hij Teacher Resource Bank GCE Government and Politics Unit Guidance: • GOV3B Ideologies Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. The Assessment and Qualifications Alliance (AQA) is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (company number 3644723) and a registered charity (registered charity number 1073334). Registered address: AQA, Devas Street, Manchester M15 6EX. Dr Michael Cresswell, Director General. Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOV3B / Version 1.0 GOV3B IDEOLOGIES This unit requires candidates to appreciate how political ideologies have evolved since the Enlightenment, recognising the core beliefs and values associated with the four ‘isms’ which are to be covered: • • • • Liberalism Socialism Conservatism Fascism Candidates will also need to be familiar with how these particular ideologies have influenced party thinking since the inception of modern party systems to the current day. Whilst most teachers will naturally focus on the United Kingdom in delivering this unit, evidence from other countries may also be used, where appropriate, to illustrate points and to support or refute claims and propositions. Liberalism Teachers are expected to provide candidates with the information which will enable them to appreciate and understand how positive views of human nature underpin the liberal belief that man is rational and considerate and endowed with the common sense to decide which types of political organisations, institutions and power structures can best protect individual needs and promote individualism – essentially the nation state. Such states need to exist to facilitate the creation and operation of a political culture which is both tolerant and pluralistic. The general discussion of these core values should lead into a consideration of why, in practice, liberals have favoured private property and the market economy, not just because of efficiency but also because they were/are seen to provide the bedrock upon which a civil society can exist and flourish. Candidates should also recognise that capitalism may actually undermine certain liberties, hence the emergence of New/Progressive Liberalism as a challenge to traditional Classical Liberalism and the promotion of welfare provision to redress the divisions and problems created by and arising from the undeserved social and natural inequalities which are unchecked in unrestricted free enterprise systems. In focusing on the importance of individual liberty to liberals candidates need to appreciate that this can only be achieved and protected within a framework of law to settle potential disputes between individuals. They also need to recognise the need for and importance of a social contract whereby citizens would be prepared to sacrifice some of their natural rights to government. Thus, whilst authority would be conferred on government by the consent of the governed (to maintain order and justice and to uphold essential rights, eg property), citizens would also have the right to rebel if the state was to abuse the rights of the citizen as outlined in the Social Contract. In teaching liberalism, teachers would also need to ensure that candidates appreciate the significance of utilitarianism (satisfaction/happiness) and the view that governments could/can add to the total sum of utility by taking specific actions. klm Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. 1 Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOV3B / Version 1.0 Having studied these core concepts and values candidates ought to be able to appreciate how the Classicial Liberal School evolved out of the writings and teachings of philosophers such as Mill, Locke and Bentham and how this brand of liberalism essentially advocated negative freedoms such as freedom from coercion. They would also be expected to recognise how in economics classical liberals championed completely free markets (Adam Smith) except in the case of monopolies. Given that liberalism is, in many ways, an organic political philosophy candidates need to be made aware of how the unforeseen social and political changes brought about by industrialisation modified classical liberalism and led to the emergence of New/Progressive liberalism. In discussing this variant teachers need to focus on the desire for greater state intervention, not only to allow people to develop their abilities but also to secure such basic rights as a living wage. They should also be aware of key concepts such as ‘equality of opportunity’ and of the need for state administered welfare policies to combat poverty and ignorance and to reduce social divisions within society. When establishing the links between political philosophy and political practice candidates ought to be able to point out how Classical Liberal thinking influenced the policies and actions of the Liberal Party in the 19th century and how Progressive liberal values impacted upon the Liberal Party in the early twentieth century. Furthermore, connections also need to be made between Progressive Liberalism and the policies and programmes practiced by Labour and Conservative governments in the first three decades after World War Two. The works and ideas of J M Keynes and W Beveridge are obviously significant here. Coverage of New Right ideas and of Thatcherite programmes and policies should also lead to a recognition of liberalism’s continued impact on parties and movements beyond the Liberal Party itself – in this case classical liberalism. New Labour’s debt to Progressive