Introduction to Syntax
Chapter 5:
Chapter 5
5.
AdjunctionÑModification
5.1
Introduction
This chapter covers the introduction of modifiers. The central claim is that
modifiers are adjoined to the node which they modify. The adjunction configuration
is defined in (401):
Adjunction
(401)
A node Y is adjoined to X if X immediately Dominates both X
and Y:
(402)
a.
b.
X
Y
X
X
X
Y
The adjoined node Y may be adjoined to the left of X as in (402a) or to the right
of X as in (402b). By convention, both Xs are the same category, though they be
head nodes, phrasal nodes, or any intermediate nodes. The basic claim in this
section is that modifiers are adjoined to XP, not to X:
(403)
a.
b.
XP
Y
XP
XP
XP
Y
In this chapter we will show that a modifier can be adjoined either to the left
or to the right of the modificand. Specific parameters of English will determine
whether a specific modifier is adjoined to the left or to the right.
5.2
The Modification of Nouns
An example of adjunction occurs in the following phrase:
(405)
the red pencil.
Modifiers such as the adjective red in (405) are adjoined to the form that they
modify. We will initially claim that the adjective modifier is adjoined to NP (406), but
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at the end of section 5.3 we will note that it must be adjoined to a new internal
constituent called ‘µ’:
(406)
NP
Det
the
NP
AP
NP
A
N
red
pencil
First we will argue that they are adjoined to NP. Then we will argue that modifiers
are adjoined to the forms they modify
5.3
The Modification of Nouns—Prenominal Position
In this section we will show that adjective phrases are adjoined to NPs. Prenominal adjective phrases are adjoined to the left of NP.
Traditionally in configurational syntax, the adjective phrase has been assumed
to be directly dominated by NP:
(407)
The Traditional Expansion of NP
NP ˘ (Det) (AP)n N.
The superscript ‘n’ indicates that more than one AP may occur in prenominal
position:
(408)
The large fast black Lexus.
We will show that Rule is incorrect in that it fails to capture certain facts about the
modification of nouns.
The first evidence that we cite covers the function of adjectives. Adjectives
may modify adjectives as well as nouns:
(409)
Elvis’s Caddy was bright pink.
Here, bright is modifying pink. Bright is considered an adjective and not a degree
modifier because bright can be modified by very and it can be compared:
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a.
Elvis drove a very bright pink Caddilac.
b.
Elvis drove a brighter pink Cadillacs than did Little Richard.
c.
That woman is likes bright yellow shirts.
The last of these sentences is ambiguous. Here, bright either modifies (yellow)
shirts, or it modifies yellow alone. Cf.:
(411)
a.
Some yellow shirts are bright.
b.
Some shirts are bright yellow.
First note that if bright and yellow are sister nodes as in (412), bright will
modify both yellow and shirts, and yellow will modify both bright and shirts:. Let us
suppose that adjectives and adverbs belong to same category which might be called
a modifier. Following the usage in modern transformational grammar, this node is
written as A:1 Recall that A is dominated by AP. It has been assumed by some linguists that the structure for bright yellow shirts is the following:
(412)
NP
AP
AP
A
A
bright
yellow
N
shirt
The structure in (412) is inappropriate since it fails to resolve the ambiguity. When
a node immediately dominates more than two nodes, such a structure is called a flat
structure. To resolve this ambiguity, let us suppose that if bright modifies shirts
then it must be a sister2 to N, and if it modifies yellow, then it must be a sister to
A, but bright cannot be a sister to yellow if it does not modify yellow:
1.
2.
Presumably, A is derived from the first letter of both adjective and adverb. In more traditional
grammars the adjective is assigned the node Adj, and the adverb the node Adv.
The term sister is defined below in this section.
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a.
(413)
Section 5.3:
AP
AP
NP
A
bright
NP
b.
NP
NP
AP
NP
AP
AP
A
N
A
A
yellow
shirt
bright
yellow
N
shirt
It should be obvious that there are two different kinds of modifiers—adjectives and
adverbs. How are these distinguished? One way to differentiate them is by a feature
of the node: A[Adj] and A[Adv]. A[Adj] must be adjoined to NP, and A[Adv] must
be adjoined to VP. We could write (414) as (414):
(414)
a.
b.
