Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
Taboo, or Not Taboo: Sociolinguistic Analysis of
the Chinese Word「幹」Gan ’Fuck’ in
Taiwanese Teenagers’ Community
Zi-Yu Tai
English Department, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei, Taiwan
Email: [email protected]
Nevertheless, Taiwanese teenagers use it frequently,
especially in their colloquial and casual conversation.
There is a gap between the teenagers’ interpretation and
use of this word and that of the elder. Ref. [1] From the
historical change of words, the form-function system
evolves over time. Different factors should be put into
consideration. How do the Taiwanese teenagers perceive
the word 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’, including its meaning,
function, and use? Why do they use this word so
frequently? These questions need to be answered in order
to understand the culture unique to the teenagers. Hence,
the study was conducted to investigate and analyze the
Chinese word 「幹」 gan ’fuck’ among the teenagers in
Taiwan from a social-cultural viewpoint. Three main
research questions were discussed in the study:
 What kinds of linguistic changes do the word
「幹」 gan ’fuck’ undergo among the teenagers
in Taiwan?
 How do the teenagers perceive the word「幹」
gan ’fuck’?
 Why do the teenagers use this word so frequently?
Abstract—From a sociolinguistic point of view, the Chinese
word 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’, used frequently in Taiwanese
teenagers’ discourse community, had undergone great
changes. However, there was relatively little literature
focusing on teenagers’ obscene language since it was
despised as a taboo topic to be explored in Chinese culture.
Therefore, the study aimed to conduct a sociolinguistic
analysis of the Chinese word 「幹」 gan ’fuck’. Two-year
field observations, in-depth interviews, interactive
qualitative inquiries, and documents were employed to
collect data. Multiple-method strategy was employed to
corroborate these data, which was further analyzed by the
researcher using triangulation. The findings revealed that in
addition to the traditional opprobrious meaning, 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ received a more neutral and even positive
interpretation. It was used to express positive personal
feelings, start and smooth a conversation, illustrate the
intimidate relationship between interlocutors, seek peer
recognition, and establish solidarity. Even if this word was
used to reproach someone, here “someone” often referred to
the speaker him/herself, rather than the traditional referent
“addressee”. These novice meanings and functions of
「幹」 gan ’fuck’ were unique to the teenagers’ discourse
community. Factors contributing to these changes were: (1)
release of pressure; (2) peer recognition; (3) high frequency
of input; (4) attempt to challenge the “taboo” in Chinese
society; (5) inadequate communicative competence; (6)
inadequate rhetoric proficiency. It was suggested that the
adults should provide teenagers with more appropriate
language input, instead of despising or punishing their
opprobrious verbal expression.
Index Terms—social-cultural,
taboo，「幹」 gan ’fuck’
I.
discourse
II.
A. The Chinese Word「幹」 Gan
Ref. [2] According to the Chinese dictionary Chi Hai,
the different definitions of the word 「 幹 」 gan are
summarized in Table I:
community,
TABLE I:
Parts of
speech
Noun
INTRODUCTION
Teenagers constitute an important part of the society.
The study of their language plays a significant role in
understanding this social group. Certain words in a
society referring to some taboo acts are considered
taboo—they are prohibited, especially in “polite
company.” According to the Chinese culture and social
value, especially for the elders, the word 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ is a taboo and should be forbidden.
Adjective
Verb
DEFINITIONS OF THE WORD「幹」GAN
Definitions
Trunk
An event
The last name
Human body
Main part of an archer
An event
Be excellent
Be important
Do (something)
Examples
樹幹 ‘shu gan’
有何貴幹 ‘you he guei gan’
幹先生 ‘Mr. Gan’
軀幹 ‘chu gan’
劍幹 ‘jian gan’
有何貴幹 ‘you he guei gan’
精幹 ‘jing gan’
幹道 ‘gan dao’
幹事 ‘gan shi’
Table I shows the word 「 幹 」 gan in Mandarin
receives neutral and positive interpretations. It has
nothing to do with abusive swearing in meaning.
