The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
From food security to development in the Sahel region
V. Tarchiani, A. Di Vecchia, L. Genesio and V. Sorbi
Istituto di Biometeorologia - CNR, Florence, Italy
[email protected]
Introduction
The Sahel has been always considered a homogeneous region in an environmental and climatic
perspective as well as from the agricultural-productive and the economic point of view. Today this
statement, that portrayed the Sahelian rural system during the ‘80s, hides the deep contradictions and
un-homogeneities resulting from the policy differences arisen among countries in the last 20 years and
driving to a divergence of territorial configuration. In the past, the lack of major natural resources and
the difficulty of access to maritime commercial circuits (except from Senegal) caused a development
mainly based on the land and the manpower ensured by demographic growth. Actually, studies,
methodologies and evidences show that new and interesting dynamics have been started appearing in
the Sahel. According to these analyses, the Sahel productive system is more complex than it has been
traditionally considered as new crops and emerging sources of income are demonstrating. Moreover,
they show that new phenomena are deeply changing the socio-economic context. Considering the
region is no more homogeneous in terms of potentials, population distribution and productive systems,
the interpretation of new emerging driving forces for food insecurity and vulnerability needs a more
holistic approach. In fact, the Sahel has been interested by new phenomena such as the exponential
demographic growth, which increasing the anthropic pressure over natural resources fosters rural
population to migrate toward urban poles or more developed regions. Moreover, the rural system is
experiencing deep changes at administrative (landed estate), institutional (rural codes), biophysical
(land degradation) levels. At macro scale, such changes have not been deeply considered by
development models, which often remain anchored to the traditional vision of the Sahel based on
subsistence economy. At micro scale, research is still working mostly on traditional systems, which
seem to best represent the village economy. However, at meso and macro scales, these changes are
deeply influencing food security, development and crisis.
Nowadays, the Sahel region plays a very important role for the implementation of medium term
stability policies in West African Region (WAR). In fact, considering a stable economic recover in
Guinea gulf countries will not arise rapidly, the Sahel has started been involving in search of those
sustainable development pathways able to conjugate economic development and increasing human
pressure.
The food security model
Subsequently to the big crisis in the ’70s and in the ‘80s, the Sahel has been portrayed with a model
based on the precarious equilibrium of natural resources management for food security. This model
was developed on the characteristics that the Sahelian system showed in such dramatic period. Until the
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
beginning of ‘80s, the Sahel has mainly been a rural system, where urban population amounted to less
than 10%. This rural system, already quite homogenous before the great dryness of 1972-74, was
forced by food crisis to develop strategies aiming at the household food self-sufficiency and based on
the risk minimization concept. For a long time, this cultural approach has slowed down the rural system
development because it restrained productive investments, implying a wide simplification of regional
economy. In this sense, for example, migrations coming from this area are not only liked to social
contrasts or political instability but they are determined also by the scarce capability of the system to
satisfy the population’s socio-economic needs and expectations. The mobility was the principal coping
strategy of Sahelian populations whose survival was related to the availability of natural resources.
Food crises due to drought have consolidated the vision of an autarchic model of development both at
national and international aid policies level. This vision, based on the peasant strategy of "risks
minimization" to reach food security, has strongly influenced the development policies in the region. In
fact since ‘70s and ‘80s, polices focused mainly on food security, considering it the minimum common
objective in the development pathway. But, the consolidation of a policy model centred on the selfsufficiency and non-permeable to market dynamics finally carried towards the creation of crises
management systems, which had as priority the capacity to overcome possible catastrophes rather than
to prevent them.
Based on this model regional organizations such as CILSS and the Sahel and West Africa Club
elaborated a stereotyped idea of paysan fully devoted to the cereal culture, simplifying regional
strategies for food security. Far from it, changes in rural economy have slowly developed thanks to the
impact of new phenomena that have emerged in the last ten years.
For decades the cereal balance, intended as the ratio between the cereal production and the pro-capita
demand, has been considered the basis of food security in the Sahel. In 2001, cash crops and breeding
(small ruminants) have been introduced for the first time in the vulnerability analysis at regional scale
(Di Vecchia et al., 2001) being considered important contributors to household economy. Only recently
CILSS and the international community have recognized the cereals balance of the region is not the
only indicator and driving force of food crises. Therefore other components have been officially
accepted as contributors to food security such as cash crops and other agro-pastoral productions (Sahel
and West Africa Club, 2005).
