Civil Disobedience: A Secular and Jewish View RUBEN SCHINDLER, D . S . W . Faculty, School of Social Work, Bar-llan HE traditional role of social work and that of the professional have been questioned in recent years. This may be due to the acceleration of social problems and our inability to cope effec tively with them. The liberating force which social work has sought to exem plify has fallen short of its goal. The plight of the poor, the irregularities that some members of our society face, the prob lems multiplying in our cities often bring responses of rather extreme magnitude by professionals and those caught in the web of crises. This paper will address itself to the subject of civil disobedience as a strategy for social change. It will examine this topic based on secular literature and Jewish biblical sources. A d o p t i n g a rather extreme form of protest based in past and present events can enable us to think more fully about the role of the profession in these troubled times. Civil disobedience refers to a person's refusal to obey a law which the person believes to be i m m o r a l as uncon s t i t u t i o n a l . It is called civil a n d not criminal disobedience since its pur pose is to inform and educate. It points to the contradictory and inconsistent ap plication of the law. A person's willing ness to accept his actions and conse quences is what makes it civil rather than criminal disobedience. Martin Luther King and Ghandi exemplified this kind of reasoning. T University, Ramat-Gan, Israel Civil disobedience has taken different forms and is ancient as civilization itself. It is to the works of Henry Thoreau that one turns for examination and analysis. He provides an example of how the pur suit ofjusdce supersedes that of the law. It was Thoreau who, in the mid-19th century, published a work of considera ble i m p o r t a n c e dealing with civil disobedience. The refusal to pay an un popular poll tax led to his arrest in 1846. His reasoning was not based on the prin ciple of individual conscience as the only basis of what should be politically jus tified, nor did it derive from any narrow legal question. It was rather a deep and strong protest against his government's involvement in the Mexican War, the un fair treatment of the Indians and the refusal to act on slavery in the South. Thoreau's actions are analogous to past protest, against the United States government's involvement in Vietnam. T h o u g h his protest was voiced in another century, it was against a war similarly considered unjust. 3 1 2 Witness the present Mexican War, the work o f comparatively a few individuals using the stand ing g o v e r n m e n t as their tool: for in the outset, the p e o p l e would not have consented to this measure. 4 This is an expression of protest against a government's action that is felt to be immoral. Thoreau was also deeply con cerned about the plight of the slaves in the South and his government's refusal 1 A b e F o r t a s , Concerning Dissent and Civil Disobedience. ( N e w York: T h e World Publishing C o m p a n y , 1968), Chapter 4. M o h a n d u s K. Ghandi, Non-Violent Resistance. ( N e w York: 1961), p. 3. 2 322 3 H e n r y D. T h o r e a u , "Civil Disobedience", in H u g o A d a m B e d a n , Civil Disobedience, (New York: Pegasus, 1969), p p . 27-50. *Ibid., p. 2 3 . J O U R N A L O F JEWISH C O M M U N A L SERVICE to act in freeing them from bondage. He feels that he must protest against the vio lation of human rights and that a means of doing so was his refusal to pay the poll tax and accept imprisonment. Civil disobedience has traditionally been an outcome of two differing views. One suggests reaction to a particular law which is felt to be inconsistent and un constitutional. It is in response to a law which favors one group and discrimi nates against another. It is in protest to what is clearly considered contradictory and immoral. The law itself is the subject of protest. Martin Luther King exem plifies this kind of protest when he asserts that many Negroes would disobey unjust laws which must be obeyed by the minor ity and not by the majority. In his letter from the Birmingham city jail, he wrote: not adhered to as a means of protest. Fortas notes that laws are violated in o r d e r to publicize a protest and to bring pressure o n the public or the g o v e r n m e n t to accomplish purposes which have n o t h i n g to d o with the law that is b r e a c h e d . 