No. 12
August 2011
KAROL KUJAWA*
Turkey and Democratization in the Arab World:
Between an Inspiration and a Model
For several months, we have witnessed rapid change in the countries of North Africa.
Researchers and politicians have raised questions about the future of Arab countries once
the revolution has run its course. Will the new authorities attempt to build a theocratic state
or will they follow the example of Turkey and implement democratic reforms? The latter
choice is becoming increasingly popular in the Arab world. This article will address the key
questions that come up in connection with Turkey and Arab countries, including: the source
of Turkey’s popularity in the Arab world, what do they have in common, what divides them
and, finally, whether Turkey could become a model for Arab countries.
Causes for inspiration
Just several years ago, Turkish–Arab relations were not going well. Turkey was mired
in a border dispute with Syria and had marginal economic cooperation with some Arab
countries. Strong historical resentment also was noticeable among the Arabs. For many, the
Ottoman reign which lasted for over 400 years, was considered one of the worst periods in
their history. Turkey also was seen as a close ally of the United States and Israel.
However, this perception underwent a gradual, yet decisive change during the rule of
the moderate Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) between 2002 and 2011. In the
eyes of many Arabs today, Turkey is an island of freedom and democracy in the Islamic
world. It can be argued that Turkey is to the Arab world what Poland was to Ukraine under
Kuchma’s rule—an example of successful transformation, a window to the West and a
reference point for their own attempts to overcome system limitations. Such sentiments
among Arabs are best illustrated by the statement of Rached Ghannouchi, one of the leaders
of the Tunisian Islamic movement Ennahda (The Awakening). During his stay in Istanbul,
Ghannouchi insisted: “We learn from the Turkish experience—particularly the peace that
was achieved in the country between Islam and modernity; this is a true example (for the
Arab world.) (...) The Turkish experience and success inspire the Arab world. Human rights,
* Analyst at the Polish Institute of International Affairs.
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democratic freedoms and economic development of Turkey—this is the most important
support that Turkey gives to the Arab world.”1 According to a 2010 survey (“Orta Dogu'da
Turkiye Aligsi 2010”) by Turkish think tank TESEV, as many as 80% of Arabs have expressed a
positive opinion about Turkey. More than two thirds believe that Turkey could be a model
for Arab countries and that it is an example of a successful union between Islam and
democracy.2
Erdoğan—patron of the oppressed
Prime minister of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has played an extremely important
role in developing a positive image of Turkey in the Arab world, where he enjoys enormous
popularity and respect. In this year's opinion poll in Arab societies organized by the
University of Maryland, he was voted the most popular politician, with 20 percent support.3
His positive role in the Arab world also is appreciated by many Arab leaders such as Prime
Minister of Kuwait Sheikh Nasser al-Ahmad al-Sabah, who awarded him the prize for
“outstanding personality in the Muslim world” in December 2010.4
Erdoğan’s large popularity in Arab countries has been caused by several
factors. First, he expresses support for Palestinian aspirations for independence. Second,
unlike many European countries, Israel or the United States, he has adopted a moderate
position towards Hamas.5 However, what makes the biggest impression on many Arabs is
the Turkish prime minister’s sharp rhetoric against Israel. His first strong criticism of Israel
came in 2008, in response to the Israeli offensive in the Gaza Strip. Erdoğan spoke sharply
about it again during the World Economic Forum in Davos in February 2009. Referring to the
offensive in January 2009, which left 1,300 Palestinians dead and more than 5,300 wounded,
Turkey’s prime minister called Israel’s actions “barbarism” and entered into a dispute with
Israeli President Shimon Peres.6 Erdoğan's words reverberated throughout the Islamic world.
After returning to Istanbul, he was greeted by crowds of people waving Turkish and
Palestinian flags and banners reading, “The winner of Davos” or “Defender of the oppressed
people.” The Arab street responded to Erdoğan's speech in a similar fashion. This was when
true “Erdoğanomania” commenced. Turkish flags and pictures of Erdoğan appeared next to
Arafat’s face in many shops in Israel run by Palestinians. The Turkish prime minister became
the hero of Arab societies primarily because he said what they had long wanted to say—he
spoke about disappointment with American policies in the Middle East and the fact that the
peace process had not brought any results. He also revealed the weaknesses of Arab leaders
1
Tunisian Islamist leader embraces Turkey, praises Erbakan, Hurriyet, 3 March 2011.
Paul Salem, Turkey’s Image in the Arab World, www.tesev.org.tr.
3
Ibid.
4
Kuveyt'te Erdoğan'a Ödül,” Aktif haber, 27 January 2011, www.aktifhaber.com.
