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Evoked Emotions: a Textual Analysis Within the Context of Pilgrimage Tourism to Gallipoli
Anne-Marie Hede, Deakin University, Melbourne
John Hall, Deakin University, Melbourne
This paper focuses on the emotions that are evoked from pilgrimage experiences at Gallipoli for Anzac Day commemorations.
The study examines diary excerpts of pilgrims to Gallipoli using theory on emotions so that insights into the emotions that this
tourism experience elicits can be gained. Both positively and negatively valanced emotions are elicited via this experience, giving
rise to the notions that not all tourism experiences elicit positive, or hedonically-related, emotions. Further research is
recommended on emotions within the context of pilgrimage tourism, and to explore the emotions that are evoked within the
different types of tourism, such as adventure tourism or spa tourism.
[to cite]:
Anne-Marie Hede and John Hall (2006) ,"Evoked Emotions: a Textual Analysis Within the Context of Pilgrimage Tourism
to Gallipoli", in AP - Asia-Pacific Advances in Consumer Research Volume 7, eds. Margaret Craig Lees, Teresa Davis, and
Gary Gregory, Sydney, Australia : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 419-425.
[url]:
http://www.acrwebsite.org/volumes/13036/volumes/ap07/AP-07
[copyright notice]:
This work is copyrighted by The Association for Consumer Research. For permission to copy or use this work in whole or in
part, please contact the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com/.
EVOKED EMOTIONS: A TEXTUAL ANALYSIS WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF PILGRIMAGE TOURISM
TO GALLIPOLI
Anne –Marie Hede, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia
John Hall, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia
ABSTRACT
This paper focuses on the pilgrimage tourism
to Gallipoli to attend Anzac Day commemorations.
The research examines diary excerpts of pilgrimage
tourists to Gallipoli using theory on emotions to
gain insights into the emotions that this tourism
experience elicits. Both positively and negatively
valanced emotions are elicited via this experience,
giving rise to the notion that not all tourism
experiences elicit positive, or hedonically-related,
emotions. Further research is recommended on
emotions within the context of pilgrimage tourism,
and to explore the emotions that are evoked within
the different types of tourism, such as adventure
tourism or spa tourism.
On the Gallipoli Peninsula, this remote
destination, provided them with opportunities to
absorb themselves in their own culture and
understand how they relate to that culture.
INTRODUCTION
Emotions are affective variables, more intense
in nature than moods and with a closer relationship
to the stimuli that provoke them (Bigné & Andreu,
2004). An emotion is a valanced affective reaction
to perceptions of situations (Rucker & Petty, 2004).
Emotions are an increasingly attractive and growing
research area in marketing (Smith & Ellsworth,
1985). According to Bagozzi (1998), p. 312),
however, “as we learn more about the affective side
of consumer behavior, we are likely to find that our
theories, which are by large cognitive in content,
will require refinement”. It is expedient, therefore,
to continue a line of inquiry on emotions to advance
consumer behaviour theory generally, as well as
understanding emotions more fully. Furthermore,
undertaking research on emotions set within a range
of consumption scenarios is beneficial for
comparative analysis, and theory building and
refinement in consumer behaviour.
Sirakaya (2004) noted that it is particularly
important to understand experiential phenomena,
such as emotions, within the context of tourism and
leisure—as emotional reactions often prevail
amongst consumers. There is, however, very little
research on the role of emotions within the context
of tourism and leisure (Bigné & Andreu, 2004).
This paper focuses emotions within the context of
pilgrimage tourism. Pilgrimage tourism, itself, is
under-researched (Hannaford, 2001), and while it
has been studied within the social sciences, scant
attention has been paid to this phenomenon from a
marketing perspective. The overall research aim of
this paper is to explore the emotions that are evoked
through participation in pilgrimage tourism in order
to inform consumer behaviour theory so that it can
be re-evaluated, refined and elaborated upon.