Manuscript received November 30, 2014; revised July 2, 2015;
©2015 Journal of Media & Mass Communication
doi: 10.12720/jmmc.1.1.30-36
LITERATURE REVIEW
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Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
group. A rule may be restricted to a specific linguistic
environment and then gradually come to be used in an
increasing range of environment. Ref. [9] According to
Bicketon’s model, intra-speaker variation occurs when
speakers who have access to more than one dialect
engage in code-switching. In accordance with situational
factors such as the topic of the discourse, its purpose, and
the addressee, a speaker may choose to use one dialect
sometimes and another at other times.
Social-psychological perspectives: Ref. [1] Socialpsychological model attempts to explain variation in
language use by reference to the speaker’s views about
the social, institutional, and ethnic status of their own ingroup and out-group with whom they come into contact.
Ref. [10] Take Giles’ speech accommodation theory for
instance. Accommodation can take place at any level of
language use. Convergence occurs when speakers adjust
their normal speech to make it more similar to their
interlocutor’s speech. Divergence occurs when the
opposite takes place—speakers seek to make their speech
dissimilar from that of their addressee. Speakers would
switch from convergence to divergence when they
consider their addressee during the interaction. Ref. [11]
Thus, sociolinguistic variables are closely related to
identity of the addressee and to the audience. Ref. [12]
Conceptualization means when speakers decide which
variety of language to use, they consider the situational
factors and specific communicative intentions that they
hope to realize in the spoken message. Ref. [13]
Language learners possess a continuum of styles, ranging
from the superordinate to the vernacular. Leaners style
shifts between the two styles in accordance with the
demands of the situation.
Social network: Ref. [14] There are four social
networks. When all the people know each other, it
consists of a dense social network. If not, it is a diffuse
one. Sometimes, the relationship is controlled by a single
role, it is defined as simplex social network. The last one
is multiplex in which complex relationships are involved.
Ref. [15] To behave in sociolinguistically appropriate
ways, speakers need to consider their addressees, their
gender, the particular language functions they wish to
perform, and the topic of the discourse. For instance,
peer-oriented networks encourage conformity to the
group norms to the extent that the dominant peer
language increasingly becomes the preferred medium in
group communication.
When the Taiwanese, with lower educational level and
socio-economic background, get angry, they would say,
gan ni nian ‘fuck your mother’ in Southern Min. It means
having sexual intercourse with the addressee’s mother. It
is a very rude and profane verbal expression since incest
is forbidden so the phrase is taken as a taboo, reflecting
social value in our culture. Speech act and important
cultural information are embedded in it. The word
「幹」 gan initially has spoken form but later it borrows
its written form from the Mandarin owing to their
similarity in sound. In addition to its original meanings,
「幹」 gan is specialized to refer to ‘coitus’. Later it
degenerates in meaning gradually and becomes a term of
contempt occurring only in coarse, abusive speech. That
is, it goes derogation and acquires sexual overtones. It
represents the stereotype of an uneducated and unrefined
people. Ref. [3] It is a part of historical process—words
which once are positive or neutral acquire a negative
connotation by association with something unpleasant or
embarrassing.
B. Language as the Social Mirror
Ref. [4] Language is influenced by physical
environment, social environment, and social values. It
reflects the social, moral, and cultural processes. Ref. [1]
A study of language totally without reference to its social
context misses the more interesting and complex aspects
of language.
Taboo words deal with behavior which is inhibited in
an irrational manner. In language, taboo is associated
with things which are not said, and in particular with
words and expressions which are not used. Ref. [3] The
use of taboo-words in non-permitted contexts provokes
violent reactions of shock and disgust. Failure to adhere
to the strict rules governing their use can lead to
punishment or public shame. These words will only be
used in a restricted set of situations.
Ref. [5] for those who do use taboo words, however,
‘breaking the rules’ may have connotations of strength
and of freedom. This is largely because taboo words are
frequently used as swear-words, which are powerful. Ref.
[6] Legal sanctions are disappearing and there is a
growing tendency for more rational attitudes to develop
towards taboo. Breaking the rules is now less dramatic
than it used to be, reflecting part of the system of values
and beliefs of the society.
C. Language Variability
In addition to social network, this section discusses
language variability from sociolinguistic and socialpsychological perspectives.
