delays, transportation and land hiring costs are incurred. On the other hand, it is more difficult to procure direct contacts, and considerable capital is necessary, as the seller may not receive payment for some time after the animals are delivered. While most British dealers purchase cattle on farms, in fairs and at auction marts, some buy from Irish dealers within the country, Dublin being the usual assembly point for these stock. A new development in the cattle trade was the formation in 1957 of a co-operative society to purchase cattle in co-operative marts and export them directly to Great Britain. Predictions regarding the future of the live cattle trade between Ireland and Great Britain are hazardous because of the variety of factors to which it is subject, and especially its susceptibility to government interference. Present indications suggest that it may decline somewhat, relatively if not absolutely, as beef production expands in Great Britain and an increasing proportion of stores are fattened and slaughtered within Ireland. REFERENCES 1 J . H . Andrews, 'Livestock exports from the Republic of Ireland', Geography, 392 (1954), p. 294. L.V. McEwan, The marketing of store livestock in Scotland, University of Glasgow, Department of Social and Economic Research, undated, p. 14. 3 J.T. Coppock, An agricultural atlas of England and Wales, London 1964, pp. 172-175. Statistical sources : ' F.A.O. Trade Yearbook ', vol. 19, Rome 1966, and unpublished statistics kindly supplied by the Central Statistics Office, Dublin, the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries for Scotland and the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. J. T. COPPOCK DESMOND A. GILLMOR University of Edinburgh Trinity College, Dublin CHANGES IN POPULATION AND FARM HOLDINGS IN NORTHERN IRELAND Since the beginning of this century the population of the six counties of Northern Ireland has increased by almost 20%. From many points of view the change in the character and distribution of the population has been even more significant. Whereas in 1901,1 42.9% of the population was classed as urban, the corresponding figure in 1966 was 53. 2%, and this, as will be shown below, is a considerable underestimate. The increasing urbanisation of the population is a continuation of a trend already 326 established by the middle of the nineteenth century. Throughout that century there was a steady increase in the urban population, particularly in and near Belfast, where growth, always considerable, has been especially marked during the last thirty years. As the rural population has declined there has been, as expected, a decline in the number of farm holdings. Alterations in the definition and delimitation of administrative areas, as well as the irregular intercensal periods of this century, make it difficult to document these changes in detail, although the general patterns of change can be clearly demonstrated (Fig. i). The total population declined from 1,646,325 in 1841 to 1,236,056 in 1891, after which it increased slowly until 1937. Since then the increase has been more rapid to reach a total of 1,484,770 in 1966. It is difficult to distinguish between the rural and urban populations. The rural population has been defined in the census as that population living in administrative Rural Districts. Many Rural Districts contain substantial numbers of people whose occupations and dwellings are nonrural. This is especially true in areas adjacent to Urban Districts and CHANGES IN POPULATION S FARM HOLDINGS IN NORTHERN IRELAND 1841-1966 POPULATION 1,750,000 - 1,500,000- 1,250,000- 1,000,000- -100,000 750,000 - 75,000 -50J000 500,000 o o TOTAL POPULATION + + POPN. OF RURAL AREAS • »HOLDINGS > I ACRE POPN. OF URBAN AREAS -25,000 250,000 - i . i i i i 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911 Fig. 1. 327 I 1 L. 1926 1937 1951 1961 1966 Boroughs but, even in Rural Districts which are dominantly agricultural, there is a scatter of industry which provides a significant alternative to agriculture as a source of employment. Indeed, during the nineteenth century there was a thin scatter of textile mills through much of the Northern Ireland countryside, and the location of individual mills explains many details of local changes in population at the time of the Famine and since. In general, the rural population has declined continuously from the 1840's, although the census shows a marked increase in the population of the Rural Districts since 1937. The steepest decline was in the decade 1841-1851 and the decelerating decline which continued until 1937 probably is a fair representation of the trend in numbers of the genuinely agricultural population. The increase since 1937 is accounted for primarily by the increase in the suburban population of the Belfast conurbation, as examination of the figures for the five Rural Districts surrounding Belfast clearly indicates. The Antrim and Newtownards or North Down Rural Districts were largely rural at that date, whereas Lisburn and Castlereagh were essentially suburban in character. Antrim R.D. showed an increase of only 100 between 1901 and 1961, while North Down increased by nearly 3,300, or 12%, compared with an increase for Northern Ireland of 15% during the same period. Hillsborough Rural District increased steadily after 1926 until its population in 1961 was nearly 6,000 greater than in 1901. Change on a quite different scale was represented by Castlereagh and Lisburn Rural Districts which each added over 20,000 to their populations between 1926 and 1961—increases of 438% and 171% respectively. The increase in these five Rural Districts between 1901 and 1961 was from 100,408 to 175,841, and since 1961 there has been a further increase of some 35,000. Growth has been very considerable in Lisburn and Castlereagh Rural Districts ; the former has increased from 51,127 to 66,871 and the latter from 37,461 to 47,301. Antrim and Hillsborough Rural Districts have each increased by some 4,000, while North Down has increased by only 500 after losing nearly the same number to Bangor