NP
AP
A
[Adj]
bright
NP
NP
AP
AP
NP
AP
A
[Adj]
N
A
[Adv]
yellow
shirt
bright
NP
A
[Adj]
N
yellow
shirt
If it is true that all modifiers are sisters3 then the feature is predictable. We will not
use the features except to clarify a point from here on.
In (414) it would be difficult to determine which modifier is modifying which
modifier if the sister modifiers are not differentiated somehow. Note that it becomes
necessary therefore to introduce indexation. Here, each modifier receives a different
index since [A yellow] is the modificand and is the node that is copied, the dominant
modifier must bear the same index. Thus, bright modifies yellow. The dominant modifier modifies N. Since the dominant modifier has the same index as the subdominant
3.
A sister node is defined on the following page. In advanced work sisterhood will be replaced
with another configurational related called c-command.
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modifier, it stands to reason that yellow modifies shirt. If an index4 is added to N,
its index occurs on the copied Ns and on the NP of which [N shirt ] is the head:
(415)
a.
b.
NPi
NPi
APk
Ak
bright
NPi
APj
NPi
APj
NPi
APk
APj
Aj
Ni
Ak
Aj
yellow
shirt
bright
yellow
Ni
shirt
We will not show indexation consistently, except to clear up an ambiguity or to illustrate a point.
Next, we find that substitution provides strong evidence in favour of the
adjunction hypothesis for adjectival modification. Consider the following sentences:
(416)
a.
the new bright yellow shirt
b.
the new bright yellow one
c.
the new bright one
d.
the new one.
The pronominal one replaces the noun in (416b), yellow shirt in (416c), and bright
yellow shirt in (416d). If adjectives were not adjoined to nouns, but if they occurred
in a flat structure (as in diagram (412), then pronominal substitution should not occur.
Given this evidence, we will now assume that modifiers are adjoined to category
they modify.
Now consider the following conjoined structure:
(417)
very timid men and very brave women.
Timid modifies man, and brave modifies woman. Neither adjective modifies
the other noun. How do we know this? Suppose we restrict modification in structural
4.
In advanced work an index is considered to be an abbreviation of grammatical and semantic
features.
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terms such that a modifier must be a sister node to the modificand. Two nodes are
sister nodes if they are immediately dominated by the same node:
(418)
Sister Nodes
All nodes that are immediately dominated by a common node
are sister nodes.
(419)
Modification5
X modifies Y, only if X is an A, an adjectival adverb, a determiner, or a degree modifier, and X and Y are sisters.
Whether a node is a modifier or whether it can be modified depends on the category
of the node. All nodes A (adjectives) and all nodes Deg (degree) are modifiers.
Nouns are not inherently modifiers. Up to this point, adjectives modify nouns, and
degree words modify adjectives. In the following P-marker we assume that A is
adjoined to N, as Deg is adjoined to A:6
(420)
NP
NP
AP
Deg
NP
Conj
AP
N
AP
Deg
timid
AP
A
A
very
N
men
and
very
brave
women
First, note that timid is not a sister to woman; so timid does not modify woman.
This also holds between brave and man. Timid and brave are sisters to man and
woman, respectively. Thus timid modifies man and brave modifies woman. The
degree modifier very is a sister to timid in the first NP, and a sister to brave in the
second one. Thus, very modifies timid in the first structure, and brave in the second.
The following P-rule expands NP such that the AP may be adjoined to it:
5.
6.
Phrases and clauses will be later analyzed as modifiers.
Degree words are formally covered in §5.7 below.
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(421)
Chapter 5:
The Prenominal Modification of NP [1]
NP ˘ AP NP.
Note that P-rules by definition are optional. Suppose we had stated that the degree
modifier is optional, e.g.:
(422)
The Prenominal Modification of NP [2]
NP ˘ (AP) NP.
The result would be that the node A could dominate another node A and by reapplying the node A could directly dominate a further node A. This is undesirable since
it could be repeated infinitely. Also, to claim that A only directly dominates itself is
a cyclical argument. It tells us nothing. We certainly want to avoid redundant structures like:
(423)
* NPj
NPj
NPj
NPj
Nj
book
Rule (421) permits NP to directly dominate NP only if NP dominates AP as well.