Sociolinguistic perspectives: Ref. [7] External
variation arose as a result of social factors, such as age,
gender, social class, topic, interlocutor, setting, and the
roles of the participants, which lead speakers to select one
form rather than another. They tended to use one
variation in one style and another variant in another style.
Ref. [8] Bailey developed a theory of language change to
account for synchronic variability in language use.
Linguistic innovation is first introduced by one group of
speakers. As time went by, it is taken up by the second
©2015 Journal of Media & Mass Communication
III.
A.
METHODOLOGY
Participants
At the data collection stage, participants involved
students in a senior high school and a junior high school
in Taipei. Their age range was from 13 to 18. Their daily
gossip with peers and interaction with teachers on
campus were recorded. After the data collection, 30
students, who used the word 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’
frequently, were recruited for interviews. Male students
who used the word outnumbered female ones so there
were more boys interviewed. The number of male and
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Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
female interviewed students was 20 and 10 respectively.
Table II displayed the interviewees’ information:
selected for interviews. Each interview last for 15
minutes. The researcher took notes and recorded the
interviews in the interviewing process to ensure
completeness of the verbal interaction and provide
materials for reliability checks. Following the interview,
the researcher completed and typed the handwritten
records and the verbatim data.
TABLE II: CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PARTICIPANTS
Groups
7th graders
8th graders
9th graders
10th graders
11th graders
Total
Number
Mean age
5
5
11
6
3
30
13.95
15.01
16.11
16.89
17.63
15.92
Gender
Male Female
4
1
3
2
7
4
4
2
2
1
20
10
D.
Data Analysis
A mixed method was adopted to analyze the data. First,
a quantitative analysis was conducted to analyze the
collected spoken data containing the word 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’. Next, an inductive method was employed to
synthesize the data and deduce rules for the usage of
「幹」 gan ’fuck’. Finally, reliability and validity were
established by the triangulation of the multiple forms of
data gathered. All the data were categorized under
headings through a process of qualitative thematic
analysis.
B.
Instruments
Multiple-method was employed to collect data,
including
field
observation,
students’
casual
conversations containing the word 「幹」 gan ’fuck’,
semi-structured interviews. Totally 176 extracts of
spoken data was collected in a great variety of everyday
speech situations. As for the interview, it was conducted
to obtain teenagers’ perceptions of the word 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’, to explore the factors contributing to its
frequent occurrence in teenagers’ daily talk, and to verify
information obtained from the field observation. The
interviews provided a clearer and more complete picture
of the research findings.
IV.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The discussion began with a summary of the multifaceted use of 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’. The second section
focused on the results of the field observation and
interviews. Finally, factors contributing to the teenagers’
frequent use of「幹」gan ’fuck’ were discussed.
C.
Procedures
The researcher collected students’ spoken data which
contained the word「幹」 gan ’fuck’ on campus from
the 2012 to 2013 school year, totally two years. The data
included their interactions with peers and teachers. After
the data collection, those who used the word 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ most frequently in their daily talk were
A.
The Multi-Faceted Use of「幹」 Gan ’Fuck’
Based on the teenagers’ spoken data, the use of the
word「幹」gan ’fuck’ could be categorized into four
functions: catharsis (37.50%), social connection (26.71%),
expletive (21.02%), and discourse marker (14.77%), as
shown in Table III.
TABLE III: THE MULTI-FACETED USE OF「幹」GAN ‘FUCK’
Feature
Function
Catharsis
Meanings
Functions
No
%
Intensifier
To show strong
agreement/disagreement
To emphasize something
To show negative
feelings
To show strong positive
feelings
To greet each other
To address someone
To praise someone
To refuse an invitation
To say ‘sorry’
To scold oneself
To scold others
To offend someone
To initiate/finish a
dialogue
To pause
To connect phrases/
sentences
23
13.07
13
16
7.39
9.09
14
7.95
12
10
10
8
7
15
14
8
11
6.82
5.68
5.68
4.55
3.98
8.52
7.95
4.55
6.25
9
6
5.11
3.41
176
100
Feeling
expression
Social
connection
Expletive
Discourse
marker
Greeter
Vocative
Compliment
Refusal
Apology
Swear
Provocative
Starter
Time filler
Connective
Total
At first, the majority of the word 「幹」gan ’fuck’
was used as catharsis (37.5%), as shown in Table III. The
word was used when participants regretted or dismayed
©2015 Journal of Media & Mass Communication
about a state of affairs viewed as unfortunate. It also
functioned to remedy a past or immediately forthcoming
breach of etiquette. Nearly 20% of its occurrence
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Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
functioned as intensifiers, like ‘yes’, ‘no’, or ‘very’ in
English, as illustrated in the following examples,
apology (4.55%), and refusal (3.98%), as shown in the
following examples,
(1) A: 昨晚那場演唱會超棒的！
zuówǎn nà chǎng yǎn chàng huì chāo bàng
de
That concert was great last night.