5
Prime Minister of Turkey said in Newsweek in early 2009 that Hamas is a political party, not “the arm
of Iran.” In similar words, Erdoğan spoke on 4 June 2010 during a rally in Konya. He said that Hamas is not a
terrorist organization, but a resistance movement. Once again he spoke favorably about Hamas during the
evening program “Without Borders” on Arab television outlet al-Jazeera on 12 January 2011. He claimed that
peace cannot be achieved either in Palestine or in the region without the participation of the Islamic Resistance
Movement, Hamas. A moderate approach by Turkish authorities to Hamas also was demonstrated during a visit
by Khaled Mashaala, one of the leaders of the organization, to Ankara in 2009.
6
Palestinians: 1,300 killed, 22,000 buildings destroyed in Gaza, 19 January 2009, articles.cnn.com.
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(Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and the president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad), who had not
taken any measures to protect the Arabs.
An economic turnaround…
Turkey inspires the Arab societies not only because of the charisma of its prime
minister but also because of its rapidly growing economy. Under the AKP’s leadership,
Turkey has undergone a period of economic boom and is now the 16th largest economy in
the world.7 Thanks to the AKP’s policies, economic cooperation between Turkey and Arab
countries has improved. Turkey signed a free trade agreement with Egypt, Jordan, Morocco,
Syria, Palestinian territories and Tunisia. Similar deals with Lebanon and Libya are being
negotiated. The effects of this cooperation already can be seen. Between 2001 and 2008,
the value of Turkey’s exports to MENA countries (Middle East and North Africa) increased
sevenfold. Based on 2010 data, Turkey’s total trade with Arab countries amounted to
approximately $24 billion. Arab investments in Turkey also have picked up. Towards the end
of 2010 they totalled $10.6 billion.8 In addition, Turkish authorities carried out a
liberalization of the visa regime to intensify cooperation with Arab countries. In 2009, Turkey
abolished the requirement for entry visas for citizens of Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan and
Syria. Since then, the number of Arab tourists visiting Turkey has increased significantly.
Awarding the organization of the World Cup of football in 2022 to Qatar may have some
significance in the future, too. Kuwaiti authorities have asked Turkish companies for help in
the preparation process. These companies may become involved in infrastructure projects,
building airports, stadiums and other facilities.
…and a new foreign policy
Under the AKP’s leadership, relations between Turkey and the Arab League have
improved markedly. For years, Turkey was trying to obtain observer status within this
organization. Its candidacy was rejected mainly because of the opposition of Syria and Iraq.
As relations with these countries warmed, the League’s attitude to Turkey changed. As a
result, in 2009 Turkey gained strong support in the League for its efforts to gain a place in
the UN Security Council for the 2009-2010 session. Also important, following the initiative of
the Arab League and Turkish business, the Turkish–Arab Economic Forum was established.
The first meeting took place on 28 March 2010. In addition and in order to strengthen
Turkish-Arab cooperation, the League opened an office in Ankara. One of its priorities is to
improve the image of Arabs in Turkey and Turks in Arab countries. As well, the new facility
will encourage academic cooperation and the exchange of academic staff and students.
The adoption of the “soft power” model by Turkey, which led to drastically improving
and strengthening ties with Arab countries, is largely the achievement of the current foreign
7
However we should keep in mind that Turkey's economic development is not only on the AKP’s
merit. In 2001, Economy Minister in the Bulent Ecevit government, Kemal Derviş, launched a three-year
reconstruction program of the Turkish economy. The effects of these reforms already were evident during the
first term of the AKP governments (2002–2007), see: Derviş'in reformları ekonomik gelişimin temelini
oluşturdu, Hurriyet, 6 July 2011, www.hurriyet.com.tr.
8
Gökhan Kurtaran, Qatar calls for Turkish investment ahead of World Cup, Hurriyet, 28 April 2011,
www.hurriyetdailynews.com
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minister of Turkey, Ahmet Davutoğlu. Coming from Konya, which is one of the most
conservative cities in Turkey, he seems to know and understand the world of Islam very well.
His policy of “zero problems with our neighbours” has lead to establishing relationships with
neighbouring countries on the principles of peace and mutual security. He also believes that
all obstacles that hinder the economic and cultural integration of the region should be
removed. Moreover, Davutoğlu expresses the belief that Turkey is on the road to becoming
a regional superpower. Deep historical links and geographic proximity with Arabs, Kurds,
Persians, Central Asia, the Balkans and Caucasus should help Turkey carry out this task.
