45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
Tanya Slavin
2 Some properties of possessive stems
Possessive Noun Incorporation in Oji-Cree
1 Introduction
I highlight several important properties of possessive stems that are common in NI
constructions in other languages (Mathieu 2009, Gerdts and Marlett 2008, Massam
2009) and have been argued to hold of other NI constructions in Ojibwe (Mathieu 2008,
2013) and Plains Cree (Mellow 1989a): productivity, referentiality, ability to strand
modifiers, and doubling.
(1)
2.1 Productivity
Tanya Slavin
McGill University
a.
b.
tahki-sit-e
cold-foot-have.AI
‘S/he has cold feet’ / ‘His/her feet are cold.’
nitoshkitaapaane
nit-oshki-taapaan-e
1-new- car-have.AI
‘I have a new car.’ / ‘My car is new.’
• If the final -e simply denotes possession, then why are the following ungrammatical?
(2)
a.
*sit-e
foot-have.AI
intended: ‘S/he has feet.’
b.
*ni-taapaan-e
1-car-have.AI
intended: ‘I have a car.’
! What is the morphosyntactic make-up of these stems and the relation between stem
components? Why is the adjectival element on the left-edge obligatory?
(3)
With inalienably possessed nouns:
a.
Mihshiinowaapite nikosihs.
mihshiinow-aapit-e
ni-kosihs
manytooth-e.AI my-son
‘My son has many teeth.’
b.
Nipeshikohtikwaane.
ni-peshiko-htikwaan-e
1-one-head-e.AI
‘I have one head’
c.
Nitapwetaahse.
ni-apwe-taahs-e
1-hot-pant-e.AI
‘My pants are hot.’
d.
Aakihtawikwanii.
aakihtawi-kwan-ii
double-blanket-e.AI
‘S/he has more than one blanket.’
e.
Ninanepiwitaanihsiwe
ni-nanepiwi-taanihs-iw-e
1-shy-daughter-e.AI
‘My daughter is shy.’
f.
Nitoshkimoosome.
ni-oshki-moosom-e
1-new-partner-e.AI
‘I have a new boyfriend.’
! I will propose that the suffix -e selects for a small clause complement and relates
the proposition in the small clause to the animate argument in its specifier.
• Outline:
§2
Some morphosyntactic properties of possessive NI stems
§3
§4
The structure of possessive stems
3.1
Not compounds
3.2
LER and focus
3.3
Proposal
Conclusion
1
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45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
(4)
Tanya Slavin
(6)
a.
Nitahkinincii.
ni-tahki-ninc-ii
1-cold-hand-e.AI
‘My hands are cold.’
b.
Tahkaawan nininciin
tahkaa-wan ni-ninc-iin
cold.II-PL 1-hand-PL
‘My hands are cold.’
a.
Nimishkonihke.
ni-misko-nihk-e
1-red-arm-e.AI
‘my arm is red.’
b.
Miskosi ninihk
miskosi ninihk.
be.red.AI arm
‘My arm is red.’
With alienably possessed nouns:
a.
Nimankiwaakaahkwate.
ni-manki-waakaahkwat-e
1-big-axe-e.AI
‘I have a big axe.’
b.
Ninihso-ishinishahikane.
ni-nihso-ishinishahikan-e
1-three-parcel-e.AI
‘I have three parcels.’
c.
Nipakone-ahpihkwehshimoniikane.
ni-pakone-ahpihkwehshimoniikan-e
1-have.a.hole-pillow.case-e.AI
‘I have a hole in my pillowcase.’
d.
Aasha kii-paahtewaniipiihshiwe shiikop.
aasha kii-paahtew-anipiihshiw-e shiikop
already PAST-dryleaf- e.AI tree
‘The tree has dry leaves already.’
e.
Nitishki-akintaahsone.
ni--oshki-akintaahson-e
1-new-number-e.AI
‘I have a new telephone number.’
(7)
a.
Nitahkitehsapiwine.
ni-tahki-tehsapiwin-e
1-cold-chair-e.AI
‘My chair is cold.’
b.