Municipal Borough as a result of a boundary change in 1962. Taking into account the virtually unchanged figures for Antrim Rural District between 1901 and 1961 and the small increase for North Down, it is reasonable to assume that at least 90 % of the total population increase in the Rural Districts near Belfast during that period can be assigned to growth of the truly urban population. Since 1961 the increase of some 35,000 in these Rural Districts is again largely urban in character. In order to eliminate the urban population of the Belfast fringe from the Northern Ireland rural total, the latter should therefore be reduced by some 70,000 for 1961 and by a further 35,000 for 1966. It can be seen 328 that the downward curve for the declining rural population continues smoothly with perhaps a tendency towards flattening out. However, all the Rural Districts within Northern Ireland contain centres of population without defined legal status, many of which possess urban forms and functions. The Preliminary Report of the 1966 Census lists 200 " Towns and Villages containing 50 or more houses but having no legally defined boundaries " which have a total population of 138,281. The rural total should therefore be further reduced, so that the census total of 694,765 for the population of the Rural Districts in 1966 probably contains no more than 450,000 truly rural inhabitants. In other words it is probably realistic to regard at least 70% of the total population as urban, rather than the 53.2% classified as such by the census. As the rural population has declined in numbers, so also has the number of farm holdings. The decline between 1841 and 1851 was parallel with the decline in rural population, but in the next decade the number of holdings remained almost stationary. After another period of relatively rapid decline there was little change until 1911. Between 1911 and the late 1940's there seems to have been a rapid decline in holdings from 115,000 to 87,500. During the 1950's and 1960's the decline in numbers was initially more rapid but the figures for the last few years suggest that the decline is now slackening. The total number of holdings i? substantially greater than the number of farm businesses, the figures for 1966 being 64,306 holdings and 43,000 farm businesses. The difference between these figures represents some 18,000 holdings let entirely in conacre and others worked in conjunction with each other.2 In the study of a single townland, Buchanan3 was able to show the way in which farm holdings have increased in size during the last sixty years through the decline in population. He drew attention to the way in which the mortgaging of small faims has often meant their eventual alienation and inclusion in larger, though still relatively small, units. During the first decade of this century the introduction of the old age pension seems to have been a potent force in promoting mortgages which could not be repaid. Whether such a mechanism was widely operative is unknown but the considerable decline in holdings for several decades after 1911 is a marked feature of the sixcounty data as a whole. In recent years it has been estimated that about 2|% of agricultural holdings have changed hands annually through inheritance and about 2% of all holdings over 5 acres have been sold annually.4 Changes in farm structure and especially attempts to increase the size of farms must inevitably progress slowly when so few farms come on to the market. If the downward curves for the decline in the truly rural population and the numbers of holdings are indeed tending to flatten out, then changes in the future may be no more rapid than they are to-day. 329 Moreover there are here serious implications for government policy, which is explicitly directed towards a reduction in the number of farm holdings and a concomitant increase in average farm size. REFERENCES 1 Statistical data used in this article have been derived from the published volumes of the Census of Ireland, the Census of Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland Yearbook. Data on farm holdings in 1966 were supplied by the Northern Ireland Ministry of Agriculture. 2 D.J. Alexander, " Farm land mobility and adjustments in farming in Northern Ireland ", J. Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland, 21 (1964-5), 1-14. 3 R.H. Buchanan, " Rural change in an Irish townland, 1890-1955 ", Advancement of 4Science, 56 (1958), 291-300. D.J. Alexander, " Changes in farm structure " Agriculture in Northern Ireland, 40 (1965), 42-45. V. B. PROUDFOOT, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada. THE REVIVAL OF GREENORE, A MINOR SEAPORT Greenore was opened as a seaport in 1873 to provide a fast service for passengers and freight between England and the north and north-west of Ireland. Prior to 1870 there had been no settlement, with the exception of a lighthouse, at Greenore Point, which is located on the County Louth shore at the entrance to Carlingford Lough. This site was chosen because ships could arrive and depart at all phases of the tide ; a depth of 18 feet is available at low water without the need for dredging. The London and North Western Railway Company built port facilities and established a compact, self-contained settlement at Greenore by the construction of dwelling houses, co-operative store, school, reading-room and hotel, with water supply, sewerage and power systems. A packet service to Holyhead was inaugurated. The Dundalk, Newry and Greenore Railway was formed to provide connections with other rail routes at Dundalk and Newry. A golf course and holiday bungalows were provided as measures to develop tourism at Greenore. Neither the rail nor steamer service fulfilled early expectations, both coming nearest to success in the period 1895-1914. Operations were impeded during the First World War and again during the hostilities preceding and following Independence in 1921. The introduction of the Border hindered trade with a large part of Greenore's hinterland in 330
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