Recent complex crises
The study of food security in the region (Vignaroli et al., 2006) shows that in the ’70-80s food crisis
came principally from agricultural crisis, but last years’ crisis, for example Niger in 2005 and Burkina
Faso in 2001, demonstrated that other phenomena are today as important as, if even no more,
agricultural ones. Thereafter the traditional model of food security has showed to be no more able to
represent correctly the Sahelian system and consequently to prevent food crises. In fact, since 2000,
nevertheless harvests remained quite good the risk of food crisis appeared many times. It has been
driven by multiple phenomena pointing out the incapacity of the Sahel system to face a growing
anthropic pressure.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
During the 2000-01 season, in Burkina Faso a paradoxical situation occurred. Nevertheless the year
resulted near to the average; at the beginning of 2001 the Government announced an emergency
condition that could bring more than 1 million of people in a food crisis (FEWS NET, 2001). The
strangeness was that the alarm was launched after a first food balance lightly in deficit that the
Government was absolutely able to fill with cereal stocks and regional trades. Therefore, Burkina
Government didn’t fear biophysical phenomena rather the worsening, in the autumn 2000, of Ivory
Coast crisis where millions of Burkinabés were living or seasonally migrated.
Analogue situations occurred in Niger after the return of migrants from Libya, and in Chad where local
populations have known the destabilisation of their system without taking benefit from international aid
because of the critical dimension lived by Darfur refugees. Also in this case, local Authorities
attempted to settle the problem choosing to cut crop production forecasts rather than letting emerge
non-biophysical phenomena.
Niger emergency in 2005 has been probably the most complex food crises that affected the region.
Besides de concurrence of different factors, its deep causes have to be founded in the incapacity of the
regional cereal trading system to supply the demand and to move goods with the same efficacy that in
‘90s. For this region it has been called a “Free market famine” (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). Table 1
simplify the cause-effect relationships of this crisis.
Tab. 1 – Niger crisis in 2005: causes, impacts and effects
As showed, Niger crisis cannot be listed as a classical food crisis caused by biophysical factors,
because in this case exogenous factors resulted more decisive than endogenous ones. Previous crop
season, despite localised negative events, had been almost normal in Niger and 2005 foreshadowed
itself as a good year for Niger as well as for the whole Sahel. The breaking factor was the failed
response of regional trades system to the structural Niger deficit, which caused the rising of cereal price
(Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). This dynamic was also encouraged by media pressure (FEWSNET,
2005; GIEWS, 2005). This situation, triggering a further deterioration of trade terms, exasperates the
already high vulnerability of agro-pastoral population.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
These recent crises highlight the relevance that non-biophysical factors are acquiring in the food
security context, showing also that new dynamics interesting the region make more and more unable
traditional approaches of vulnerability representation.
Rural productive structure
One of the most important aspects of the traditional farming systems is their extensive nature in terms
of utilised techniques and crop extent. The current situation shows the duality between the saturation
point reached in terms of space and the changeover into an intensive system. So, in most farming
systems marginal lands tend to be brought under crop and a downward trend in yields is recorded. In
addition, in pastoral production systems, there is an upward trend in livestock number in contrast with
the grazing areas reduction. This situation brings to resources degradation and yield falling until the
pressure reach the saturation level. Starting from this point the intensification becomes the only chance
to sustain productions. Most densely populated rural areas (Maradi in Niger, as an example) show the
onset of intensive and integrated farming system in the Sahel.
Besides the general belief that Sahel is undifferentiated millet field or an endless brush land, many
local exceptions exist in rural production systems. Forestry is an important sector that is contributing
with several products to household’s revenue and food security. Another example is the fishing sector
that has developed all along Atlantic coasts and main rivers and lakes. Handicraft and commerce have
been becoming the most important activities in small centres and also the mining sector (gold, salt,
natron) absorbs a part of the rural manpower.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
Fig. 1 - Sahel and Niger rural production systems
Sources: Di Vecchia et al. 2001; Pini and Tarchiani, 2004
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
Those examples of diversification far from being equally represented on the region are an indicator of
the rural system transformation. In fact the rural system is experiencing deep changes at many levels.
At the institutional level the introduction of rural codes allows the property of lands and stimulates the
creation of orchards and small agro-enterprises for commercial productions. This is possible principally
where the development of urban system is supporting the birth of a new model of landowner disposing
of financial resources to be invested in commercial activities and in agro-enterprises (souchet, sesame,
etc.).
At the social level we are assisting to the transfer of livestock property from pastors to traders and
functionaries as a consequence of the market drop during drought years. Also the land property is
passing from communities to urban landowners.
