Norwegian foreign policy in the 20th century - regjeringen.no
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Norwegian foreign policy in the 20th century
In 1905, Norway regained its independence after almost 600 years of union with Scandinavian neighbours.
Even at this stage it was possible to discern the contours of what was to become a main trend in Norwegian
foreign policy: a conflict of interests between an outward-looking tendency and a more introverted,
isolationist impulse.
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About the Ministry
By Helge Blakkisrud
The extrovert perspective was based on the fact that Norway is surrounded by seas to the north, the west and the
south. Therefore, both its foreign and industrial policies have placed major emphasis on maritime interests – on fishing,
whaling, sealing and shipping – and later on petroleum activities too.Therein lay an impetus to make Norway "bigger"
and to develop a steadily more accepted idea that Norway belonged in the Atlantic sphere.
On the other hand, there was also an introverted and isolationist trend in Norway's foreign policy in the shape of a
deeply-rooted scepticism towards Norwegian participation in binding international co-operation. This urge for
isolationism reflected Norway's position as a peripheral nation, far removed from economic, cultural and power centres,
as well as the legacy from its period under Swedish and Danish rule, which led the Norwegians to reject anything which
smacked of foreign domination or "union".
From union to occupation
After 1905, the popular conception in Norway was that the country was not vulnerable from a military viewpoint.In
keeping with the prevailing isolationist tendency at the time, Norway strove to keep its distance from the grim realities
of big power politics. The country's defence and foreign policies were built around a basis of non-alliance in peace
combined with neutrality in war. At the same time, Britain was seen as a guarantor of Norwegian independence. This
bond with Britain was of an implicit nature. It did not harmonize well with the official doctrine of non-alignment and
neutrality, but provided an alternative strategy to fall back on.
During WWI Norway attempted to maintain an impartial policy of neutrality. But its interests as a leading shipping nation
put this policy to a hard test. In practice Norway became in the end a "neutral ally" of the Entente Powers. .When it
came to choosing sides, this rapprochement to the western powers was not only a reflection of realpolitik , but also of
Norway's preferences – both ideological and economic.
Expansion and collective security in the interwar years
In Norway, as in Europe otherwise, the interwar years were marked by social and economic conflict and political
fragmentation. The liberal state and the parliamentary system faced challenges from the political left, which was inspired
by the Soviet model of society and a political right characterized by nationalist and isolationist tendencies.
Despite the political fragmentation, there was nevertheless considerable support for the goal of making Norway "bigger"
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Norwegian foreign policy in the 20th century - regjeringen.no
in a world context. In 1920, following a Norwegian initiative, an international treaty was negotiated which gave Norway
sovereignty over Svalbard, an area covering 62,400 km2, which corresponds to one fifth of the area of mainland
Norway. Another consequence of the policy of expansion was Norway's annexation of parts of the Antarctic: Bouvet
Island (1928), Peter I Island (1931) and Queen Maud Land (1939). An attempt to annex East Greenland ended however
in a humiliating defeat at the Hague Tribunal in 1933.
Norway also actively supported to the setting up of structures to provide collective security. The establishment of the
League of Nations in 1920 was regarded as a historical watershed. One special aspect of Norway's involvement in the
League of Nations was Fridtjof Nansen's humanitarian aid to prisoners of war, refugees and others in need of help.
Through his personal involvement Fridtjof Nansen contributed towards creating a Norwegian tradition of international aid
and assistance in emergencies. However, during the 1930s this collective system gradually broke down. Fearing that
Norway might unwillingly be drawn into a conflict between the major powers, the national assembly, the Storting,
pursued a foreign policy which in practice implied a return to a strict policy of neutrality and isolation.
Norway during WWII – occupation and a re-orientation in foreign policy
When WWII broke out in 1939, the Norwegian government was determined to uphold its policy of neutrality. But this
dream collapsed on the night of 9 April 1940 when the Germans invaded Norway. After two months of fighting, a totally
unprepared and militarily weak Norway had to concede defeat. King Haakon VII and the Norwegian government fled to
Britain and continued the war against Germany on the side of the allies. Norway's main contribution to the continued
war effort was its large merchant fleet under control of the Norwegian government in London. This fleet was of great
importance in maintaining supply lines, but about half of the tonnage was lost in the course of the war years.