Tahkaa tehsapiwin
tahk-aa tehsapiwin
cold-II chair
‘(The) chair is cold’
2.2 The noun can be incorporated with one or more modifiers
(8)
analytic
a.
Nitosaami-apwe-oshki-ahpihkwehshimone.
ni-osaami-apwe-[oshki-ahpihkwehshimon]-e
1-too.much-hot-[new-pillow]-e.AI
‘My new pillow is too hot.’
b.
Niniishoo-mankihtikwaane.
ni-niishoo-[manki-htikwaan]-e
1-two-big-head-e.AI
‘I have two big heads.’
2.3 Can be referential
(9)
3
analytic
• The situation seems to be different in other dialects of Ojibwe where this
construction has been argued to be limited to inalienably possessed nouns and
obligatory (according to Rhodes (1976:276) who notes that “where the incorporation
of a possessed subject is possible, it is obligatory.”
• While incorporation is almost always possible, it is never obligatory:
(5)
analytic
a.
Niishohtikwaane koohkoosh. Peshik akaahsini, ekwa peshik mihshaani
niishoo-htikwaan-e koohkoosh. Peshik akaahsini ekwa peshik mihshaani
two-head-e.AI monster
one
be.small.II and one be.big.II
‘The monster has two heads. One is big and one is small.’
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45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
b.
Tanya Slavin
(12) a.
Nitoshki-ahpihkwehshimone. Kihci-noohsohkaa.
ni-oshki-ahpihkwehshimon-e.
Kihci-noohsohk-aa.
1- new- pillowe.AI very- soft-be.II
‘I have a new pillow. It is very soft.’
b.
2.4 Ability to strand modifiers
(10) a.
Niishoo-htikwaan-e koohkoosh. Peshik akaahsi-htikwan-e,
two-head-e.AI monster
one small-head-e.AI
(13) a.
ekwa miinaa peshik manki-htikwan-e
and again one big-head-e.AI
‘The monster has two heads. One is big and one is small.’
b.
Kahkina oshki-tehsapiwine.
kahkina oshki-tehsapiwin-e1
all
new-chair-e.AI
‘All his chairs are new.’
• Only hyponymic doubling is possible. Gerdts and Marlett ( 2008) (p. 417) define
hyponymic doubling as involving a “hyponymous relationship […] between the
nominal element of the denominal verb and the external NP: the nominal element in
the DNV indicates a generic and the external NP gives an instantiation of a particular
kind.” True doubling, where the free-standing nominal is identical to the incorporated
nominal, is impossible:
b.
Osaam hsha nimankahkisine nitoshkahkisinan.
osaam hsha ni-mank-ahkisin-e nit-oshk-ahkisin-an
too EMPH 1- big- shoe-e.AI 1-new-shoe-PL
‘My new boots are too big.’
*Osaam hsha nimankahkisine nimahkisinan.
osaam hsha ni-mank-ahkisin-e ni-mahkisin-an
too EMPH 1- big- shoe-e.AI 1-shoe-PL
intended: ‘My boots are too big.’
Nitewisite ninamancisitaan / ninamancisit.
ni- tewi-sit-e
ni-namanci-sit-aan / ni-namanci-sit
1-pain-feet-e.AI 1-left-foot-PL?
1-left -foot
‘My left foot is hurting.’
*Nitewisite nisitaan/ nisit.
ni-tewi-sit-e
ni-sitaan / ni-sit
1-sore-foot-e.AI 1-foot.PL 1-foot
intended: ‘My foot is sore.’
• Possessive stems formed with -e are dynamic entities whose formation is best viewed
as a syntactic process.
• Many of these properties has been argued for other NI constructions in Ojibwe
(Lochbihler and Mathieu 2007, Mathieu (2008, 2013)) and Plains Cree (Mellow
(1989b)).
3 The structure of possessive stems
• What is the morphosyntactic make up of these stems? Why is the adjectival modifier
obligatory?
(14) a.
b.
(15) a.