The paper continues by providing an overview
of the extant literature on emotions. Following this,
the concepts of pilgrimage and pilgrimage tourism,
which is the research context for this paper, are
419
explored to elucidate the relevance of emotions
theory to them. The research method and analysis
are then described, and a background to the case
study—pilgrimage to the Gallipoli Peninsula in
Turkey—is provided. Following this, the results of
the analysis are presented and discussed. Research
limitations and recommendations for further
research are then proposed.
Emotions
Emotions play a powerful, central role in our
lives. They impact our beliefs, inform our decisionmaking and in large measure guide how we adapt
our behavior to the world around us (Burns &
Neisner, 2006). Reddy (2000, p.2) posed the
rhetorical question “What are emotions?” He
responded by stating that “…to most of us, the
question hardly needs asking; emotions are the most
immediate, the most self-evident, and the most
relevant of our orientations toward life. But from
the moment the question is taken seriously,
troubling difficulties of definition arise”.
Emotions are viewed as having evolved
through their adaptive value in dealing with
fundamental life-tasks. Each emotion has unique
features: signal, physiology, and antecedent events.
Each emotion also has characteristics in common
with other emotions: rapid onset, short duration,
unbidden occurrence, automatic appraisal, and
coherence among responses. These shared and
unique characteristics are the product of our
evolution, and distinguish emotions from other
affective phenomena (Ekman 1992). Originally,
emotions were regarded as being multifaceted,
involving different emotional states being
experienced differently with each generating a
specific pattern of arousal for an individual (James,
1890). More recent research, however, has
questioned this conceptualization. For instance, an
emotion is regarded as a general state of arousal
which is interpreted through a cognitive appraisal
process. Specifically, Bagozzi et al. (1999, p. 184)
defined emotion as “a mental state of readiness that
arises from cognitive appraisals of events or
thoughts; has a phenomenological tone; is
accompanied by physiological processes; is often
expressed physically; and may result in specific
actions to affirm or cope with the emotion,
depending on its nature and the person having it”.
Emotions are viewed as intentional and based
on specific objects or referents (G.L Clore et al.,
2001; Frijda, 1993). Consequently, emotions are not
merely reactions to appraisals, but also include
tendencies to action (Frijda, 1986). While most
apparent in moments of great stress, emotions sway
even the mundane decisions we face in everyday
life (G. L Clore & Gasper, 2000; Damasio, 1994).
Emotions also infuse social relationships.
Interactions with each other are a source of many of
emotions and both a range of behaviors have been
developed that communicate emotional information
as well as an ability to recognize the emotional
arousal in others (Gratch & Marsella, 2004). By
virtue of their central role and wide influence,
emotions arguably provide the means to coordinate
the diverse mental and physical components
required to respond to the world in a coherent
fashion (Cosmides & Tooby, 2000).
The functional model of emotion conceives of
each emotion having a particular antecedent or
cause, a specific thought or appraisal, a specific
feeling and expression, a specific action tendency, a
specific action and a specific goal (Roseman,
Antoniou, & Jose, 1996). Emotions are often
described by their valence (i.e., positive or negative)
or by the specific nature of the emotion (e.g.,
sadness, anger, contentment, happiness) (Rucker &
Petty, 2004). Free description of emotional incidents
have been shown to contain statements of event
appraisals that are systematically different for
different emotions and that can be used to construct
prototypes characterizing them (Schaver, Schwartz,
& O'Connor, 1987).
The role of affective processes is an important
subject of study in consumer behaviour (Richins,
1997). There is a growing interest, from both the
theoretical and practical perspectives, in the role of
emotions in consumer behaviour. Considerable
interest has been directed toward the study of
emotion [c.f., Lazarus and Smith (1990); Lewis and
Haviland (1993)].