liberal thinking should also be recognised. It goes without saying that candidates should also show an awareness and appreciation of how these ideas – both classical and progressive – have influenced the Liberal Democrats since the party’s inception in the late 1980’s. Many pundits, commentators and scholars have recently argued that ‘we are all liberals now’ and that liberalism has triumphed over rival ideologies. Candidates need to be aware of the texts and individuals associated with such claims (eg F Fukuyama) and of the criticisms of such assertions which have appeared in the early 21st century. Socialism In this unit candidates need to be familiar with the criticisms of industrial society based on free market capitalism which emerged at the end of the 18th century. At the centre of this ideology is the belief in the innate goodness and sociability of humans and their preference for collective action over individual activity. As with liberalism, candidates need to be made aware of how the structure of society altered as a consequence of industrialisation with wealthy, property-owning elites at the apex of the social structure and a large working class populating its base. A crucial point to emphasise is that without a collective or class doctrine socialism would have amounted to little more than an ideological wing of radical liberalism. It is this class based analysis of society that distinguishes socialism from the other dominant ideologies of the period (liberalism and conservatism) as does socialism’s critical 2 Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. klm Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOV3B / Version 1.0 attitude towards private property and its desire to achieve the redistribution of wealth derived from private ownership to some form of communal or collective ownership. In covering socialism’s core values emphasis also needs to be placed on the commitment to equality, albeit of outcome rather than opportunity. Whilst this critique of capitalist economics and the unjust society built upon this productive base lies at the heart of socialism, candidates also need to be aware of the bitter ideological arguments which have served to divide the socialist camp, principally between the ‘utopian’ and ‘revolutionary’ socialists in the early 19th century (eg Robert Owen and Charles Fourier v Marx) and the ‘revisionists’ (Bernstein and Luxemburg) and ‘revolutionaries’ (Engels and Marx) in the late 19th century. In covering these divisions emphasis needs to be placed on Marx’s class analysis of society, particularly with regard to class conflict and his rejection of the assertion that socialism could be achieved through peaceful, democratic means. Candidates should be clear that British Socialism basically rejected Marxism in favour of the revisionist approach associated with the likes of Sidney and Beatrice Webb and the Fabians. It should be noted that this gradualist, incremental parliamentary route essentially abandons radical political goals for the sake of a more pragmatic and more limited reform of social, political and economic processes and structures. In essence, this British variant of socialism was a relatively modest movement which pursued social justice without totally jeopardising market capitalism. An awareness of ethical socialism and the close links between the British Labour Movement and liberalism in the first half of the 20th century needs to be established here, as does the role and impact of the Trade Union movement on the Labour Party in the same period. Having discussed why and how democratic socialism was embraced by the early Labour Party at the expense of Marxism teachers also need to make their students aware of the continuing impact and influence of this variant of socialism on the Labour Party’s values, actions and policies throughout the post-war period. Probably the most suitable means for doing so is by examining the links between the principles and actions in three eras: (i) 1945-1979: from the first Labour Government with an overall majority to when the traditional party lost power for the last time. In covering this period teachers should focus on the Party’s commitment to • • • Equal rights and equality of opportunity State control of key industries and utilities within a mixed economy Welfare policies to support those in need and social policies to improve health, education, housing, etc • The partial redistribution of income through taxation and the welfare system. • The promotion of social justice in the workplace. Labour also flirted with the idea of centralised planning but without a great deal of success. Teachers should also point out that the historic division between traditional socialists and revisionists remained in this era. The schism between the left wing Bevanites and the right wing Gaitskellites should be addressed as should the battles which ensued in the 1970s between the likes of Callaghan and Healy and Foot and Benn. (ii) An ‘aberrant period’ 1979-1983: when the British Labour Party lurched to the left and presented its most left wing manifests ever in 1983. klm Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. 