1
*Niwiini-ahpihkwehshimone nitahpihkwehshimon.
ni-wiini-ahpihkwehshimon-e nit-ahpihkwehshimon
1dirty-pillow-e.AI
1-pillow
‘My pillow is dirty.’
2.6 Summary
2.5 Doubling
(11) a.
b.
Niwiini-ahpihkwehshimone nitoshki-ahpihkwehshimon.
ni-wiini-ahpihkwehshimon-e nit-oshki-ahpihkwehshimon
1- dirty- pillow-e.AI
1-new-pillow
‘My new pillow is dirty.’
For some speakers, kahkina ‘all’ cannot be stranded.
5
tahki-sit-e
cold-foot-have.AI
‘S/he has cold feet’ / ‘His/her feet are cold.’
nit-oshki-taapaan-e
1-new- car-have.AI
‘I have a new car.’ / ‘My car is new.’
*sit-e
foot-have.AI
intended: ‘S/he has feet.’
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45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
b.
Tanya Slavin
• If the intermediate form of the derivation does not exist as a possible word, than the
final form does not result from this intermediate form but is built in some other way
(Lieber 1983, Mellow 1989b for Plains Cree).
*ni-taapaan-e
1-car-have.AI
intended: ‘I have a car.’
3.1 Arguments against a compound nominal analysis
" Second, the left-edge element often does not have anything to do with the
nominal, but apparently needs to take scope over the noun + v constituent:
(18) a.
• Wolfart (1971) for Plains Cree proposes to treat these as exocentric compounds:
(1)
(2)
tahkisite
[tahki-sit]-e
cold-foot-e.AI
‘S/he has cold feet.’
b.
oshki-ahpihkwehshimone
[oshki-ahpihkwehshimon]-e
newpillowe.AI
‘S/he has a new pillow.’
" First, the corresponding proposed compound nominal often does not exist on
its own:
b.
(17) a.
b.
Aan eh-tahso-ahkiwineyan?
aan eh-tahso-ahkiiwin-e-yan
how COMP-so.many-year-e.AI-2.CONJ
‘How old are you?’
• As a first approximation:
• Two arguments against this view:
(16) a.
Niishitana nitahso-ahkiwine
niishitana ni-tahso-[ahkiwin-e]
twenty
1-so.many-year-e.AI
‘I am twenty years old.’
(19) oshki-ahpihkwehshimone
[oshki- [ahpihkwehshimon- e ] ]
newpillow- e.AI
‘S/he has a new pillow.’
tahkisite
tahki-sit-e
cold-foot-e.AI
‘S/he has cold feet.’
EP2
3
aP
2
oshki
vP
E
3
pro
3
nP
v
ahpihkwehshimon e
*nitahkisitan
ni-tahki-sit-an
1-cold-foot-PL
intended: my cold feet
Nipakone-aanahkonaawe.
ni-pakone-aahahkonaaw-e
1-hole-bannock-e.AI
‘My bannock has a hole in it.’
*pankone-aanahkonaa
pakone-aanahkonaa
hole-bannock
intended: ‘a bannock with a hole.’
2
7
I’ve argued elsewhere (Slavin 2012) that the stem is an E(vent)P in this language.
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45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
Tanya Slavin
(23) Q:
3.2 The LER and focus
• There following examples show an unexpected restriction. All the stems in (a)
examples appear to be well formed (there is a modifier preceding the noun) but the
result is nevertheless ungrammatical:
(20) a.
b.
(21) a.
*Nishiiwaapoopiiwaapihkwe
ni-shiiwaapoo-piiwaapihkw-e
1-sweet.liquid-metal-e.AI
‘I have a pop can.’
A:
Aahte pimihsewi-pakiciiwinink ishitaapaanihshin!
aahte
pimihsewi-pakiciiwin-ink ishi- taapaan- ihsh-in
please plane-landing.place-LOC there-drive.TA-2>1-IMPER
‘Can you drive me to the airport?
