedtherefrom
character.For his
childhood,and supportedan unblemished
& talents,fromhis infancyto
integrity,
good understanding
his gray hairs-the utmostconfidence
may be given his
and ununtarnished
honorand integrity
communications-his
exceptionable.. .
37
Sandy Maybank,theslave head carpenterat theReverendC.
C. Jones's extensiveplantationand ricemill,typifiedthe
paternalisticrelationshipwhichcould developbetweenmasters and slaves. Since Jones was often absent,he placed
and
Maybankcompletelyin charge of all mill construction
usually communicatedinstructionsto the slave by personal
letter.Indicatingtheresponsibility
placedin Maybank,Jones
the
white
overseer
wrotehim and the
separate instructions,
revealsJones'sfatherlyrespectforthe
toneofwhichfurther
"Dear
blackcarpenter.
Sandy," Jonesbeganoneletter,
36 Olmsted, Seaboard Slave States, 426-429.
37 D. Ross to
Douglass, Feb. 7, 1812, Ross Letterbook (VHS).
DISCIPLINING INDUSTRIAL NEGROES IN THE OLD SOUTH
127
As I wishedtohavesomeworkdoneI thought
it wouldbe best
towriteyoua letterthatyoucouldkeepand so haveit byyou,
thatyou mightnot forgetanything.. . . You can attendto this
workas soonas youcan & Porter& Williamwill assistyouin
it. Am glad to hearthatyou have beengenerallywell all the
season & hope you may continueso.... Tell Mary Howdye for
me-and your children. . . . Your mistresssends howdye for
you and for Mary.I trustyou are holdingon in yourhigh
oftheGospelofourLord& SaviourJesusChrist.A
profession
Christianto do wellmusttrustin theLord JesusChristat all
watchand pray....
and constantly
times,
The master extended Maybank furtherprivileges, including
permission to answer his master's letters, to marry, and,
when Jones's rice mill was not too busy, to hire his own time
at nearbyplantationsand mills.38
Similarly, other slave managers assisted their masters in
maintaining discipline under industrial working conditions;
as a reward they won their masters' paternal esteem. For
example, Horace, a slave architect and civil engineer, built
bridges throughoutthe Black Belt for Robert Jemison,Jr., a
wealthy central-Alabama contractor,planter, sawmiller, and
manufacturer.In fact, Jemisonand Horace'se owner were so
pleased with the bondsman's performancesthat at the opening of the 1845-1846session of the Alabama legislature they
had a bill introduced to emancipate the bondsman. The bill
passed both houses, and a few months later Jemison sent
Horace, whose surname was now King, "the promised certifiedcopy of the act of our last legislature.... I have had it
made out on Parchment thinkingit most suitable & that it
would be most agreeable to you in this form." Thereafter,
Jemison frequentlyconsulted Horace King about construction projects, wages, and other business and personal matters. King evidently answered Jemison's queries, though,
unfortunately,none of the ex-slave's letters survive. However, the tone of Jemison's correspondencewith King suggests
the cordiality existing between the two men. For example,
Jemisonwrote:
Dear Horace: Sometwodays ago Mr. Williamswroteto you
[about] ColumbusBridge,Miss.If you can attendto thisyou
will very greatlyoblige both Mr. Williams & myself .... Will
38 C. C. Jones to Sandy, Aug. 15, 1853, and C. C. Jones to T. J.
Shepard,
March 30, 1850, Jones Papers (Tulane).
128
OF NEGROHISTORY
JOURNAL
whetherwe can get yr
you answerat yr earliestconvenience
bestand
servicesand aboutwhattimewillsuityr convenience
wewillendeavorto arrangethingstosuit.
In Haste.yrfriendR. Jemison
jr.39
Upon such accommodationismas this did industrial slavery
in part rest.
The control of industrial slaves, if not all American
bondsmen,did not rest solely upon the indiscriminateapplication of terror.Rather, discipline consisted of a combination
of severity with subtle coercion. Over the years, masters
experimented with and adopted sophisticated disciplinary
controlled resistance, and
devices which increased efficiency,
To be sure, slavery
whole.
as
a
slave
the
system
strengthened
was founded on brutalityand violence was necessary to its
continuation.But those who think that slaves could not be
used in industry misunderstand the versatility of bondage.
Those who thinkthat repression of men is impossible without
forcemisjudge the relationshipsbetweenrulers and ruled.
ROBERTSTAROBIN
Universityof Wisconsin,
Madison
39R. JemisonLetterbooks,1844-46,1851-53,1852-54 (Univ. of Alabama
Library); Journalsof Alabama House and Senate, 1845-46.For the accommodationistrole of other slave managers,see, for example,Moore, "Simon Gray,
Riverman,"472-484; R. Starobin,"IndustrialSlavery,"ch. 3 and 5.