These wartime experiences led Norway's London based government to re-orientate its foreign policy towards increased
military co-operation with Great Britain and the United States. In the later stages of the war the concept of Atlantic cooperation was nevertheless overshadowed by the task of building up a new world organization. At the same time it
became important for Norway to establish friendly relations with the Soviet Union, which now emerged as a powerful
actor on the international scene, not least in Norway's neighbouring regions (Soviet troops had moreover begun the
liberation of North Norway).
Norway during the Cold War
After WWII Norway continued its strong support of collective solutions, primarily the newly-established UN. Norway's
ties to this organization were further strengthened through the choice of the Norwegian Trygve Lie as the UN's first
secretary general (1946-53). For a period Norway also sought out the role of bridge-builder, but gave up this attempt as
relations between east and west cooled. In 1947-48, influenced by the intensification of the Cold War, the issue of a
closer tie to the western powers was again raised. In 1947 Norway resolved to participate in the Marshall Plan. After an
attempt to establish a Scandinavian defence alliance foundered around 1948-49, Norway decided to join the Atlantic
Treaty.
Norwegian NATO membership
Membership in NATO was a crossroads in Norwegian history, but also a formalisation and strengthening of its ties with
the western powers. The most striking aspect of Norwegian NATO policy during the Cold War was conflicting interests
between integration and shielding. On the one hand the Norwegian authorities were strongly Atlantic-orientated. On the
other hand they attempted to maintain a certain distance by shielding themselves against some of the implications of
NATO co-operation.
Two aspects of integration in the western bloc should be given special attention. On the one hand the USA now became
Norway's prime point of reference. NATO virtually became a collective framework for a bilateral American guarantee.
Furthermore, military integration was stepped-up considerably within the framework of NATO co-operation and Norway
received considerable support through American weapons aid and NATO's infrastructure programme.
On the other hand Norway appeared to be an ally with reservations. The idea was that a détente in the north would help
to slow down the arms race between the great powers. The policy of shielding was primarily expressed through the selfimposed limitations of NATO membership.
Norway would not open bases for allied forces on Norwegian soil as long as the country was neither attacked nor under
threat of attack.
Norwegian authorities did not permit the deployment of nuclear weapons on Nor-wegian territory.
Allied aircraft and naval vessels were not to be granted access to areas east of longi tude 24 degrees east and allied
army forces were not permitted to carry out military exercises in Finnmark.
Nordic and European co-operation
During the Cold War the foreign policy agenda was dominated by defence and security issues. Nevertheless, there were
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also important developments in other spheres of Norwegian foreign policy, among other things the issues of Nordic and
European co-operation.
Despite the fact that the Nordic countries had chosen different security policy paths, the Nordic countries joined together
in forming the Nordic Council in 1952. This political co-operation led to a comprehensive harmonisation which included
the introduction of a Nordic passport union, a common labour market and an integrated policy for air traffic. The entry of
the Nordic countries into the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) in 1961, was a powerful stimulus to Nordic trade.
Despite a number of setbacks, Nordic co-operation can be characterised as a unique international integration project.
Around 1960, the question of Norwegian membership in the European Comminity (EC) was also put on the agenda.
Traditionally, Norway, like Britain, had kept its distance from a cooperative project dominated by the Continental
countries. The reason why Norway sought membership in 1962 and again in 1967 was partly that the EC was
undergoing a revitalization process but also because Britain and Denmark had started to consider membership. In 1972
the Norwegian government recommended that Norway join the EU. However, in an advisory referendum the same
autumn, the nation rejected the government's proposal by a slim majority (53.5%). After this, Norway's relationship
with the EC was maintained through a bilateral trade agreement while Norway continued its co-operation with the
remaining members of EFTA.
Resource management and energy issues
Another important matter for Norway concerned the management of the natural resources on the continental shelf and
in the oceans. The implementation of 200-mile economic zones in the 1970s marked a new high point in the interstate
race to control the major ocean areas. Norway, a coastal state, thus secured for itself jurisdiction over waters which in
extent totalled a good 2,000 000 km2 – five times more than the total area of mainland Norway. This process of drawing
up boundaries at sea was relatively unproblematic. The exception was the Soviet-Norwegian delimitation line in the
north with a contested stretch of ocean of about 175, 000 km2. In 1978 the Norwegian and Soviet authorities signed the
so-called grey zone agreement which regulates fishing in the southern part of the contested waters. Until the issue is
solved this agreement is still valid.