8 It is an indirect method to dramatize a cause, a policy that appears unjust, or legal decisions which are not considered in the public interest. Ghandi was an ex ponent of this kind of civil disobedience. He called for mass disobedience to oust a colonial power. Civil disobedience, as a potent and forceful strategy for change, is to be con sidered when all other options have been cut off, w h e n all means a n d methods have been used and no other alternatives are available. King makes this very point. He speaks of four basic An unjust law is a c o d e that is out of h a r m o n y steps in a non-violent campaign. Collec with the moral law ... an unjust law is a h u m a n tion of facts, negotiation, selflaw that is not rooted in external and natural purification, and direct action. Mili law ... Any law that degrades h u m a n personality tancy and violence are alien to the peace is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust be cause segregation distorts the soul and d a m a g e s ful method that is inextricably part of the personality. civil disobedience. It destroys the very source and potential for change that The Supreme Court ruling in Plessy peaceful a n d o r d e r l y protest can vs. Ferguson in 1896, approving sepa achieve. rate but equal facilities, making segrega The consequences of civil disobedi tion an established law, can hardly be ence should be clearly understood. It considered a law which is impartial. The carries with it certain responsibilities for effects of such laws have brought con those that participate in this strategy of tinuous conflict to cities in the United protest. Readiness to accept and obey the States, both North and South. And as the Kerner Report so well documents, it has decisions set down by the courts for vio also produced violence and a deep divi lation of the law is what makes it civil and sion in society. There is another form of not criminal disobedience. Thoreau ac civil disobedience which is not necessar cepts the decision of going to jail and by ily directed at a particular law. Laws are doing so, would hope to arouse the people's indignation against the unjust policies of the government. Ghandi notes that the person committing civil Martin Luther King Jr., "Letter from Birming disobedience, "must cheerfully suffer h a m City Jail" in H u g o A d a m B e d a n , Civil 9 5 6 7 5 Disobedience, op cit., p. 7. 8 Report of the National Advisory Commission o n Civil Disorders. (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1968), p. 214. Ibid., p. 226. 7 8 Fortas, op. cit., p. 5. 9 King, op cit., p . 7 3 . 323 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: A SECULAR-AND JEWISH VIEW imprisonment and show the strictest and willing obedience to discipline." The same point is underscored by King and others. King appealed when he was ar rested in Birmingham, claiming the First Amendment for the right to protest. This plea was not considered and he peacefully accepted the consequences. This strategy for protest affords drama tic opportunities for change and yet re tains the qualities of a civilized and human approach. It is advocacy in its highest form. 10 11 One can well raise the question as to what justifies an act of civil disobedience? Would such a strategy of protest not lead to anarchy? Perhaps, dissent is a more appropriate form than civil disobedi ence. More recently, this question was raised in relation to the war in Vietnam though one could certainly generalize this to include other significant issues. The majority of participants in the dis cussion felt that the act of disobedience is justified if "an intolerable" evil was committed. If certain groups are op pressed. If justice is misused, if the gov e r n m e n t wantonly p u r s u e s a policy which is clearly destructive. Chomsky questions whether majority rule should be considered sacrosanct. Perhaps, the lessons of history suggest otherwise. And he states, "no person of conscience can believe that authority must always be obeyed." Another writer justifies the act of civil disobedience when the gov ernment "condones actions which are in12 13 1 0 Ghandi, op. cit., p. 19. For a more thorough analysis in the various m e t h o d s o f civil disobedience and the legal rights o f the protester, note: Martin O p p e n h e i m e r and G e o r g e Lahey, A Manual for Direct Action. ( N e w York: Q u a d r a n g l e , 1965). A S y m p o s i u m , "On Civil Disobedience", The New York Times, March 27, 1971. Ibid., p. 27. 1 1 1 2 1 3 324 consistent with certain important values on which the society and political system is built." T h e r e has been sufficient criticism voiced among ghetto residents of the inconsistencies in the courts, in education, housing, job opportunities, which point to injustices committed by the majority. If the basic rights of oppor tunity and equal liberty are not adhered to, then justification of civil disobedience should not be questioned. Civil disobedience, as response to so cial injustice, has also emerged on the Israeli scene. The phenomena of the Black P a n t h e r s is a case in point. Whether civil disobedience is the "Jewish thing" to do in a Jewish state has been raised. A brief examination of Jewish sources relating to this issue provides di rection from those involved in social change. 