Much of the literature on
emotions has focussed upon the eliciting conditions
for and roles of appraisals in emotions [c.f., Lazarus
and Smith (1990); Roseman, Antoniou, and Jose,
(1996); Scherer (1988)], as well as the
categorisation, measurement and structure of
emotions [c.f. Bagozzi, Baumgartner, and Pieters
(1998); Schaver, Shwarz, and O’Connor(1987)].
Laros (2004) noted that after a long period in
which consumers were assumed to make largely
rational decisions based on utilitarian products and
benefits, in the past two decades, marketing scholars
have started to study emotions evoked by marketing
stimuli, products and brands (Mehrabian & Russell,
1974) and (Wixen, 1986). Emotions have been
useful within the context of advertising (Derbaix,
1995);
customer
satisfaction
(Phillips
&
Baumgartner, 2002); complaining behaviour
(Stephens & Gwinner, 1998); service failures
(Zeelenberg & Pieters, 1999); and product attitudes
(Dube, Cervellon, & JY, 2003). Emotions play a
critical role, therefore, in defining consumption
experiences and influencing consumer reactions
(Babin, Darden, & Babin, 1998). There is potential
to extend marketing theory and practice by
exploring emotions within a range of consumption
scenarios.
Research Context-Pilgrimage Tourism
Pilgrimage tourism provides a rich context in
which to study emotions. Pilgrimage tourism is
travel with the primary purpose of participating in
an exceptional irregular journey outside of the
anthropological village to a designated geographical
point (Morinis, 1984). There is evidence to suggest
that pilgrimages are currently resurfacing and
gaining popularity in a number of cultures (Turner
& Turner, 1978), and in Europe, for example, many
420
contemporary pilgrims are noticeably young (Guth,
1995). While pilgrimages are generally associated
with religion, the fragmentation of religions
globally (Kale, 2004) has likely precipitated a
growth in secular pilgrimages. Digance (2003, p.
154) suggested that the New Age movement
eclectically borrows from religious and tribal
traditions resulting in “a considerable increase in the
number of tourists following their own spiritual
paths outside the parameters of mainstream
religious patterns”. Belk and Wallendorf (1989)
suggest that for a number of consumers, many
ordinary elements of life have become sacred. As
such, secular pilgrimages are emerging as a new
phenomenon in society.
Both religious and secular pilgrimages have
the capacity to evoke spiritual emotions. The large
flows of tourists attending sporting events, have
been likened to the pilgrims of the historic religious
pilgrimages, deriving spiritual experiences from the
sport itself (Bale, 1989). Other examples of travel
described as secular pilgrimages include the travel
to Lords for the Ashes; Gracelands to pay homage
to Elvis Presley; Uluru in Australia; or to the Grand
Ol’ Opre in Nashville. Moore (1980) described
travel to Disneyland in terms of ritual and
pilgrimage. Furthermore, travel to battlefields is
often viewed as secular pilgrimage (Hannaford,
2001; Scates, 2003).
The journey is as much part of the pilgrimage
as the visit to the destination. Chaucer’s Canterbury
Tales, written in the fourteenth century, highlights
that on the way to the destination of the pilgrimage,
the cook, the clerk and the Knight, for example,
interacted with each other. They formed bonds with
each other that they would not have been
experienced within the social structure in which
they existed.
In John Bunyan’s (1628-1688)
Pilgrim's Progress (Bunyan, 1678), pilgrimage was
clearly a spiritual journey. Turner and Turner (1978)
similarly proposed that the journey of pilgrims is
not only a physical one, but also a psychological
one—pilgrimage accentuates the separatenedness of
the sociopolitical world from the sociocultural
world. In this sense, pilgrimages have the capacity
to effect human relationships (Coleman & Elsner,
1995).