Rule has another consequence. It applies iteratively, producing structures similar to
(423). Thus we could treat rule as optional, which would yield structures like those
below:
(424)
[NP book ]
(The optional expansion of A is not utilized.)
(425)
[AP interesting [NP book ]]
(The optional expansion of A is taken.)
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(426)
Section 5.3:
[AP interesting [AP recent [NP book]]]
(The optional expansion of NP is taken once again).
This optional expansion of NP can be done over and over again to produce a modified adjective of indefinite length. (In section §2.12 we discuss the implications of
indefinite recursion).
The AP is adjoined to NP, not to N. The evidence is found in conjoined structures:
(427)
a.
the tall green trees and plants
b.
angry gaggles of geese and herds of cattle.
Both examples in (427) are ambiguous. Either the adjectives tall and green are modifying trees alone and the adjective angry is modifying gaggles of geese alone.; or
the first set are modifying both trees and plants and angry is modifying both gaggles
of geese and herds of cattle. In ambiguous cases the adjective must be adjoined to
the NP in order to have scope over both NPs:
(428)
NP
AP
NP
A
NP
Conj
N
PP
P
NP
N
NP
PP
P
N
angry gaggles of geese and herds of
NP
N
cattle
Rule (421) now makes it possible to eliminate ‘Adjn’ in simplifying the grammar.
In English, there is a restriction on the expansion of prenominal APs. The AP
cannot occur in prenominal position, if the adjective occurs with its complement:
(429)
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a.
*The proud of his son father
b.
*An angry about his marks student.
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Conjoined APs modified by a DegP may occur in prenominal position:
(430)
A very proud and happy parent.
This restriction cannot be built into the P-rules. It must be written as a filter. The
filter bars adjective complements in prenominal position:
Prenominal Adjective Constraint
(431)
*[NP [AP A XP ] N ], where XP has phonetic form.
There are languages to which this filter does not apply; e.g. German.
5.4
The Modification of Adjectives
Adjectives and adverbs can be modified with a degree modifier:
(432)
a.
The very shy boy dated the rather pretty girl.
b.
The somewhat timid deer disappeared.
c.
John ate his lunch very fast.
d.
The deer rather quickly jumped over the hedge.
Degree words modify adjectives, adverbs, and prepositions in English. Most degree
words cannot be modified:
(433)
a.
*the rather very shy boy
b.
*a few somewhat rather rotten apples.
Degree words cannot be compared:
(434)
a.
*this verier shy boy
b.
*a few ratherer rotten apples.
The examples in (433) show that degree words cannot modify other degree words,
and the examples in (434) show that degree words cannot be marked for the comparative degree.
The degree modifier very modifies the following adjective, but it does not
modify Ns:
(435)
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a.
*The shy very boy bought the expensive rather book.
b.
*The timid somewhat deer disappeared.
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In sentence (432a), very modifies shy boy but not pretty girl, and rather modifies
pretty girl, but not shy boy. First we may assume that the degree modifier precedes
the noun that it modifies. It now seems reasonable to assume that the degree modifier plus the adjective form a constituent. Evidence to support this assumption can
be found in sentences such as:
(436)
(437)
a.
Very tall though she is, Mary is an inch shorter than John.
b.
*Tall though she is very, Mary is an inch shorter than John.
a.
Somewhat timid seemed the deer.
b.
*Timid seemed the deer somewhat.
c.
*Somewhat seemed the deer timid.
Sentences (436a) and (437a) may seem questionable out of context, or even rather
formal once their contexts are given, they are a part of English and they must be
accounted for, especially in contrast with sentences (436b) and (437b and c). Sentences (436a) and (437a) show that the degree modifier and the adjective must be
grouped such that the degree modifier is adjoined to the adjective as in attributive
adjectives.
It appears that a degree modifier must always precede the noun it modifies.
The constituent that immediately dominates the degree modifier and the adjective
is often called an adjective phrase. When a node X is adjoined to a node Y, a copy
of Y is created, such that Y directly dominates X and Y. In the following diagram the
node AP is adjoined to AP. The node to which another node is adjoined is called
the host: Degree words are modifiers that can modify adjectives and adverbs. In
traditional grammar degree words are often called adverbs. The feature ‘Deg’ may
be indicate on A—A[Deg].