The implementation of the 200-mile economic zone gave Norway control over substantial resources of oil and gas. The
oil adventure, as it was called, rapidly and in some cases drastically altered Norwegian society through a marked
increase in prosperity. At the same time, the oil and gas reserves posed new challenges for the country's foreign policy.
One of the issues raised was the position Norway was to take in relation to other oil-producing countries (OPEC) and to
the International Energy Agency (IEA). While OPEC membership was not even considered, Norway signed a special
agreement with the IEA in 1975. Another question concerned gas exports. In the 1980s the question of who should
supply Western Europe with gas became an issue in the Cold War. However, Norway largely succeeded in staying
outside this conflict.
Norway's international position after the Cold War
The end of the Cold War and new global development trends and challenges meant that Norwegian foreign policy in the
1990s was marked by several new trends, but also many traditional ones.
Regional cooperation in the Nordic countries and the northern regions
During the last decade the Nordic Council has been an important forum for Nordic cooperation. Since Sweden and
Finland became EU members in 1995 (Denmark was already a member) this co-operation has changed character. The
expansion of the EU and the fact that the Baltic Sea region is developing into an important power sector in Northern
Europe has implied a shift of political power from west to east in the Nordic region.
There is nevertheless a broad consensus that Nordic co-operation must continue. As a result of the changes in Europe,
co-operation in recent years has focused increasingly on security and stability in the areas adjacent to the Nordic
countries – in Russia and the Baltic Sea region and on European security policy problems and co-operation in general.
The most important Norwegian initiative in the field of regional co-operation is the so-called Barents Co-operation which
was set up between the five Nordic countries, Russia and the EU Commission in 1993. This co-operation takes place on
two levels, in the Euro-Arctic Council where the chairmanship rotates between Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia and
in the Regional Council, which consists of representatives for the individual counties in the Barents Sea region and one
representative for the indigenous poulation. The reason for this strong regional basis is that co-operation is to develop in
accordance with regional conditions. Furthermore, since 1992 Norway has been a member of the Baltic Sea Council
which in addition to Norway embraces all the countries around the Baltic, as well as Iceland and the EU Commission.
The question of European integration
In the 1980s the EU underwent a process of vitalisation which resulted in among other things to the decision to establish
an internal market. With the changes of regime in Eastern Europe and the re-unification of Germany in 1989-90, the
integration process was given an extra push. The changed framework conditions inevitably led to fresh interest in the
question of Norwegian participation in the European integration process.
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In order to meet the challenge involved in the introduction of the internal market, Norway and the other EFTA members
(except Switzerland) reached an agreement with the EU in 1992 on the establishment of the European Economic Area
(EEA). Through this agreement a number of important principles enshrined in the EU treaty were made applicable to the
EEA area in its entirety. This applied especially to the requirements concerning the internal market, i.e. the body of rules
governing the free exchange of goods and the free movement of persons, capital and services. In November 1992 the
Norwegian government decided to take another step forward. Once again the government applied for Norwegian
membership of the EU: once again the Norwegian people said "no". In a referendum held in November 1994, 52.2% of
the votes cast were against Norwegian membership of the EU. After this Norway again fell back on the EEA agreement.
The EU's gradual implementation of the economic and monetary union and the introduction of the euro in 1999 gave
European integration a more binding character. Today the EU stands as a central European forum for cooperation and
plans for a further expansion of the Union to include Central and Eastern Europe will further strengthen this
development. At the same time Norway is becoming increasingly dependent on trade with the EU. Today, more than
75% of Norwegian exports go to the EU countries. The EFTA pillar within the EEA is, however, both shaky and fragile
after EFTA shrunk in 1995 to embrace only three small countries, Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. EFTA's, and
thereby Norway's possibility of influencing EU developments is slight.
The EU members' common foreign and security policy, (CFSP) and co-operation on legal and police matters is not
covered by the terms of the EEA agreement. Norway's potential to influence developments is therefore relatively limited.
In connection with the Schengen co-operation Norway has admittedly negotiated an agreement. In other sectors Norway
attempts to safeguard its interests through an ongoing exchange of information and presentation of its viewpoints and
interests through various channels of contact with the EU. An active bilateral diplomacy towards the individual EU
countries is also important this context.