Coleman and Elsner (1995, p. 6) note that a
“pilgrimage may be a rite of passage involving
transformations on one’s inner state and outer
status; it may be a quest for a transcendent goal; it
may entail the long-desired healing of a spiritual or
physical ailment”. According to Turner and Turner
(1978), pilgrims pass through a liminal state—a
place on the threshold, before experiencing
‘communitas’. Liminality is when ‘…the deeper
levels of the self, deeply tinctured by culture, are
reflexively engaged, the knowledge brought back
from the encounter between the self as subject and
self as object may be just as valid as knowledge
acquired by ”neutral’ observation of others” (Turner
& Turner, 1978, p. XV ).
During liminality,
pilgrims are “betwixt and between” (Turner &
Turner, 1978, p. XX ), but by passing through the
threshold, they arrive at ‘communitas’—a feeling of
equality, community, and togetherness—when
pilgrims are at one with themselves and others
(Sharpe, 2005). Pilgrimage is associated with
spiritualty, or the “engagement to explore—deeply
and meaningfully connect one’s inner self—to the
known world and Beyond” (Kale, 2004, p. 93).
Research on pilgrimage, stemming from
anthropology, sociology, history, geography, and
theology, suggests that the processes and outcomes
of pilgrimages are highly emotional. Pilgrimages
elicit a range of behaviours and emotions.
Pfaffenberger (1983) noted that in India, both
‘serious’ and ‘frivolous’ tourists participate in the
rituals of Hindi pilgrimages. Coleman and Elsner
(2004, p.281)also identified the existence of
‘playful’ pilgrims resulting in the “gleeful
vulgarity” in the processual rituals of the
pilgrimage. Indeed, these were thought to be a
“catalyst for play”, which was, however, serious
(Coleman & Elsner, 2004).
The overall research aim is to explore the
emotions that are evoked through participation in
pilgrimage tourism. This was explored within the
context of pilgrimage tourism to the Gallipoli
Peninsula, Turkey, for Anzac Day. Anzac Day was
inaugurated in 1916 in remembrance of members of
the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps
(Anzacs) who fell on the Gallipoli Peninsula,
Turkey, on April 25th the preceding year. The Anzac
legend symbolises the coming of the Australian
nation and, as such, is now considered to be one of
the most significant days on the calendar for many
Australians, and New Zealanders (Hall, 2002).
Carlyon (2005, p.524) asserted that the story of
Gallipoli “has become Australia’s Homeric tale…no
longer linked, as it was for decades, to the military
causes of the day. Finally it stands alone”. Anzac
Day is akin to the ‘Gettysburg Storyscape’ where a
‘war among brothers has become a celebration of
national unity’ (Chronis, 2005, 387). Travel to the
Gallipoli Peninsula for Anzac Day, by many who
are surprisingly young (Anon., 2000), is
increasingly popular. Attendance numbers at the
2005 commemorations were estimated to be about
20,000 (Berstein, 2005). While not a religious
pilgrimage per se, the pilgrimage to the Gallipoli
Peninsula for Anzac Day has been described as civil
pilgrimage.
METHOD
A textual analysis (Mariampolski, 2001) of
the journals/diaries of 17 people who had visited
Gallipoli, (16 of the 17 for Anzac Day ceremonies),
was undertaken. The journals were obtained from
the National Museum of Australia website, “Anzac
Pilgrims; Recent Australian experiences at
Gallipoli”
(http://www.nma.gov.au/exhibitions/community/anz
ac_pilgrims/anzac_memories/).
Systematic coding of the diary excerpts was
undertaken using the framework of emotional
categorization developed by Shaver et al (1987).
The framework is based on 135 words that describe
emotions. Shaver’s typology includes two
overarching dimensions of emotions, namely
positive and negative (valence). In each of theses
dimensions, there are three emotional clusters. For
the positive dimension, the emotional clusters are
Love, Joy and Surprise and for the negative
421
dimension, the emotional clusters are Anger,
Sadness and Fear (categories). The Shaver typology
was utilised in this study because of the broad
comprehensiveness of the 135 descriptive emotions
and the inherently emotional setting of this
particular research setting—the battlefields of
Gallipoli.