B: 幹！沒錯，但我沒去。
gàn méi cuò dàn wǒ méi qù
Fuck, that’s right. But I didn’t go.
A: 真可惜。
zhēn kě xí
That’s a pity.
(8) Greeter
A: 幹！還好吧？
gàn hái hǎo ba
Fuck, how are you?
B: 幹！還好。
gàn hái hǎo
Fuck, so so.
(9) Vocative
A: 幹！你在幹嘛？
gàn nǐ zài gàn má
Fuck, what are you doing?
B: 幹！修我的腳踏車。
gàn xiū wǒ de jiǎo tà chē
Fuck, fix my bicycle.
(10) Refusal
A: 幹！你有看到那個漂亮的女生嗎？
gàn nǐ yǒu kàn dào nà ge piào liàng de
nǚshēng ma
Fuck, did you see that pretty girl?
B: 幹！在哪？
gàn zài na
Fuck, where?
A: 那裏！
nà lǐ
Over there.
(2) A: 你英文作業寫完了沒？
nǐ yīng wén zuò yè xiě wán le méi
Did you finish your English homework?
B: 幹！我忘了。
gàn wǒ wàng le
Fuck, I forgot.
(3) A: 幹！超幸運的，我沒被老師發現。
gàn chāo xìng yùn de wǒ méi bèi lǎo shī fā
xiàn
Fuck, I wasn’t caught by the teacher.
B: 幹！太扯了！
gàn tài chě le
That’s fucking ridiculous.
Besides, when they were irritated by someone or
something, they used 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’ (9.09%), as
shown in the following extracts:
(11) Compliment
A: 幹！你的夾克酷喔！
gàn nǐ de jiá kè kù ō
Fuck, your jacket looks cool.
B: 幹！花超多時間才買到的。
gàn huā chāo duō shí jiān cái mǎi dào de
Fuck, it took me lots of time to buy it.
(12) Apology
A: 幹！你踩到我的腳。
gàn nǐ cǎi dào wǒ de jiǎo
Fuck, you step on my feet.
B: 幹！對不起。
gàn duì bù qǐ
Fuck, sorry.
(4) 幹！閃啦！
gàn shǎn la
Fuck, leave me alone.
(5) 幹！今天有夠衰的。
gàn jīn tiān yǒu gòu shuāi de
Fuck, it’s not my day.
When they felt anxious, they used it, too. For instance,
one student murmured in a test.
(6) 幹！第二題真難。
gàn dì èr tí zhēn nán
Fuck, Question 2 is really difficult.
Nearly 8% of catharsis was used to express strong
positive feelings or agreement. For instance, when
teenagers were surprised at something, they initiated with
「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’ and then followed by a positive
comment.
The word 「幹」gan ’fuck’ in these examples was
used in casual interaction with familiar friends. Students
liked the relaxing atmosphere created by this word in peer
interaction. On the contrary, to the unfamiliar interlocutor,
the word was inhibited owing to “politeness” and “facesaving”, revealing distance between the two interlocutors.
Third, the word 「幹」 gan ’fuck’, as revealed in
Table III, still maintained its traditional function
“expletive”: to scold, insult, and threaten someone (21%).
Nonetheless, in most cases, the object of 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ referred to the speaker him/herself. It was
used as reflexive. Only 7.95% of its occurrence was used
to scold others. For these young adolescents, 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ was taken as a slang, rather than a taboo,
(7) A: 幹！你怎麼辦到的？太厲害了。
gàn nǐ zěn me bàn dào de tài lì hài le
Fuck, how can you make it? That’s great.