(438)
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APi
AP j
APi
Aj
[Deg]
Ai
[Adj]
very
timid
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We will present more evidence below that the degree modifier (AP) is adjoined to
AP. Degree words are differentiated from common adverbs only it that they cannot
be modified by other degree modifiers:
(439)
*The very rather bright shirt.
It is even possible for yellow or bright or both to be modified by a degree
modifier. If a degree modifier is modifying yellow, then bright cannot modify it if
bright precedes yellow:
(440)
a.
a bright, very yellow shirt
b.
a very bright, very yellow shirt.
Bright shows that an adjective can be modified by adverb or by a degree modifier.
The ‘or’ relation is expressed by enclosing the constituents affected by or in curly
brackets:
(441)
The Modification of AP [1]
AP ˘ AP{Adv,
Deg}
AP.
Note that the indexation of the adjectives prohibits a node from modifying itself.
The indexation is required to differentiate the modifying adjective from the one that
is being modified.
The following P-rule expands AP such that the degree modifier phrase (AP)
may be adjoined to it on the left. Note that the indices are required here to differentiate the expanded AP from the modifying AP:
(442)
The Modification of AP [2]
APi ˘ APj APi.
Now, we can provide evidence for adjunction. Consider the following NP:
(443)
a very timid man.
As we have discussed above, timid modifies man, and very modifies timid. The
degree modifier cannot modify a noun:
(444)
*a very man.
Consider also the following conjoined structure:
(445)
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a timid man and a brave woman.
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In the string the very very timid boy, each occurrence of very is a sister to
the node A:
(446)
NP
Det
NP
NP
APi
APi
AP k
Ak
[deg]
the
very
N
APj
APi
Aj
[deg]
Ai
[adj]
very
timid
boy
Degree words include some words that end in ‘-ly’; e.g., extremely, barely,
hardly. These forms are degree words and not true adverbs.7 First, very and rather
cannot modify extremely and barely; nor can the latter modify the former:
(447)
a.
an extremely hot day
b.
a very hot day
c.
*a very extremely hot day
d.
*an extremely very hot day.
Second, extremely and barely cannot be marked for the comparative and superlative
degrees:
(448)
a.
*a more extremely hot day
b.
*a barelier (more barely) warm cup of coffee.
Note that it is marginally acceptable whether degree words can be modified:
7.
In traditional grammar degree words are called adverbs.
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?Jerry is barely very tall.
Sentence (449) could be ambiguous. In the more acceptable reading, barely is modifying the AP very tall. In the second more questionable reading it could be modifying
very.
In non-standard colloquial English there is further evidence that degree words
can be modified:
(450)
Ellen put the book down right smack dab on the counter.
Dab does not appear to occur alone as a degree word, but smack may be modified
by right. Right is a degree word that modifies prepositions and such forms as smack:
(451)
Gary walked smack into the house.
Smack appears to be a modifier of prepositions in colloquial English; dab can modify
smack only (as far as it is known):
(452)
5.5
a.
John hit Bill right smack in the belly.
b.
John hit Bill smack in the belly.
c.
John hit Bill right in the belly.
d.
John hit Bill smack dab in the belly.
e.
*John hit Bill dab in the belly.
Degree Phrase
There is evidence that the degree word is the head of a phrase:
(453)
a.
The giraffe is so tall that it can eat fruit from large trees.
b.
John is as happy as he can be.
c.
The chicken is too spicy to eat.
The clause that follows the adjective is part of the meaning of the degree word.
Note that the clause cannot be omitted after so and as unless it is part of a discourse:
(454)
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a.
(*)The
giraffe is so tall.
*
b.
(*)John is as happy.
c.
The chicken is too spicy.
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The complement of as can be omitted in the appropriate context:
(455)
Bill is as happy as a lark, and John is as happy.
Examples like (455) are better of as is modified by just:
(456)
John is just as happy.
Just is one of the few degree words that can modifier other degree words. Some
other examples include the following:
(457)
a.
John is about as tall as his brother.
b.
Julia is almost so happy that she could blush.
c.
Picasso is ever so proud of his blue period.
d.