3 Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOV3B / Version 1.0 (iii) 1983 to the present day: Focus on how, after Labour’s disastrous performance in the 1983 General Election, Kinnock set out to modernise the Labour party to make it more electable in an age where socialist values appeared to be out of step with the Thatcherite hegemony. Note how this process led to the creation of ‘New’ Labour. It goes without saying that teachers need to inform their students not only about new Labour’s debt to its predecessors but also to other value systems and political philosophies, most notably aspects of Progressive Liberalism and Thatcherism. In doing so teachers should make clear where socialism continues to influence policies and programmes, particularly with regard social inclusion, the reduction of poverty and the continued commitment to the Welfare State. They could also discuss the party’s support for the European Social Charter and the minimum wage. There are aspects of New Labour’s programme which owe little to the party’s ideological tradition and these too should be made evident. Themes to be covered here would include the revised Clause iv, the acceptance of some degree of economic inequality, the move away from the fundamental redistribution of wealth and the growing emphasis on individual responsibility. Some commentators have indeed argued that such policy shifts indicate that in reality there is little real distinction between New Labour’s ‘mild’ socialism and liberalism. Given the impact of the credit crunch in late 2008 and the recession which has followed, teachers should also attempt to show how Gordon Brown’s party has responded to these economic difficulties and the social problems created in their wake. At the time of writing there are no available texts on these themes but press articles and information gleaned from periodicals and journals should suffice in providing teachers without adequate information and materials. Conservatism In delivering this unit, teachers need to emphasise that conservatism is essentially a reactionary political philosophy and that it emerged in the 19th century against the background of the Industrial Revolution and French Revolution. It is also important that students appreciate that the nature of conservative thinking depends on the ideas which emerge from the political climate of the time and that its principles are therefore variable. Indeed many scholars would contend that the doctrine of conservatism is difficult to pin down when compared with the clear aims and objectives of socialism for example. Nevertheless, certain broad themes can and should be emphasised as core conservative beliefs and values. These should include: • • 4 Conservatism as ‘a policy of imperfection which views man as fundamentally flawed; a pessimistic view which contrasts sharply with the optimistic position held by socialists and liberals. This leads directly to the need for firm government to oversee the behaviour of selfish, untrustworthy and feckless individuals. Such firm government is best provided by benevolent rulers who basically view the masses as little more than children. The key concepts here are paternalism, hierarchy and authority. Power ought to rest with dominant elites who are believed to possess the skills, knowledge and mindsets to manage systems which might otherwise collapse into chaos. Indeed, many conservatives would contend that good social order and security are the most basic of human needs, more important even than freedom and equality. There is nothing wrong in hierarchies based on birth and wealth as long as their authority is founded on traditions which reflect the accumulated wisdom of the past. An understanding of the desire to maintain the status quo as far as possible whilst recognising that when change is necessary it should come about Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. klm Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOV3B / Version 1.0 • • • organically and should not be forced by individuals and movements with fixed ideological agendas. This eschewing of ideology highlights the pragmatic nature of conservatism and a flexible approach to politics reflecting an understanding of what is best for people in the quest to preserve a stable society. In addition to statecraft as a means of achieving such stability, the need for limited government to ensure the preservation of private property and to promote and safeguard individualism should also be emphasised. This commitment to private property can be seen as particularly important as a private property reduces the individuals dependence on the state as well as giving dignity and encouraging initiative. This right to private property should be guaranteed by law. Devotion to country/nation reflecting the significance of history and culture as definers of national identity. Perceiving the nation state as being second only to the family as the natural unit of human society. Students should be able to explain the impact of these core value on party policy and programmes from the original Tory Party to the Conservative party of the modern day. It is also important that teachers focus on the political pragmatism of Conservatives in their quest for and desire to maintain power. Such an approach would recognise the Peelite decision to embrace competition and a modicum of the free trade for example, as well as the party’s willingness to accommodate the expanding business sector alongside its landowning supporters as the 19th century progressed. Disraeli’s wooing of the newly enfranchised working class through his unique brand of One Nation Conservatism serves as further evidence of the party’s adaptability and pragmatism. In discussing the 20th century Conservative Party such pragmatism is particularly evident in the party’s acceptance of many of the Attlee