According to Davutoğlu’s opponents, what is hidden behind the idea of “zero
problems with neighbours” is Turkish “neo-ottomanism.” They believe that Turkey seeks this
as a way to restore its influence from the times of the Ottoman Empire. They also argue that
bilateral agreements signed by Turkey and Arab countries on free trade and the abolition of
visa requirements are the beginning of the new “Union of Turkey.” In response, Davutoğlu
claims that Turkey’s key priority remains integration with the EU. However, referring to the
Ottoman tradition, he believes that the EU cannot and should not impede Turkey’s relations
with its neighbours, because Turks have had close trade relations with Arabs since long
before the birth of the idea of a united Europe. In addition, Davutoğlu openly acknowledges
that he had taken inspiration for his concept from the doctrine of the founder of the Turkish
Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, summarized as “Peace in the Homeland, Peace in the
World,” and from the philosophy of Muhammed Celaleddin-i Rumi. The latter was the
founder of the Mevlevi Order, a great mystic and one of the most famous Sufi poets. His
tomb, to which thousands of pilgrims come very year, is located in Konya, where Rumi spent
most of his life. Davutoğlu, who comes from the same city, says that his message of peace,
dialogue, love of God, human beings, respect for Islam, tolerance of other religions (mono
and polytheistic) and respect for cultural diversity is reflected in Turkey’s foreign policy.
Turkish movies—winning Arab hearts and minds
Turkish films and television series are broadcast on several Arab television channels
and play an extremely important role in creating a positive image of Turkey. One of the most
popular Turkish soap operas has been the TV series “Noor” (“Gümüş” in the Turkish version),
which is the name of the lead character of the show. According to research conducted by the
Arab television station MBC (Middle East Broadcasting Center) in Saudi Arabia, three- to
four-million respondents claimed that they followed the series every day. The final episode
aired on 30 August 2010 and attracted a record number of 85 million viewers. What is most
important, though, is that the Turkish TV series is bringing about change in the habits of Arab
women. Many of them live in patriarchal families and tend to be surprised by the
appearance of actors and actresses, who are dressed in European style despite being
Muslim. Relations between the protagonists, Muhannad and Noor, are even more surprising.
Their progressive relationship had not been arranged by their parents. Muhannad supported
his wife's career choices and advised her on matters such as clothing. The series also
presented a liberal attitude to sex and abortion. Therefore, this “Turkish model” has
appealed to many Arab women, and, according to reports in some Arab newspapers, many
of them have been encouraged to file for divorce. On the other hand, the liberal model of
life presented in the series was called into question by the majority of Muslim Arab leaders.
They considered it anti-Islamic and called for its boycott. One of the prominent Saudi clerics,
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Sheik Saleh al-Luhaidan, said that it would be acceptable to kill owners of satellite TV
stations that emit “immoral” material.
A film about a Turkish special agent, “Murad” (in the Turkish version: “Polat
Alemdar”), caused no less excitement and interest. Based on a television criminal series “The
Valley of the Wolves,” it features a Turkish James Bond who goes to Israel with his associates
in search of an Israeli commander responsible for the accidents on the Freedom Flotilla
ship.9 Turkish agents take revenge for the death of their friends. The film also shows a lot of
sympathy towards the Palestinians. In one scene, the protagonist is asked by an Israeli
soldier what brings him to Israel, and he responds: “I did not come to Israel, I came to
Palestine!” This anti-Israeli discourse in the film has caused a lot of tension between Israel
and Turkey.10
There is no doubt that Turkish television series and movies shown on Arab television
and in cinemas have led to a small cultural revolution in Arab countries. First of all, they
create a positive image of Turkey among Arabs. They show Turks as a modern, pro-Western
but also Islamic nation. They prove that Muslims can be reconciled with the values of the
Western world. Moreover, Turks appear in the role of abi (elder brother) who defends the
interests of the Arab community. Studies show that, partly thanks to such films, in 2009
more than a million Arabs decided to choose Turkey as their holiday destination. It is
believed that this trend will increase as the popularity of Turkish cinema continues to grow.