Other European co-operation structures: OSCE
Since Norway stands outside the EU, it has been interested in promoting other European organs of co-operation in which
it has full membership, first and foremost the OSCE. The Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was
established in the 1970s as a forum for dialogue and co-operation across the east-west divide. In the 1990s it shed this
designation, changing its name to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 1995.
Norway has made an active contribution to building up this "new" organisation, not least during its period of OSCE
chairmanship in 1999. The organisation's focus on human rights, the principles of the constitutional state and democratic
rules have harmonized well with Norwegian foreign policy at the close of the 20th century. Norway has also given its
support to the OSCE's conflict-prevention operations and the development of crisis handling capacity.
The OSCE's attempt to become a central arena for the formulation of a new European security architecture after the Cold
War appealed to the EU sceptics in Norway. Despite broad agreement that the OSCE must play a central role in
developing new patterns of co-operation, it gradually became clear that other organisations would be more important in
the context of safeguarding security on the European Continent. The Norwegian authorities have therefore given priority
to establishing a sensible division of tasks between the OSCE, the UN and other regional and transatlantic organizations.
The NATO co-operation and WEU/EU
NATO has retained its position as a cornerstone of Norwegian security policy. While there is now far less military focus
on the northern flank, Norway has drawn attention to the need for continued, strong transatlantic bonds and an allied
commitment in the North. At the same time, most of Norway's self-imposed limitations are still in place. An exception is
the special restrictions on military exercises in Finnmark which proved to be an obstacle to foreign visits and to military
co-operation in the north both with allies and with Russia and other forces from the Partnership for Peace (PfP)
countries. Starting in the autumn of 1995, the rules concerning military activity in Finnmark were relaxed.
In the wake of the Cold War NATO has sought the role of bridge-builder in Europe. The goal has been to strengthen
European security and stability without undermining NATO's main capacities. The Norwegian authorities have given their
support to further development of the organisation's relations with Central and East European countries. This has been
achieved both through the establishment of the Euro Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC, previously NACC) and
Partnership for Peace (PfP). Increased NATO involvement in peace operations in Europe has alsi been welcomed. In this
respect Norway has contributed sizeable contingents to NATO's peace-keeping forces in Bosnia (IFOR/SFOR) and Kosovo
(KFOR).
European integration has led to a stronger focus on NATO's European pillar. During the 1990s, the initiative was taken to
develop a special European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI). In 1992 Norway became an associate member of the
Western European Union (WEU) and has supported a continuation of the process of strengthening European security and
its crisis-handling capabilities. The goal is to develop European capability with respect to intervening in situations where
NATO finds it unnecessary to become involved. At the same time, the Norwegian authorities are aware of the danger of
becoming marginalized as the WEU is gradually integrated into the EU. Norwegian interests are therefore best served
through close co-operation between NATO and the EU whereby the European crisis-handling capacity is part of a
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common transatlanticapproach as well as special co-operation agreements between EU and the NATO countries that are
not EU members. For constitutional and political reasons, agreements of this kind will be necessary in order to facilitate
Norwegian participation in EU operations.
Global co-operation within the UN
Changes of régime in Eastern Europe in the early 1990s also provided the impetus for a new thrust within global cooperation. In the light of the increasing number of common tasks facing the world community, the Norwegian authorities
consider the development of co-operation within the UN system to be of paramount importance. Norway has therefore
put major emphasis on intensifying the UN's peacemaking activities through the development of new mechanisms for
conflict solving and preventive diplomacy and through expanding the use of peacekeeping operations. For many years
Norway has provided significant contingents to the UN's peacekeeping operations. More than 55,000 Norwegians have
served in UN units since 1947.
Another area of priority for Norway has been to contribute towards institutional reform within the UN system with a view
to increasing the organization's efficiency and relevance to the tasks at hand. Norway has also put great emphasis on
the work of strengthening the UN's binding co-operation on North-South problems and building up the organization's
apparatus for providing emergency relief. Last but not least come Norway's efforts within the framework of the UN's
work on global resource and ecology problems. The Norwegian prime minister Gro Harlem Brundtland headed the UN
World Commission for the Environment and Development 1983-87, which in turn led to the UN Conference on the
Environment and Development in Rio in 1992. The Norwegian government has been specially interested in establishing
more binding international co-operation on environmental issues.