14 15 Civil Disobedience In Jewish Sources Biblical history, especially as inter preted in the Rabbinic tradition, clearly affirms the Jewish right to protest. Noah was criticized by the rabbis because he was concerned only with his own survival and failed to call upon his contem poraries. Righteous protest is a biblical precept, c o m m a n d i n g , " T h o u shall surely rebuke thy neighbor and not bear sin because of him." The second-half of the verse emphasizes the obligatory nature of the Commandments. Civil disobedience, as a form of indi vidual protest, appears in our earliest Scriptures. The Book of Exodus pro vides us with a clear example of how two 16 1 4 1 5 Ibid., p. 28. J o h n Rowls, "The Justification o f Civil Dis o b e d i e n c e " , in H u g o A d a m B e d a n , Civil Disobedience, op. cit., p. 2 4 9 . Leviticus, 19:17. 1 8 J O U R N A L OF JEWISH C O M M U N A L SERVICE young midwives refused to comply with the demands of Pharaoh in killing the first born. "They did not do what the king of Egypt had told them to do, but let the infants live." Their actions not only reflect opposition to the policies of Pharaoh, but as Rashi notes, the midwives provided the infants with bread and water. It is a p p a r e n t that they likewise were ready to face the conse quences of protest. The Book of Samuel also presents a dramatic account in the lives of King Saul, David, and the priests related to civil disobedience. King Saul in his pur suit of David was informed that a family of priests had assisted in his escape. T h e text notes: opposing his people's war against Baby lon, nor could Isaiah in opposing al liances with Assyria and Egypt. Amos cries out for social justice: 17 T h e n the king sent to call A h i m e l e c h the priest ... and said unto him. Why have ye conspired against m e , thou and the son o f Jesse, in that thou hast given him bread, and a sword and hast inquired o f G o d for him, that he should rise against m e , to be in wait as this d a y . T h e i r hand also is with D a v i d . . . But the servants o f the king would not put forth their hand to fall u p o n the priests of the l a n d . 18 19 The guards of the king felt that the sentence was both unjust and severe. In both cases, mentioned above, we find individuals who refused to commit an act which was deeply felt to be incon ceivable by the persons ordered to per form it. Both cases mentioned above are p e r h a p s of severe m a g n i t u d e b u t nevertheless an act of the highest order involving moral conscience. The prophets also provided insight in the area of civil disobedience. They serve not only as guides but offer inspiration in times of crises and conflict. Jeremiah, for example, could not restrain himself in 1 7 Exodus, 1:15-17. Samuel I, 22:11-27. "Ibid., 22:17. 1 8 I will grant t h e m n o reprieve because they sell the innocent for silver a n d the destitute for a pair o f shoes. T h e y grind the heads o f the p o o r into the earth and thrust the h u m b l e out o f their w a y . 20 All three prophets protest against the temper of the times, knowing full well the consequences they personally would have to face. What may be the first recorded in stance of mass non-violent civil disobedi ence is found in Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews. The incident, he relates, took place in the reign of Emperor Caligula and centered around the latter's decision to place his statue in the Temple in Jerusalem. Petronius, the e m p e r o r ' s agent, was given a large army and in structed, at first, to persuade the Jews to permit the installation of the statue peacefully. The Jews, however, refused. Petronius assembled an army and met the Jews at Acre and later at Tiberias. Josephus proceeds to describe the de termination of tens of thousands of Jews to resist in a non-violent manner and be killed, if necessary, to prevent the statue from being erected in the T e m p l e . 21 22 T h e Apocrypha notes the essential elements of civil disobedience. An offi cial law was issued by the government. The Jews, whose obedience was com m a n d e d , c o n s i d e r e d the law to be unconscionable, and consequently, re fused to obey. They responded to non violent resistance, seeking solutions through peaceful methods. 2 0 A m o s , 2:6-7. 2 1 Ibid., B o o k 18, Chapter 8. 2 2 Ibid., B o o k 18, Chapter 8. 325 C I V I L DISOBEDIENCE: A SECULAR AND JEWISH VIEW The issue of civil disobedience, ex amined from a secular and Jewish per spective, relates directly to the social work community. T h e traditional role of social work and that of the professional is being questioned here in Israel and abroad. The liberating force which social work has sought to exemplify has fallen short of its goal. T h e plight of the poor, the inequalities that some members of our society face, have brought increasing so cial problems. A strategy for protest of a r a t h e r extreme magnitude was con sidered in this paper. But, perhaps, that is part of our professional responsibility. One social worker has noted that "the interest of the social worker in social ac tion is the test of his integrity". These words written in 1919 could not be more relevant today. 23 3 * Frank J. B r u n o , Trends In Social Work ( N e w York: Columbia University Press, 1948), p. 138. 326
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