Turkey’s experience with democracy—a recap
Turks, unlike Arabs, have strong democratic roots. They began to adopt Western
values in the tanzimat period. The most important results of these reforms were the
equalization of the rights of all citizens regardless of differences in faith and limits on the
power of the Sultan. The process of Europeanization and modernization accelerated during
the rule of Kemal Atatürk (1923–1938). Although his rule can hardly be called democratic (in
1925 Atatürk banned all political parties, arrested enemies of the revolution and pushed
through strong secularization of the country), it still made significant progress that brought
Turkey closer to Europe (including the introduction of the civil code and the granting to
women of active and passive voting rights). These changes were not the expression of the
society’s will but were imposed by the state. Atatürk, known as Father of the Turks, claimed
that Turkish society was not yet ready to fully adopt democracy. Further democratic changes
took place after World War II. The two-party system was established in 1946 and four years
later multi-party elections were held. Turgut Özal paved the way for further democratic
change as a prime minister (1983–1989) and president (1989–1993) by introducing a series
of neoliberal economic reforms that moved Turkey to the West. During his time in office,
Turkey applied for membership in the European Communities. Despite the adoption of
Western vectors of foreign policy, Özal did not want to cut off the country’s Islamic roots
and believed that Turkey could integrate with the West without losing its traditions and
values. In internal affairs, he was a supporter of free elections and a parliamentary system,
but the issue of major democratic reforms was put off.
9
Sebnem Arsu, Turkish Action Film Depicts Israeli Raid, New York Times, 2 September 2010,
www.nytimes.com.
10
Bert Rebhandl, Wir haben ein Mandat in Palästina, FAZ-Online, 3 November 2010, www.faz.net.
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Big progress on Turkey’s journey towards Europe was made by the centre-left
government of Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit (1999–2002). Thanks to his efforts, in 1999 the
EU accepted Turkey’s candidacy for membership. Turkey was then obliged to adapt its
legislation regarding human rights to EU requirements. However, the Kurdish problem has
remained a point of contention. In this regard, Prime Minister Ecevit was not prepared to go
to far-reaching concessions. He claimed that the Kurds were not a minority and he opposed
the proposal to legalize the Kurdish language in education as well as establish television and
radio programmes in the Kurdish language, arguing that such steps could lead to separatism
and conflict.
The problem of serious democratic reform was finally taken up by the AKP. During its
first term in government (2002–2007) and under pressure from the European Union, it
introduced many democratic changes. Kurds were allowed to use their language and set up
Kurdish language courses, the Armenian massacres of the early 20th century increasingly
became a subject in public debates. Despite the implementation of reforms, in recent years
Turkey’s democratization process has slowed considerably. With 57 journalists in prison,
freedom of speech is arguably the biggest reason for concern.
Turkish model—limits to adaptation
In spite of enchantment with “Turkish freedom,” economy and lifestyle, it will be
difficult for Arab countries to follow Turkey’s path. The biggest problem remains the issue of
democratic reforms. As early as the first half of the nineteenth century, the tanzimat reform
(reorganization), conducted by the Ottomans in the period 1839–1879 and consisting of the
transfer of Western values and their combination with Islam, ran into resistance on the part
of some Arab intellectuals. Many of them argued that Western solutions contradicted
Islamic values and could go as far as degrading the Islamic community. Many Muslim leaders
responded in a similar way to the modernization carried out by the colonial powers.
Above all, this period left them with a sense of humiliation, trauma and aversion to
Western values. Arab counties regained independence only after World War II. However,
that did not bring freedom to most of them. A period of rule by satraps or military dictators,
unable to face the challenges of modernization, was started. After the ousting of these
rulers, there emerged new leaders who returned to the practices of their predecessors,
typically after a brief political thaw that ended in the destabilizing of countries as a result of
attacks carried out by radical Islamists (e.g., in Algeria and Tunisia). Therefore, due to historic
experiences, democracy is associated in the Arab world primarily with loose discipline and
lawlessness that was reflected in acts of terror.
Conclusions
In recent years, Turkey has become a model and an inspiration to many Arabs.
However, Arabs are just at the beginning of the road Turkey decided to choose almost 200
years ago. Therefore, it seems that Arab democratization attempts need time to mature.
Trying to accelerate this process might end in failure, as was the case with Algeria, Tunisia
and Iraq.
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In addition, Arab states will be missing the pressure of the European Union, which
recently has helped Turkey introduce many democratic changes. Without these external
stimuli, it is extremely difficult to carry out a transformation on the basis of European values.
Also important apart from time, it seems Arab countries need leaders—occidentalists
who look to the future and see development in terms of reforms that bring their countries
closer to the West. Such leaders would need to hold moderate Islamic views that combine
Western and Eastern values, be able to introduce reforms with a heavy hand and prepare
Arab societies for democracy.
At this stage, Arabs will probably focus on developing their own model, attuned to
their traditions and customs. This argument has been confirmed by one of Tunisia’s
opposition leaders, Ahmed Chebbi Néjib, who said, “The treatment of Turkey as a model will
not be the best solution for Tunisia, which strives for democracy in his own way.”11
11
İpek Yezdani, ‘Thanks, but we’ll make our own model,’ Tunisian opposition leader says, Hurriyet, 14
March 2011, www.hurriyetdailynews.com.