Kaawin, nimetawaakanitaapaane
ehta.
kaawin ni-metawaakani-taapaan-e ehta
no
1toycar- e.AI only
‘No, I only have a TOY car.’
! They become grammatical when the left-edge element is focused!
Nitoshki-shiiwaapoopiiwaapihkwe.
ni-oshki-shiiwaapoo-piiwaapihkw-e
1-new-sweet.liquid-metal-e.AI
‘I have a new pop can.’ (e.g. I’m collecting pop cans)
*Nimihtiko-masinaahikanaahtikwe.
ni-mihtiko-[masinaahikanaahtikw]-e
1- wood-pen/pencil-e.AI
intended: ‘I have a pencil.’
b.
Nitoshki-mihtiko-masinaahikanaahtikwe.
ni-oshki-mihtiko-[masinaahikanaahtikw]-e
1- new-wood-pen/pencil-e.AI
‘I have a new pencil.’
c.
*Nimetawaakanitaapaane.
ni-metawaakani-[taapaan]-e
1-toy-car-e.AI
‘I have a toy car.’
d.
Nitoshki-metawaakanitaapaane.
ni-oshki-metawaakani-[taapaan]-e
1-toy-car-e.AI
‘I have a new toy car.’
• More evidence for that:
(24) a.
b.
(25) a.
b.
Kaa-pakonesic aanahkonaa.
kaa-pakone-si-c
aanahkonaa
COMP-have.a.hole-AI-CONJ bannock
‘donut’ / ‘a bannock made with a hole in the middle.’
Nah! Nipakone-aanahkonaawe
nah ni-pakone aanahkonaa-e
look 1-hole-bannock-e.AI
‘Look! My bannock has a hole in it!’
#‘Look! I have a donut!’
#mankahkisine
manki-ahkisin-e
‘S/he has big shoes / His/her shoes are big.’
This is ok for some speakers but for others can only be used under focus as
in (b)
Osaam hsha nimankahkisine.
osaam hsha ni-mank-ahkisin-e
too EMPH 1-big-shoe-e.AI
‘My shoes are too big.’
• Importantly, the (a) examples become grammatical in some contexts!
3.3 Proposal
(22) Mihtiko-masinahikanaahtikwe hsha Janet.
mihtiko-masinahikanaahtikw-e hsha Janet
wood-pen-e.AI EMPH Janet
‘Janet has a PENCIL (e.g. as opposed to a pen).’
• I propose that in possessive stems the suffix -e takes a small clause complement, and
relates the proposition denoted by the small clause to the animate argument
introduced in its specifier. That is, the suffix -e does not really denote possession but
rather an abstract relation between the animate argument and the proposition denoted
by the small clause.
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45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
Tanya Slavin
4 Conclusion
• Similarly, several authors note that the English have does not really denote
possession but an abstract relation between an individual and the thing/property
described, while the particular relationship as well as the thematic role of the
individual is determined by pragmatics (Cowper 1989, Ritter and Rosen 1997, Sæbø
2009).
• Possessive e-stems do not involve NI in the traditional sense.
• I have proposed that the suffix -e introduces an internal argument, takes a small
clause complement, and relates the proposition in the small clause to the animate
argument that it introduces in its specifier.
• A small clause analysis has been proposed for the English have, at least in some of its
uses (Ritter and Rosen 1997, Sæbø 2009).
• I propose the following structure for possessive stems:
(26) oshkitaapaane
oshki- taapaan- e
newcar- e.AI
‘S/he has a new car.’
VoiceP
3
pro
3
EP
Voice
3
aP
2
oshki I vP
E
3
pro
2
SC
v
2 e
nP
ti
taapaan
• This structure derives the focus effect discussed earlier. Subjects are commonly
considered to be old (presupposed) information, while predicates are new (focused)
information (e.g. Diesing 1992) Thus, positing the nominal as the subject of the small
clause and the left-edge element as its predicates derives the desired focus effect.
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45th Algonquian Conference
University of Ottawa, October 18, 2013
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Doctoral dissertation.
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Doctoral dissertation.
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