B: 還好啦！
hái hǎo la
Just fine!
Second, the word 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’ also signaled
social connection (nearly 27%), which was functioned as
greeter (6.82%), vocative (5.68%), compliment (5.68%),
©2015 Journal of Media & Mass Communication
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Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
Based on the field observation and interviewees’
responses, the multiple forms of data were analyzed from
the sociolinguistic perspective, including three aspects:
setting, participants, and gender, as depicted in Table IV.
since the degree of obscenity was no longer so significant.
The negative effect of swearing and insulting someone
was reduced, not so strong and powerful, as the following
extracts showed,
(13) A: 幹！我真笨，忘了帶便當。
gàn wǒ zhēn bèn wàng le dài biàn dāng
Fuck, I am so stupid. I forget to bring my
lunch box.
TABLE IV: SOCIOLINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE WORD「幹」GAN
‘FUCK’
Aspects
Setting
(14) A: 幹！閉嘴啦！
gàn bì zuǐ la
Fuck, shut up!
B: 不關你的事！Bitch!
bù guān nǐ de shì
It is not your business. Bitch!
A: 幹！太吵啦！
gàn tài chǎo la
Fuck! Too noisy!
Participants
Gender
(15) Time filler
A: 幹！現在幾點？
gàn xiàn zài jǐ diǎn
Fuck, what time is it?
B: 幹！十點。
gàn shí diǎn
Fuck, it’s ten.
(16) Initiator
A: 幹！他笨又懶惰。
gàn tā bèn yòu lǎn duò
He is stupid, fuck, he is also lazy.
(17) Connector
A: 幹！老師來了！幹！快一點！
gàn lǎo shī lái le gàn kuài yī diǎn
Fuck, the teacher is coming. Fuck, hurry up!
B: 幹！快好了！再一分鐘！
gàn kuài hǎo le zài yì fēn zhōng
Fuck, almost finished! One more minute!
To sum up, the original abusive and pejorative
meaning of 「幹」 gan ’fuck’ had faded out gradually.
For teenagers, it functioned mainly as an interjection to
release one’s emotion. It was also an indicator of
familiarity, representing as a solidarity in-group marker.
The teenagers developed interpretive strategies for
negotiating together with other interlocutors by using the
contextual information, shared knowledge, and intonation
to infer the functional and social meaning of what is
being said. Ref. [10] It required cooperation through
communication.
Results of Field Observation and Interviews
©2015 Journal of Media & Mass Communication
No.
161
15
122
21
16
12
5
96
45
21
14
Frequency(%)
91.48
8.52
69.32
11.93
9.09
6.82
2.84
54.55
25.57
11.93
7.95
Setting: it was interesting that teenagers usually used
the word「幹」 gan ‘fuck’ to express emotions with
intimate friends in informal setting (above 91%), as
shown in Table IV. In formal setting (8.52%), being
aware of the social value imposed on them, they tried to
avoid the word even if they failed sometimes.
Participants: the results revealed that 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ was inhibited at first, then accepted by peers,
and finally they formed a unity. The word was used to
accomplish their purposes, gain cooperation, form
friendships, show intimacy, and keep their world running
smoothly. The function of the act was to create or
reaffirm solidarity, avoid confrontation, and signal equal
status. Therefore, this word helped to decrease friction
and promote friendship, bringing group members closer
together and allowing them to interact more easily with
one another.
Ref. [17] Students would use linguistic resources to
produce social meaning, group identities, and individual
styles as well as stance. Another reason for the high
frequent use among familiar friends attributed to mutual
prior knowledge and understanding of each other, which
helped the addressee, without feeling provocative or
offended, to interpret the speaker’s intention correctly.
That is, peers were able to interpret what was meant by
what was said to them and gained control over the way in
which they presented themselves to others. Ref. [18]
Holliday calls it “small culture”. It is a dynamic ongoing
process which operates in changing circumstances to
make group members to make meaning of within a
context.
There was a sharp contrast for strangers and people
with unequal status. Teenagers avoided using 「 幹 」
gan ’fuck’ since they want to be polite and avoid
misunderstanding. In the rare cases, the word implied,
“Stay away! Our friendship doesn’t include you.”