Government’s social and economic policies during the era of consensus. For many scholars and commentators Thatcher’s brand of Conservatism owes little to these traditions. Her economic policies in particular would appear to owe far more to Classical Liberalism than they do to Conservatism and her New Right Social policies differed markedly from the paternalistic approach evident in Disraeli’s One Nation Conservatism. Teachers should also point out however that Thatcher did not complete eschew pragmatism in favour of ideology; she rejected rail and Post Office privatisation and asserted that the NHS ‘is safe in our hands’. Elements of traditional Conservative thinking could be seen in her championing of the family as a key social institution and her tough defence and law and order policies. In covering the postThatcher era teachers should examine Thatcher’s enduring legacy and the difficulties which this creates for those ‘modernisers’ who seek to create a caring and inclusive party more in keeping with Disraeli, Butler and MacMillan. Responses to the recession and to environmental concerns will further highlight the ongoing battle between pragmatism and ideology. Fascism Students might find this a confusing ideology to understand given that early ‘fascists’ in the late 19th century saw themselves as revolutionary socialists. However, by the early 1920s fascism had become associated with radical right wing politics. To simplify matters teachers should initially focus on the usage of the term by Mussolini in the 1920s when a clearer set of values and beliefs became associated with this political philosophy. In doing so they should concentrate upon: klm Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. 5 Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOV3B / Version 1.0 • • • • • • Ultra-nationalism and race. For fascists the nation represents the collective identity of the people acquired over time and based on unique political, social and economic cultures. Such states possess the ultimate source of political and legal legitimacy and they demand total allegiance from ‘their people’. Such a stance precludes support for any rival body or organisation particularly those which advocate an ‘internationalist’ approach to political activity. Views on race follow on logically from such a mindset; the racial superiority of Europeans is a consequence of their cultural, scientific and economic sophistication, particularly when compared with the less advanced inhabitants of Slavic, Arabic and African nations. Irrationality - the rejection of rational logical analysis as the basis of a political philosophy. Instead, Fascists champion intuition and action at the expense of reasoned reflection. This emotional positioning can be seen in concepts such as ‘triumph of the will’ or the command to ‘think in blood’ – viewpoints which run counter to the beliefs and values associated with the European Enlightenment. Mythology – basically the extensive use of myths to justify the state’s actions. Mussolini emphasised modern Italy’s descendance from the Roman Empire and more insidiously Hitler advocated a Germanic ‘Aryan’ identity threatened by Semites (Jews) and other lesser races. The emphasis on conflict, struggle and war whereby war is seen as the ultimate sacrifice of the individual to a more noble cause. Likewise, human struggle is viewed as a Darwinian ‘survival of the fittest’ in which only warrior ‘master’ races will survive and whose strength and nobility accords them a natural right to conquer and rule inferior beings. The needs for clear leaders and strong elites to embody the collective will of the organic state, characterised by fascist belief in the need for authoritative and charismatic leaders supported by committed elites who can lead nations to renewal and glory. Hostility to free market capitalism and the desire for strong national stewardship of the productive and distributive processes through a ‘corporate state’ in which key industries and economic organisations are state directed by not necessarily state-owned, thus eliminating the potential conflict between labour/workers and capital/owners. In covering these core fascist beliefs and values students need to be particularly aware of how the German National Socialist variant placed for more emphasis on race than was the case with Italian Fascism. In teaching post-war fascism (neo-fascism) teachers ought to focus on the far right’s continued criticisms of and opposition to liberal democratic states and pluralistic societies. Students need to recognise that the continuing, if somewhat limited, appeal of fascism lies largely in disaffected groups who feel politically marginalised and economically and socially vulnerable as a result of global factors which appear to be beyond national control. Whilst teachers are likely to study contemporary fascism via British movements and parties such as the British National Party and the National Front there is more scope here for studying this part of the specification beyond the UK situation. Indeed, teachers could well find that they draw materials and information from fascist groups and movements such as the NPD in Germany, the National Front in France and various extreme right white supremacist groups in the USA as well as the quasifascist organisations which have become more prominent in Eastern Europe since the collapse of the Soviet Union. 6 Copyright © 2009 AQA and its licensors. All rights reserved. klm
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