The first stage of the coding involved a
structural coding process of the text using the six
emotional clusters. The second stage involved the
identification of the specific emotion(s) associated
with the text. To ensure the quality and validity of
the interpretation and coding of the text, two
researchers undertook the coding analysis of the
diary text separately. In the event of disparity over
the coding of particular episodes a discussion with a
third party took place to adjudicate, which is the
process recommended by Carson (2001).
Descriptive statistics were also used to identify the
dominance of the various emotional clusters and
singular emotions in the diaries. Qualitative
analyses of the diaries provided insights into the text
that could not be gained through descriptive
statistics alone.
RESULTS
Table 1 presents the percentage of the total
number of comments attributed to the six emotional
clusters and the emotions that emerged within these
clusters. The total of the six percentages relating to
the emotional clusters tallies to 100%. The
percentages relating to the dominant emotion, while
being percentages of the total, does not add up to
100% as lower loading emotions have not been
presented in the table.
As can be seen from Table 1, the emotional
cluster of Joy emerged most frequently (36.3% of
the overall number of emotional comments) in the
transcripts. Sadness was the second most common
emotional cluster in the diary excerpts (24.9% of the
overall number of emotional comments). Following
this, Love and Anger represented the most common
emotional clusters that emerged in the diary
excerpts (14.7 and 10.1% of the transcripts
respectively). Pride (23.6% of the diary excerpts)
was the most dominant singular emotion
represented in the data, falling under the emotional
cluster of the Joy.
Joy
The emotional cluster Joy was strongly
represented in the responses. This is a positively
valanced emotional cluster. Joy was manifested
through the singular emotions of pride, thrill and
jubilation. Pride emerged most strongly within this
emotional cluster. Pride is reflected in a number of
ways—by being proud of the soldiers who fought in
the battle, through a sense of pride that the Anzacs
themselves might have experienced; to being proud
of Australia and its symbols, including its flag,
national anthem and Anzac traditions. For example,
one pilgrim felt a sense of pride when the crowd
was singing Australian folksongs “…everyone
seemed in tune and nobody seemed to be shouting.
It sounded great and made you proud to be an
Aussie.” Another pilgrim wrote that “…the sight of
the flag was really special. I looked at that flag and
thought about the many men who had died, between
the beach and the hill, attempting to get their flag to
the same spot. How proud they would have been to
have seen it flying there.” Pride was clearly
associated with national identity and as being
associated with Australia. This resonates strongly
with the pilgrimage literature, particularly Turner’s
notion of ‘communitas’—which, as mentioned
earlier, is associated with the feelings evoked as a
result of the bonding with fellow pilgrims.
TABLE 1: SUMMARY OF EMOTIONS
Emotional cluster and % of text attributed
Dominant Emotion
to cluster
Joy (36.3)
Pride
Thrill
Sadness (24.9)
Sorrow
Sadness
Love (14.7)
Compassion
Anger (10.1)
Resentment
Surprise (9.6)
Surprise
Amazement
Fear (4.4)
% attributed to
Dominant Emotion
23.6
4.1
11.5
6.8
4.1
2.7
4.8
4.8
4.4
Sadness
While Joy was the emotional cluster that
emerged most strongly in the transcripts, the
emotional cluster of Sadness also emerged in the
data, however, to a lesser extent. Sadness is
reflected through sorrow and sympathy for the
Australians that died on the Gallipoli Peninsula in
1915. One pilgrim said that they “…went back to
Lone Pine, took a few photos and drove to the camp
ground where we had a cry and chatted to four
Australians”, and another said “…tears ran down
my cheeks as I wandered around reading the
tombstones”. The experience was ‘emotionally
exhausting’ for one pilgrim, who stated that “…the
end of the day we were exhausted—not just because
of our coughs and lack of sleep but also emotionally
exhausted. There were so many times people were
moved to tears”. A feeling of sorrow emerged at the
time of leaving the Gallipoli Peninsula for another
pilgrim, when they wrote of their experience—“…it
was strange, and sad, to leave those graves behind”.