Columbus was almost so meek that Isabella was about to banished him.
In these meanings is appears that almost can modify a noun as well as another
degree word, but about and ever do not although just about can:
(458)
a.
*John is about tall.
b.
Julia is almost happy.
c.
*Picasso is ever proud.
d.
Mrs. Greerson is just about awake.
Note that ever can modify an adjective in exclamatory clauses:
(459)
Is Picasso ever proud!
This distribution of degree words may be in part semantic. Formal semantics lies
beyond the scope of this text.
The complement clause is not part of the adjective phrase:
(460)
a.
The giraffe is tall.
b.
John is happy.
c.
The chicken is spicy.
This shows that the clause is dependent on the degree word, and, hence, a complement of the degree word.
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The puzzle here is fact that the complement is separate from its head. Complements normally cannot be separate from their heads. The solution to this puzzle
is theoretical; it is too complex an issue to go into here.
The Expansion of DegP
(461)
DegP ˘ Deg Ú (ß).
Considering Deg to be dominated by DegP raises a few problems that are too
advanced for us to handle here. We will not analyze ‘DegP’ any further here, leaving
this for an analysis that is more advanced.
The P-maker for (449) is given:
(462)
CP
C
S
NP
N
VP
V
Aux
Cop
AP
AP
AP
A
[Deg]
e
Jerry
is
barely
AP
AP
A
[Deg]
A
[Adj]
very
tall
Degree words may take a complement similar to other heads. An embedded
sentence or prepositional phrase occurs in some constructions containing a degree
word:
(463)
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a.
The boy is as shy as the girl.
b.
The boy is as she as the girl is.
c.
The girl appears so bright that she will skip this grade.
d.
The deer was so timid that he disappeared into the bush.
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If the embedded phrase or clause is omitted, the result is either ungrammatical or
the omitted constituent is understood from context. One cannot begin a conversation
(discourse) with examples of the following sort:
(464)
a.
(*)The boy is as shy.
b.
(*)The girl appears so bright.
c.
(*)The deer was so timid.
The degree words as and so can be modified by the degree word just:
There is another degree word so that does not require a complement. In the
intended reading so means to the extent that. (The deer was timid to the extent that
he disappeared into the bush). In the second reading so functions like an intensifier.
It is similar in meaning to very, but he seems to have an emotive value. This use
does not require a complement.
There is at least one degree word that follows the adjective it modifies:
(465)
a.
John is fast enough to enter the race.
b.
*John is enough fast to enter the race.
For some unknown reason the degree word enough follows the adjective. It occurs
in construction with its complement.
The rule that accounts for the modification of adjectives is revised. Recall
from Chapter two that the symbol ‘\’ means the linear order is optional:
(466)
The Modification of Adjectives
AP ˘ APDeg\AP.
The default position for the degree word modifier appears to be on the left. Let us
assume this to be the case. Then degree words which occur on the right are marked
in the lexicon with this property. Enough is one of them.
The omission facts support our claim that the complements are dependent on
their heads. The complement in (463a) is the PP as the girl. The complements in
the three remaining examples are embedded clauses. The use of so as an affirmative
particle is discussed in section (§3.4). The complements of so and as are the
embedded sentence that occurs immediately to the right of the AP that it is modifying.
The degree word too often cooccurs with an embedded clause:
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a.
The chicken is too hot.
b.
The chicken is too hot to cook.
c.
*The chicken is hot to cook.
The embedded infinitival clause to cook is a purpose clause. Simple stative verbs
do not appear to be modified by purpose clause as (467b) indicates. The purpose
clause must be associated with the degree word. The purpose clause seems to be
modifying the degree word. We will not purse this matter here.
These examples show that Deg is dominated by DegP. We should now expect
DegP to be expandable by the principle of phrase structure expansion introduced in
Chapter 2: What is new here is the rule produces a discontinuous constituent. A
discontinuous constituent is one where another form that is not part of the constituent occurs somewhere between the initial and final members of the constituent.
If [X Y] is a constituent, and A is not part of the constituent [X Y], then [X Y} in the
following string is a discontinuous constituent:
(468)
[X A Y].