A phenomenon needed to be noticed was most
teenagers would use this word with anyone of any age
except the elder. It indicated this new generation still kept
「幹」 gan ’fuck’ as a taboo in mind. Ref. [15] In brief,
the differential power and solidarity relationships
between interlocutors lead to different responses.
Finally, like the English discourse marker well, 「幹」
gan ‘fuck’ functioned as time fillers (5.11%), initiators
(6.25%), and even connectors (3.41%). Ref. [16] It was
used to claim the floor to speak, give the speaker time to
think, and end a conversation. Some teenagers favored
this word as a connector to make their discourse coherent.
The following instances demonstrated the three functions.
B.
Descriptor
Informal
Formal
Familiar friends
Unfamiliar friends
The youngers
Strangers
The elders
Boy-Boy
Boy-Girl
Girl-Boy
Girl-Girl
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Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
Gender: the result also showed gender-related
differences in speech behavior. In general, boys’
production showed a higher frequency of this term than
that of girls, especially when girls are absent (54.55%).
That is, boys used the word more frequently with the
same sex than with girls. They used the word with the
attempt to set up solidarity and group unique identity.
The word facilitated the interpersonal communication.
The majority of interviewees still expected girls to be
refined. Only 20% of the interviewees accepted that girls
could use the word in their talk. Very few cases were
recorded of girls to girls. Ref. [19] Women were
encouraged to be “little ladies” and polite. If she refused
to talk like a lady, she was ridiculed and criticized as
masculinity and disgrace. Owing to this social value
imposed on girls, they used the word less frequently,
acting out a socially accepted role.
In sum, age, sex, degree of intimacy, role, and status of
participants in the interaction were the conditioning
factors in the teenagers’ speech.
C.
directly and convey to the addressee that we are in this
together.
Frequent input: it was another reason to account for
the high occurrence of 「幹」 gan ’fuck’ (16.67%). Ref.
[6] If Children grew up in the environment filled with the
word, they took it for granted to apply in their own
speech. Some interviewees complained, “The elders
themselves often use this word, too.” Others pointed out,
“It occurs so frequently around us so we just imitate it.”
Their complaints reminded adults to give the youngsters
good language models.
A challenge to the taboo: some teenagers (13.33%) felt
cool to challenge the traditional social value and cultural
stereotype. Through the taboo word, boys set up selfidentity and self-image, such as being cool, independent,
special, and strong. Further analysis revealed that some
boys were eager to challenge school institutional
assumptions and stereotypes. They used the word to
produce their “troublemaker” image, which was a way to
show their rejection of education and teacher authority.
The extensive use of 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’ also helped
distinguish themselves from other students groups. Some
girls used the word with the attempt to rebel the social
expectation of females “being elegant”. They deliberately
challenged Taiwanese gender norms.
Inadequate communicative competence and rhetoric
proficiency: some interviewees (13.33%) admitted that
their frequent use of 「幹」 gan ’fuck’ resulted from
their inadequate communicative competence and rhetoric
proficiency. Nowadays, dozens of Taiwanese youngsters
were smartphone addicts or indulge themselves in the
virtual world. They needed not only rhetoric but also
communicative competence in face-to-face interaction, as
one student mentioned,
(20) I know it’s impolite to use this word. I don’t like
it, either. To be frank, my Chinese is not good. I have
difficulty in finding the appropriate words to express my
feelings. I feel uneasy to interact with others. So I
imitated my friends’ speaking style and register.
In Taiwan, many adults, such as parents and school
teachers, condemned the teenagers’ rude verbal
expression and even took it as moral degeneration. The
findings reminded us that instead of despising or
punishing the teenagers’ opprobrious verbal performance,
it is important for parents to practice what they preach.
Furthermore, the adults should provide them with more
appropriate language input, such as verbal expressions in
communication.
Reasons for the Frequent Use of 「幹」 Gan ’Fuck’
According to the interviews with the 30 teenagers and
the researcher’s observation, teenagers’ frequent use of
「幹」 gan ’fuck’ resulted from their daily high pressure,
group solidarity, inappropriate input, conflict with social
value, and lack of rhetoric proficiency. All these factors
were summarized in Table V.