Anger
The emotion of Anger also emerged in the
diaries. Singular emotions of scorn and resentment,
for example, represent the emotional cluster of
Anger. Some of the reflections in the diaries
highlighted anger towards war generally and
towards the apparent lack of planning in the tactics
of the day in 1915; that only became obvious to
them as a result of their new knowledge of the
topography of the Peninsula’s rugged topography.
For example, one pilgrim thought that “while the
British troops swam in the sea and generally
frolicked around, the Aussies were fighting for their
lives a few miles away…The whole campaign was a
complete disaster—one mistake or bad decision
after another”. Similarly another pilgrim indicated
their anger because “…those men had nothing. They
landed in the wrong spot (and you should see where
they ought to have landed elsewhere—flat, easy,
gentle rise, wide beach makes you sick.)…nothing
was as they had been told it would be”.
Love
Surprise
The emotional cluster of surprise also
emerged in the diaries. Surprise was manifested
through the singular emotions of surprise and
amazement. Those attending the services were
surprised at the topographical characteristics of the
Gallipoli Peninsula and particularly that of Anzac
Cove, including its contrasting features of beauty
and wilderness.
“It surprises you how truly
beautiful the Cove area”. For one pilgrim, it was
difficult to reconcile the paradox between the
beauty of the Peninsula and what happened there in
1915. This emerged in the following statement,
“…my thoughts struggled between how beautiful
the landscape of Gallipoli is and how much blood
shed must have occurred”. Surprise also emerged
in the diaries at the ‘fun’ that the Anzacs were
having just prior to their landing—unaware of the
impending disaster they were to experience.
Surprise was also evident in the number of people in
The emotional cluster of Love emerged and
was manifested through the singular emotions of
affection, compassion, empathy and sentimentality.
One pilgrim expressed their empathy for the
soldiers—“…just like me: young, eager to see the
world, looking for adventure. Except so many
remained in a land they never got to know.”
Another pilgrim wrote, “…we read headstones…we
looked at the ages of the dead—18, 19, 23—and
thought about what we were doing at that age and
how juvenile we still were”. Those attending the
services appeared to also feel affection towards
fellow attendees of the services. One pilgrim said
that “…the ceremony was one of solemn respect
and Australian larrikinism”, and another said that
“…the people were obviously reflecting on the
enormity of the occasion and were generally
withdrawn”.
422
attendance at the services.
Matilda; and when they cried with other Australians
after the services.
Fear
The emotional cluster of Fear was also
evident in the diaries, however to a lesser extent
than the other emotional clusters. Fear was captured
in the diaries when the pilgrims recognised that
thousands of soldiers were killed in this small, but
peaceful, place. There creation of the terror of the
battle in the minds of the pilgrims can be seen in the
following quotes: “The Turks were waiting at the
top of the hill… lots of them were killed on the very
day they landed... they didn't have a chance” and “In
the background of the picture you can see the terrain
that had to be faced…frightening”.
DISCUSSION
The results of the analysis indicate that this
Anzac Day pilgrimage elicits a spectrum of
emotions. Schavers’ typology of emotions provided
a valuable operational tool to consider the emotions
that comprise the experiences of a pilgrimage
tourist, such as Joy, Sadness Love and Anger, which
were evident in the experiences of the pilgrims to
the Gallipoli Peninsula in Turkey. The analysis of
the diary excerpts highlights that the pilgrimage
evokes a complex set of emotions—with
contradictions—that are very powerful in terms of
resulting consumer behaviour. For example, strong
emotions and subsequent behaviour intentions
emerged with regard to ‘being Australian’. One
pilgrim said that as a result of their visit to Gallipoli,
they would go back to Australia and spread the
“Gospel of Gallipoli”.