The discontinuous dependency can be illustrated in the follow tree structure. The
node ‘W’ directly dominates [X Y], and ‘V’ dominates ‘A’:
(469)
V
W
X
(470)
A
Y
The Expansion of APDeg
APDeg˘ ADeg Ú (ß).
The concept of the discontinuous constituent is very controversial. We argue against
it in a subsequent chapter. In one view in advanced syntax it can be shown that ß
is repositioned (moved) to the right of and adjoined to the AP. We will tentatively
adopt rule here, leaving the final expression of the rule for advanced syntax.
Assuming DegP, the P-marker for (471) is given in (472). Without argument,
we assume that the embedded constituent is adjoined to AP. A link is used to mark
the discontinuous constituent linking the embedded constituent to a hypothetical
empty complement position:8
(471)
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The rhinocerotes appear as large as the hippopotami.
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is the following:
(472)
CP
C
S
NP
Def
VP
NP
V
AP
N
AP
AP
PP
AP
A PP
A
[Deg]
[Adj]
e
the rhinocerotes
appear as
e
large as the hippopoto
The evidence for the adjunction of the embedded constituent to AP rather than to
some other constituent such as VP is found in such constructions as:
(473)
As large as the hippopotami though the rhin9ocerotes appear,
they are somewhat smaller.
The adjective phrase is repositioned at the beginning of the sentence and the
embedded clause immediately follows the adjective head. This provides evidence
that the embedded clause is still within AP and not adjoined to VP or some higher
constituent.
Although these degree words do not take complements, we assume that like
all degree words that occur as part of APDeg:
:
8.
This proposal is more or less compatible with transformationalists and those who do any variant of Generalized PHrase Structure Grammar, there are other schools of syntax that do not
believe there is an empty constituent here. For those who hold this view the structure is truly
discontinuous.
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(474)
CP
C
S
NP
N
VP
V
AP
PP
AP
APi
AP j
AP
APi
A
APi
Ai PP
[Deg] [Deg]
e
John
is
about
as
e
tall
as his brother
Comparative degree words also take complements:
(475)
a.
John is more ambitious than Bill is.
b.
Mary is less forceful than Betty.
By logical extension the suffix ‘-er’ adjoined to adjectives functions like a degree
word, except its form it that of a suffix rather than that of a word:
(476)
a.
*John is tall than Bill.
b.
John is taller than Bill.
Clearly, the embedded clause is dependent on the suffix but not on the adjective.
Further analysis of comparatives formed with suffixes lies beyond the scope of pure
syntax entering in the field of morphology9. We will not cover this construction here.
9.
Some linguists believe that syntax and morphology are distinct components of grammar. Others believe that there is no theoretical distinction. The distinction is based on convenience,
not on theory. This text is arbitrarily limited to ‘pure syntax.’
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5.6
Section 5.6:
Possessive NPs
The so-called possessive noun phrases are formed with “-’s”:
(477)
a.
The student’s book is expensive.
b.
Mary’s daughter starts kindergarten soon.
Although the possessive NPs in (477) are actually possessive, it is not true that all
such NPs are possessive. In the following Ss the enemy does not possess the
destruction in any sense of the term, nor does the prisoner possess his escape:
(478)
a.
The enemy’s destruction of the city was disgraceful.
b.
The prisoner’s escape from prison baffled the warden.
The enemy is the agent associated with the destruction (he destroyed the city), and
the prisoner is the agent associated with the escape (he escaped from prison).
The possessive NP and the determiner associated with the subject NP cannot
both occur:
(479)
a.
*Mary’s the daughter starts kindergarten soon.
b.
*The Mary’s daughter starts kindergarten soon.
This suggests that the determiner and the possessive NP occur in the same
position—only one of them can occur there at one time. This position is called SpecN (Specifier of N—this is covered in chapter 7. Note, however, that the possessive
NP may have its own determiner as in (477a) and (478) above. The form “-’s” is a
particle called a clitic that is adjoined to the NP, unlike the plural inflectional suffix
“-s” that is adjoined to nouns:
(480)
a.
the mayor of Sarnia’s vest
b.
*the mayor’s of Sarnia vest
In (480a) the clitic is adjoined to Sarnia, although in the normal interpretation of the
phrase, the vest belongs to the mayor, not to Sarnia. If the vest did belong to Sarnia,
(480a) would make no sense. Thus, the possessive clitic must be adjoined to NP.