TABLE V: TEENAGERS’ REASONS FOR USING「幹」GAN ‘FUCK’
Reasons
No.
Frequency(%)
Release of pressure
Peer recognition
The high frequency of input
8
6
5
26.67
20.00
16.67
Attempt to challenge the “taboo”
4
13.33
Inadequate communicative competence
Inadequate rhetoric proficiency
4
3
13.33
10.00
Total
30
100
Release of pressure: it was the main function of
「幹」 gan ’fuck’ for the majority of the interviewed
teenagers (26.67%). Teenagers in Taiwan received great
pressure from their parents, the school, and entrance
exams. Ref. [20] Expletive words helped release their
pressure and negative emotion, making them keep
healthy psychologically and physically. These teenagers
said that the word gave them a sense of relief and
freedom. As one student mentioned,
(18) It is a magic word. Whenever I feel angry or
depressed, I say, “fuck”. Then, I feel much better.
Peer recognition: as revealed in Table V, “Peer
recognition” (20.00%) also played a significant role.
Friendship is everything for the teenagers. “No one
wanted to be isolated”, said one interviewee. They used
this word in their talk to establish solidarity with their
peers and minimalize social distance, as one interviewee
mentioned:
(19) It is boys’ talk—friendship. We don’t have to
stand on ceremony with each other. We say the thing
©2015 Journal of Media & Mass Communication
V. CONCLUSION
A. Main Findings
It was clear that the word 「 幹 」 gan ’fuck’ did
undergo changes. As for the semantic change, it moved
from negative opprobrious meaning, to neutral discourse
markers, and even to positive emotional expression. In
terms of pragmatic change, traditionally, it was used to
reproach others. Nevertheless, teenagers used it to
reproach themselves more often than others. From the
35
Journal of Media & Mass Communication Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2015
grammatical aspect, it functioned as a noun, a verb, and
an adjective in the past but now it functions mainly as an
interjection and even a conjunction. Most importantly,
from a sociolinguistic perspective,「幹」gan ’fuck’ in
the teenagers’ talk signaled solidarity and intimate
friendship in-group. Moreover, the findings also revealed
that different roles hold different types of conversations.
Not only were girls more polite, but boys were supposed
to be more polite around girls than they were with each
other.
[4]
B. Pedagogical Implications
[9]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
The study contributed more deeply to the
understanding of the teenagers’ discourse community and
to forming a more complete picture of recent
developments and innovations in this age group.
[10]
C. Limitations and Suggestions for Further Study
[11]
Some spoken data were not recorded at the time it was
produced and the researcher had to rely on memory with
the result that the data might not be accurate. Besides,
some crucial indexical information, such as pausing and
non-verbal actions, was not recorded in detail. For further
study, the contextual information of naturally occurring
interactions had better be video-taped for detailed
analysis. For further study, it would be meaningful to
conduct a synchronic research to compare the use of
「幹」gan ‘fuck’ in other Chinese-speaking countries,
such as China and Hong Kong. Another interesting study
could be conducted to compare the Chinese and English
expletives from the socio-cultural perspective.
[12]
[13]
[14]
[15]
[16]
[17]
[18]
Zi-Yu Tai was born in Chang-Hua, Taiwan,
in 1973. She received her B.A. degree from
National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei,
Taiwan, in 1996 and the M.A. in English
Teaching from National Kaohsiung Normal
University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan, in 2001. She
is currently pursuing the Ph.D. degree in the
department of English in National Taiwan
Normal University, Taiwan.
She has taught English in Taipei Municipal
Hong Dao Junior High School, Taiwan, for
13 years. She is the chairperson in the department of English and the
program leader for English gifted students. Her research interests
include English teaching and testing.
Ms. Tai is a member of Teacher Professional Evaluation, Taipei. She
was awarded the first prize in both the National Contest of High School
English Lesson Plan in 2012 and the first prize in the National Contest
of Gender Equality Lesson Plan in Taiwan in 2013.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The author wishes to thank Dr. Chien-Ching Mo, Dr.
Hao-Jan Chen, and Dr. Angela Wu. This work was
supported in part by a grant from Ministry of Science and
Technology, Taiwan.
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