The biophysical level is the most well known, by the deterioration of natural resources in terms of
quality and interested surfaces arisen by an excessive and unfit exploitation.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
Fig. 2 – Regional territorial potentialities
Agriculture
(rainfed)
Forestry
But, many studies evidence that besides classical agropastoral productions; other resources represent important
potentials for the regional economic development. For
example, the study of forestry sector proves that forestry
results useful not only for limiting desertification but
also for economic development. A study realised in
collaboration with the AGRHYMET Regional Center
showed in 2005 that in some areas forest potential
productions and ecological goods, also considering the
potentials set up by the Kyoto protocol, could almost be
economically important as cereal productions
(Ouedraogo and Tarchiani, 2005). As a consequence,
they are extremely important not only for crisis
prevention8, as generally recognised, but above all for
economic development.
In the past, alternative territorial potentialities have not
been often considered in development policies. The
Keita Project in Niger is a concrete example of an
environmental development intervention that has not
invested enough in environmental services. The AderDoutchi-Maggia Rural Development Programme is
operating since 1984 in the Keita Department.
Interventions against soil degradation concerned the
Breeding
reclamation of more than 30.000 ha and the plantation of
about 20 millions of trees. However, following a
traditional approach the ecological goods and the
potential additional sources of income that could assure
the intervention sustainability have not been fully
considered. For example, just a part of such trees are
gummifer acacias (their % augmented only in last years).
That means the intervention to combat desertification
has not been integrated in a more complex and holistic
vision of the development issue.
This example shows that conceptual limits and
Source IBIMET-CNR
inadequacy of development policies often inhibits the
complete exploitation of regional development potentials.
Furthermore, development potentialities related to natural resources have been often underestimated.
Today it is clear that dramatic scenarios portrayed during the ‘80s, for example FAO (1982), result very
pessimistic. Not only the climatic impact on environment has been probably overestimated, but also the
capacity of population in land management has been underestimated. Many experiences show that,
8
Non-timber forest products are often used by population as crisis food. The consumption of wild food is used as an
indicator of current vulnerability by Early Warning Systems in Niger and Mali.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
where human pressure becomes particularly strong, population introduce land conservation
mechanisms dramatically reducing land degradation.
Regional population and economic dynamics
Until the end of the 19th century, demographic growth in WAR stagnated, but the population has
started growing since 1930 when was about 40 million, passing from 78 million in 1960 to about 260
million in 2005 (World Bank, 2005; National Institute of Demographic Studies).
The population dynamics of WAR will have migratory consequences with significant impact over the
next few decades on African societies as well as developed countries. Growth rate of Sub Saharan
African population shows that in 2010 about 150 million people will have an age inducing them to
emigrate as possible alternative in order to ameliorate their condition of life.
Historically, the WAR demographic increase is related to a population redistribution, which basically
has moved from the Sahelian zones to the coastal ones (regional mobility). Compared to Northern
savannas, coastal forest zones have generally known a faster demographic increase, as in these areas
the introduction of cash crops (coffee, cacao, etc.) has strongly contributed to the peopling and urban
development of the coastal zone (BAD-OCDE, 1992).
Today, the Sub Saharan emigration shows new characteristics compared to the emigration in 70s or
80s. This one was strongly influenced by privileged relations with traditional European countries of
reference – the ex mother countries as the France, United Kingdom, Portugal and Belgium – and by
familiar and social receiving nets. Nowadays, migratory dynamics depend less and less on preestablished terms of references and on historical colonial receiving countries: they express themselves
without following linear routes and familiar strategies, approaching in Mediterranean countries
traditionally unrelated to emigration and settlement of consistent ethnic African groups.
That’s why the Mediterranean basin has become a very important migration transit area, as well as the
Sahel, which represents an important migration basin, both in entrance and exit (emigration and
immigration flows). These characteristics let converge main continental migratory flows towards the
Sahel from which they are moved through Tran Saharan tracks or maritime routes.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
Fig. 3 - African migration routes
The study of this phenomenon is
actually a priority for the region,
because it is still largely unknown,
thus its interpretation is often
contradictory. For example, the
World Food Programme (WFP)
uses it as a vulnerability reduction
indicator, while other approaches
consider it as an instability
indicator. Migration points out
also the problems concerning the
analysis scale. In fact this
phenomenon, if studied at micro
scale, is difficultly detectable.
Consequently, research, operating
at local level (micro scale), has
essentially undervalued it and,
above all, its signification in terms
of development.