International economic co-operation
In the field of international economic co-operation the Norwegian government has actively backed the establishment of
an international trading régime based on a set of rules. As a small country with significant export interests Norway has
worked for a more open world trade within the framework of a multilateral body of rules. This applies not only to trade
but also to the carriage of goods. Norway is one of the world's leading shipping nations. But the Norwegian fleet is
mainly engaged in trade between third countries and is thus dependent upon free access to foreign markets.
The Norwegian authorities play an active part in international economic fora for co-operation such as the OECD and the
World Trade Organization (WTO). Membership in the OECD has assumed increasing importance on account of the
organisation’s role as a source of important background material for the formulation of Norwegian policies. The WTO
administers the central multilateral body of rules for international trade. Its work for the continued dismantling of
customs and non-tariff barriers is of great importance to Norway since it can contribute towards a more open and
predictable system of trade.
Development aid and human rights
Parallel to the ongoing work of creating a more just world trade, Norway has tried to contribute towards evening out
some of the inequalities of the present system through an active policy of development aid. In an international context it
has distinguished itself through its considerable contributions to development and relief aid. Norway is one of the major
contributors to the United Nations Development Programme. (UNDP), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the
United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and international aid for refugees. Furthermore, Norway has worked through
other national and international organisations and through bilateral aid to selected main co-operation countries (12 in
all, mostly African).
The goal of Norwegian development aid has been to contribute towards making lasting improvements in the economic,
social and political conditions of developing countries. Another constant goal has been to promote basic social and
economic human rights. The work of improving international protection of the individual and the rights of vulnerable
groups (including refugees) has been of major importance. At the end of the 1990s, the establishment of democracy and
support for peace processes has assumed an increasingly central position.
Bilateral co-operation
Bilateral relations are of decisive importance for the achievement of the main goals of Norwegian foreign policy. For
Norway, which in many ways is on the fringes of the European integration process, it is important to make the EU aware
of Norwegian interests and viewpoints through contacts with the individual member countries, not least the Nordic ones.
Likewise, bilateral relations with the USA will continue to play a central role for Norwegian security policy. Norway's
relationship with neighbouring Russia must also be given special attention, not least in connection with environmental
issues and the management of marine resources. Norway maintains close contacts with these countries on all levels.
Within the sphere of bilateral engagements Norway's contribution as an international peace mediator in various internal
conflicts should be mentioned. By means of the so-called Oslo channel, Norway assisted Israel and the PLO in secret
negotiations that led up to the Oslo Agreement (1993) and subsequent mutual recognition. In connection with the
conflicts in Guatemala and Sri Lanka Norway has also acted as a mediator in peace talks.
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Norwegian foreign policy at the close of the 20th century
At the beginning of this article it was said that Norwegian foreign policy has through long periods of the 20th century
been marked by a contrast between an outward- facing and a more isolationist line. Despite the fact that Norway has so
far opted to remain outside those sectors of the European integration process that demand a binding commitment,
developments have in many ways outpaced this isolationist trend. Norway can no longer be self-sufficient. Therefore, at
the gateway to a new century, the main divide in Norwegian foreign policy no longer runs between an outward and an
inward facing policy but in finding a balance between security and humanitarian involvement.
On the one side is the traditional view of security as linked to the transatlantic dimension, NATO co-operation and a
gradual approach to the EU. On the other side is the so-called policy of engagement linked to the conception of Norway
as a world humanitarian power. Here moral aspects are of greater importance than power policies and national interests
are subordinate to the work of promoting human rights, building up democracy and development and the environment.
The rapid and major changes taking place in the international arena make increasing demands on flexibility in the use of
the resources that Norway employs in its foreign policy. The conflict between realism and idealism as a leading aspect of
Norwegian foreign policy is therefore expected to dominate debate on foreign policy priorities in the years to come.
Helge Blakkisrud is Head of the Centre for Russian Studies at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).
UDA116ENG
Produced by Nytt fra Norge for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs May 2000. The author is responsible for the contents of the
article. Reproduction permitted.
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E-mail: Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Phone: 22 24 36 00 Fax: 22 24 95 80/81
Address: 7. juni-plassen/ Victoria Terrasse. PB 8114 Dep. N-0032 Oslo
Editor: Anne Lene Dale Sandsten Web-editor: Johan T. Jensen
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