The evidence that the clitic is adjoined to NP is found in such conjoined NPs as:
(481)
Betty and Bob’s child.
In the intended reading, the child is the offspring of both Betty and Bob:
(482)
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[NP [NP Betty and Bob] ’s ] child.
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In a second reading, the child could be Bob’s but not Betty’s:
(483)
[NP [NP Betty] and [NP Bob’s child ]].
The following possessive phrase is an interesting example of ambiguity:10
(484)
A friend of John’s wife.
It either means
(485)
the wife of a friend of John,
or it means
(486)
a friend of the wife of John.
s resolved structurally be determining which NP is possessive:
(487)
a.
[NP [NP a friend of John]’s wife ]
b.
[NP a friend of [NP John ’s wife]].
The P-rule expanding NP must now be revised. Note that the possessive NP
dominates a clitic, whereas the matrix NP does not. To ensure that the matrix NP
does not generate a clitic, let us mark the possessive NP with the feature ‘GEN’,
which is assigned to the branching NP indicating that only the NP marked with this
feature may dominate a clitic:
The Possessive Expansion of NP
(488)
a.
NP ˘ ({Det, NP+[Gen]}) N.
b.
NP+[Gen] ˘ NP Cl (non-iterative).
Only determiners and definite possessive NPs can occur In the prenominal
position. We can indicate this with the feature [+def]:
10. This
example is due to Benji Wald.
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Section 5.6:
(489)
CP
C
S
NP
NP
gen
def
VP
NP
V
aux
cop
AP
A
[adj]
Cl
NP
Det
N
NP
N
e
the student
's book
is
expensive
As in the case of other features, features are optionally included in phrase markers.
We do so only to illustrate a point or for clarity.
A difficulty arises in the representation of (362). The NP in Spec-N must not
be interpreted as identical to the dominant NP. The use of the feature ‘GEN’ eliminates this problem. Note that indexation also overcomes this problem:
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(490)
CP
C
S
NPi
NP j
NPj
Det
VPl
NPk
Cl
Ni
's
book
Vl
AP
A
NP j
Nj
e
the student
is
expensive
Note that the NP immediately dominating Cl must be a sister to N:
(491)
*The student’s is here.
The NP may be a sister to an empty N, however:
(492)
The prof’s book is on the table, and the student’s is on his
desk.
The student’s is a sister to an empty N, the head of the subject NP. The empty N
refers to the book which belongs to the student:
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(493)
NPi
NPj
NPj
Det
NPi
Cl
NPj
Nj
the student
e
's
If the final word ends in ‘s’ (plural), the letter ‘s’ following the apostrophe is
deleted:
(494)
the students ’s ˘ the students’.
If the plural is irregular, the final ‘s’ is not deleted:
(495)
the geese ’s ˘ the geese’s.
These rules are a spelling convention; they are not syntactic rules. There are more
rules covering the use of spelling out the possessive clitic, but we won’t cover them
here.
The claim that rule (362b) is non-iterative is proven by the fact that “‘s’” can
be added only once to NP:
(496)
*The student’s’s textbook.
Rule (362a) indicates that possessive NPs occur recursively. This is true:
(497)
John’s father’s boss’s wife’s pet dalmatian had a litter of 14
pups.
As in other cases of recursion, the number of recursively embedded possessive NPs
is bound only by performance factors.
5.7
Prepositional Phrases as Noun Phrases Modifiers
Nouns may also be modified by PPs that follow them:
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(498)
Chapter 5:
a.
very boring lectures in class.
b.
a tall person with red hair.
c.
some cool cats in town.
d.
those cool enchanted evenings in the Pacific.
Repositioning provides evidence that the PP in the NP:
(499)
a.
Very boring lectures in class put the students to sleep.
b.
The students were put to sleep by very boring lectures in class.
c.
≠The students in class put to sleep by very boring lectures.
Note that (499c) does not mean the same thing as (499a). In the latter example, in
class is referring to the location of the lecture, whereas in the former it is referring
to the location of the students. Although under normal condition both the lecture and
the students are in the same classroom, this is not necessary the case; cf. the following sentences:
(500)
a.