Image source IBIMET-CNR)
The intra regional movements from rural to urban area - the so-called urbanization process - have no
previous in region (Lovisolo F. e Vitale S., 2006). The urban population is multiplied for nine between
1960 and 2002, passing in average from 15% to 45% of the total population, a growth that between a
generation could be attested around to 60% of the total population. The equivalent evolution in Western
Europe took a century and a half (BAD-OCDE, 1992).
Urban centres have attracted a big part of regional population. The rate of total population residing in
agglomerations with more 5,000 inhabitants has passed from an average of 15% in 1960, to 44% in
1990 and has presented an annual average increasing rate equal 6.5%, versus 1.5% of the rural
Image Source (OECD and ECOWAS, 2005)
population (BAD-OCDE, 1992).
Generally, the Sahel has been
characterized by huge national
inequalities relating to urbanization
rate that, in 1960, was lower than
10% in the Gambia, Mali, Niger and
Chad, and about equal 30% in the
Senegal. In 1990, the same rates
swung from less than 20% in the
Niger and Gambia to just more than
50% in Nigeria. Nevertheless in the
last years, main economic centres
and politic capitals have been
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
developing in terms of population and urban expansion (Balbo M., 2006).
This urban transformation changed towns from Tab. 2 - The growth in the mobile telephone
administrative to economic poles, which are pulling sector is greater in West Africa than other
part of the countries economy. Moreover, this model parts of the world.
has become functional to urban growth and
development, as the establishment of small business Fixed line and mobile phone subscribers (per
1,000 people)
and new needs - such mobile phone – are pushing
Countries
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
rate
more and more the population to found its income Burkina Faso
7
12
15
24
37
52%
source in the urban economy rather than in the rural Chad
2
4
5
8
14
63%
one. The development of urban systems is causing also Mali
4
8
9
24
36
73%
changes in its rural neighbouring area (in the Dakar Mauritania
13
50
99 135
.. 116%
case over 100 km).
2
2
3
8
13
60%
Niger
In fact, the development of urban system and the
complexity of the regional economy dynamic are
supporting the birth of a new model of land-owner
able to invest, and to buy land, as showed by the
introduction of non-traditional cash-crops, such as
Acacia seyal plantations in Niger and agricultural
producers association in the Fatick region in Senegal.
Senegal
44
51
63
72
..
18%
Internet users (per 1,000 people)
Countries
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
rate
Burkina Faso
1
2
2
4
4
41%
Chad
0
0
2
3
6
395%
Mali
1
2
2
3
4
41%
Mauritania
2
3
4
4
5
26%
Niger
0
1
1
1
2
276%
Senegal
4
9
10
20
42
80%
Source: World Development Indicators database
International Telecommunication Union, World Telecommunication
Development Report and database, and World Bank estimates.
This process, enabling the innovation and the
intensification of agricultural productions, could
generate, in the medium term, the naissance of a new
social category of without land workers. The
acceleration of agricultural development enabled by this transformation entail significant risks such as
the impact of migratory phenomena due to the never-ending increase of demographic growth in rural
environment. Those processes are causing a deep revision of legislation in the domain of private
property, at the expense of the right of use of the resources of the territory.
Despite crises and conflicts, regional integration dynamics have been become increasingly irreversible,
mainly because the socio economic structural and dynamic diseases are prevailing over national
identity and historical divisions based on imported and imposed geopolitical, administrative and
linguistic systems by colonial powers.
The ECOWAS9, formally established in May 1975, is an agreement to open up the borders and markets
of sixteen West African counties. The treaty intended to ensure an adequate food supply in the region
ensuring economic liberalisation. But the removal of any national regulatory mechanism that would
ensure the stability of food prices and adequate distribution of food in the region has destabilized the
cereal markets, resulting in scarce availability and access to food. Moreover the cereal market has been
9
In French CEDEAO - Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
left in the hands of few big traders who fix market trends and prices (Egg et al, 1996). The Niger crisis
in 2005 shows how a deregulated cereal market can affect population food security.
A dynamic vulnerability context
Regional environmental and socio-economic dynamics are causing a rapid evolution of vulnerability
framework. Classical concept of vulnerability (as introduced in the ’90s by WFP10) is no more useful in
this context because it was related to only one phenomenon, food insecurity that was considered linked
to just one factor: rainfall.
Fig. 5 - Driving forces of vulnerability by scale
Top-down approach
Zone
Natural ressources availability,
production systems, infrastructures,
social factors, national and local policies
Shock
Biophysical,
Socioeconomical,
geopolitical
Vulnerability at
Macro scale
Groups
Social and professional factors – access
to ressources - Local policies
Vulnerability
at Meso scale
Household
Social and cultural factors – amount and
sources of revenus – Access to
ressources – Life and risk reduction
strategies
Vulnerability
at Micro scale
Person
Health status, age, sex, lifestyle
Bottom-up approach
Source: IBIMET-CNR
Many studies show that
vulnerability-driving
forces are not only
climatic-environmental
but above all socioeconomic.