The dominant emotions that emerged from the
data were Joy (a positive emotional cluster) and
Sadness (a negative emotional cluster)—an
interesting finding, as the emotional clusters are
opposite to each other in terms of their valence. This
might be a result of the prevalence of Pride (a
manifestation of Joy) in the diaries, which
counteracts the prevalence of the strong emotions
associated with Sadness that emerged in the
transcripts.
Specific aspects of pilgrimage tourism were
captured in the emotional analysis of the diaries,
including liminality and ‘communitas’. For
example, it became clear that some of the pilgrims
were on the ‘threshold’—their experience on Anzac
Day on the Gallipoli Peninsula, this remote
destination, provided them with opportunities to
absorb themselves in their own culture and
understand how they relate to that culture. The
pilgrimage provided a time for cultural and
emotional reflections that they would not
experiences within the physical boundaries of their
home. This seemed to be most strong in the
emotion of Surprise that they experienced. For
example, one pilgrim acknowledged that the
Gallipoli Peninsula was a ‘remote and exotic’
destination and it was here, at that remote and exotic
destination, that they found a ‘real link’ with
Australia. Similarly, the feeling of ‘communitas’
emerged in the diaries through the emotions of
pride. Pilgrims felt a sense of connection with the
‘man with the flag’; the people singing Waltzing
423
CONCLUSIONS
Over the past few years, considerable interest
has been directed towards the study of emotions.
From a marketing perspective understanding the
emotions associated with consumer behaviour is of
vital importance. In tourism understanding
experiential phenomena is particularly important, as
emotional reactions and decisions often prevail
amongst consumers.
For the pilgrimage tourists of this study, their
experiences at the Anzac Day services on the
Gallipoli Peninsula elicited strong emotions. The
emotional cluster of Joy featured strongly in the
transcripts, which was specifically operationalised
by the emotion of pride. This finding is not
unexpected given the nature of the pilgrimage; in
that it is related to Australian national culture.
While tourism per se is often associated with the
elicitation of positively valenced emotions (because
it is essentially an hedonic consumption
experience), this study highlighted the fact that
negatively valanced emotions, particularly within
the emotional cluster of Sadness, were elicited
through this pilgrimage experience. This is not
surprising given that the pilgrimage to Turkey is to
a significant battlefield site. These negative
emotions did not, however, detract from the
consumption experience; indeed, they appear to
have contributed to a holistic touristic experience
for consumers.
The knowledge gained from this study
suggests that to say that all forms of tourism are
hedonic is too general an assertion. Negative
emotions seem to be legitimate within the context of
pilgrimage tourism and a ‘natural’ part of this
consumption experience. It gives rise to the notion
that tourism experiences can elicit both positive and
negative emotions, which are both useful for the
consumption experience. For example, we would
also expect that emotions of Fear are likely elicited
within the context of adventure tourism.
FURTHER RESEARCH
Further research on pilgrimage tourism is
warranted, particularly in light of the emerging roles
of pilgrimages, be they religious or secular in
nature, within contemporary societies. Research is
required to understand emotions and their
relationships with other related psychological
concepts, for example, personal values, attitudes,
motivations and subsequent consumer behaviour,
within the context of tourism. Within the context of
pilgrimage tourism, it may be necessary to consider
incorporating theoretical concepts from the
pilgrimage literature, specifically liminality and
‘communitas’ to understand consumer behaviour
relating to pilgrimage tourism.
The results of this exploratory study of
emotions within the context of pilgrimage tourism,
which employed secondary data, indicates that
further research, using primary data that has been
collected specifically for a study of emotions, is
worthwhile. Moreover, we recommend that further
research is undertaken to understand the influence
of emotions on consumer behaviour within the
context of pilgrimage tourism, as well as in different
tourism contexts. It may also be worthwhile using
alternative frameworks of emotions as these may
assist to more effectively decipher the type and
range of emotions that are elicited within this
context, as well as triangulate any further
information obtained on this topic.
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