The
vulnerability of a group
or zone to a specific
phenomenon (drought,
civil war, economic
shocks,
etc.)
will
proceed from the group
coping capacities and the
dynamics
that
are
affecting the group.
Vulnerability assessment
actually must answer to
the question: Who is
vulnerable and to which
phenomenon?
For all these reasons the vulnerability assessment approach needs the introduction of the dynamic
dimension allowing shifting the analysis from the present scenario to future forecasts, assuring the
identification of vulnerable zones and groups relating to dynamic factors such as population growth and
mobility. Particularly, the migration phenomena must be analysed on the long term in order to take into
account the changes in the distribution of age classes. A methodology considering the sensitivity of the
Sahelian system relating to its many different fragility and rigidity factors would allow identifying its
vulnerable areas in terms of development. Such a methodology has the main goal to describe the
Sahelian system, to intercept priority phenomena characterizing it and to generate complex but
significant indicators settling spatial and temporal dynamics.
10
According to World Food Programme institutional mandate, the vulnerability assessment aimed to identify each year
vulnerable groups needing food help, leaving food insecurity causes out of consideration.
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
Conclusions
The Sahel is experiencing radical changes in both productive and social structures. Thus, a renewed
research and reflection effort is needed because new phenomena become more and more important:
also a reinterpretation of production model following more representative criteria is required. In fact,
even if these phenomena are perceived, they are integrated very slowly in development policies.
Everything that lies outside the traditional model of development is still difficultly comprehensible by
policy makers and thereafter it is not included in policies. Thus, decision makers should realize that
many objectives exist and food security is just one of them. Policies should be more articulated
addressing different risks and fostering socio-economic development for which alternative territorial
potentialities should be considered as an indispensable part.
However, the fact that alternative territorial potentialities exist does not involve that traditional
agricultural system has not to be sustained. In fact, primary sector is still the base of Sahel economy. If
we consider village-based analysis, it is clear that in most of cases the production system remain
centred on rainfed crops. Hence the strengthening of their production is indispensable in order to ensure
population food security. But, even if traditional agricultural system is the basis for the food security,
by itself it is not able to ensure the regional economic development. In any case, the support to rainfed
cereals should be oriented both to smallholders in order to sustain food security and also to market
oriented crops for socio-economic development. The strengthening of smallholder productions is
necessary for food security but food security, even if prerequisite, is not sufficient for development, as
showed by the gap concerning Sahelian countries in term of the rate of undernourished population and
the human development indicators.
Fig. 6 - comparison of the rate of undernourished population and the hdi
BENIN
162
BURKINA FASO
175
CAPE VERDE
105
COTE D’IVOIRE
163
GAMBIA
GHANA
GUINEA
156
GUINEA BISSAU
172
MALI
174
NIGER
177
NIGERIA
158
SENEGAL
157
SIERRA LEONE
176
TOGO
143
CHAD
173
MAURITANIA
152
HDI 2003
1990
2000
Sub-Saharian Africa
36
33
155
Southern Africa
48
40
138
Central Africa
36
55
Western Africa
Sahel
21
25
16
24
Eastern Africa
46
40
(177 countries)
% undernourished population (FAO, 2005)
Effectiveness of policies for food security but not
for development?
Is there a problem?:
Data?
Interpretation?
In the 2005 SOFI report, the
FAO estimates that in 2000
the percentage of WA
undernourished population
corresponded to 16% (25%
for sahelian countries)
(FAO, 2005). In relation to
other African macro regions
it is sharply lower. By the
other hand the Human
Development Index (HDI)
and per capita income
evaluations set sahelian
countries at the last ten
places
(UNDP,
2005)
similar only to countries
affected by civil wars.
Meaning?
For
researchers
new
dynamics affecting the
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The 17th Danish Sahel Workshop 2006
Sahel open wide sectors of activities. But, as most of analysed dynamics are not detectable at micro
scale, the main question for researchers is: how to overlay micro scale data with macro scale
dynamics? Thereafter, the research should move from micro to meso and macro scale analysis because
such phenomena overcome the village level, which is no more the development model of reference.
In conclusion, a holistic approach combining productions, natural resources and development issues
into one coherent framework is absolutely needed.
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