Very boring lectures produced on television put the students to
sleep.
b.
?Very boring lectures put the students produced on television
to sleep.
The fact that the PP modifies lecture shows that there is a dependency between the
PP and lecture, which provides more evidence to the inclusion of the PP in the NP.
Substitution also provides evidence that the string the very boring lecture in
class is a NP:
(501)
It put the students to sleep.
Here, the pronoun it refers to the entire string.
Conjunction provides further evidence:
(502)
Very boring lectures in class and the comments on the
handout put the students to sleep.
Here, two NPs are conjoined, and each NP contains a PP.
The prepositional phrases introduced in this section differ from the PP complements of nouns introduced in chapter 2. Like adjectives the PPs in this section
modify the noun which they are in construction with. Explaining the difference
between PPs which are modifiers and those which are complements is not easy.
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Section 5.7:
This distinction is crucial to the fundamental basis of syntax: the distinction between
a complement and a modifier.
A modifier provides information about the modificand that is not part of the
inherent meaning of the modificand. A complement is part of the meaning of the
modificand. Compare the two following NPs:
(503)
a.
the governor of the country
b.
the governor by the statue.
The PP of the country is a complement. It is part of the meaning of governor. In
the meaning of ruler, governor implies that the governor rules some kind of a
political state. Compare the noun with the verb govern which it is related to:
(504)
Huey governed the country.
The country is a complement of the verb. The structure of the NP and the VP are
parallel structures in this respect. Part of the meaning of govern is the entity governed; part of the meaning of governor is the entity governed.
In (503b) the PP by the statue is modifying the governor. The governor is not
governing the statue. The PP refers to the location of the governor. Location is not
part of the meaning of govern(or). It is adding information about the governor. It
tells us nothing about what he governs.
There is a syntactic test to determiner whether a postnominal PP is a complement or a modifier. A modifying PP can be replaced with a relative clause:
(505)
a.
**the governor who is of the country
b.
the governor in the next room
c.
the governor who is in the next room.
If the PP can be replaced with relative clause that has the same logical meaning as
the PP, then the PP is a modifier as are all relative clauses. In (505a) the PP cannot
be replaced with a relative clause with the same meaning. Hence, the PP is a complement of the head noun governor. The PP in the next room may be replaced with
a relative clause with no change in logical meaning. Therefore, the PP is a modifier
of the head noun.
Determiners take scope over conjoined µs. Consider the following sentences:
(506)
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a.
These boxes of candy and pots of beans
b.
The mayors of cities and governors of states
c.
The King of England and Queen of france will marry.
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The determiners in these three examples in all probability takes scope over both µ
phrases.
The P-rule for the µ must be modified:
The Modification of µ Revised
(507)
µ˘ µ (PP). (Expansion is iterative.)
The iterativeness condition permits more than one PP to be adjoined to NP:
(508)
a.
lectures on semiotics in class at noon
b.
the governor of Alabama with gray hair on a chair.
The PP of Alabama is a complement, the next two PPs are modifiers.
The P-marker for (498a) is the following:
(509)
NP
NP
NP
NP
AP
AP
AP
A
[Deg]
A
[Adj]
very
PP
P
N
N
boring lectures
NP
in
class
One remaining question is how do we node that the PP is adjoined to NP higher
than AP. The answer to this question is that the AP could be adjoined higher than
PP:
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(510)
NP
AP
NP
AP
AP
NP
A
[Deg]
A
[Adj]
N
very
boring lectures
PP
P
NP
in
class
The two structures are nearly identical. The difference in meaning is very subtle.
The difference virtually corresponds to the difference in the following sentences:
(511)
a.
The very boring lectures are in class.
b.
The lectures in class are very boring.
It is very difficult to explain this distinction without some background in semantics.
For now we will not be concerned with this distinction. We will consider either
diagram (509) or diagram (510) to be the correct representation for example (498a).
The structure for (508a) which contains three PP modifiers is the following:
(512)
NP
PP
NP
NP
N
PP
P
PP
P
NP
P
NP
NP
N
N
N
lectures
on
semiotics in
class at
noon
If a prenominal modifier precedes lectures as in
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(513)
Chapter 5:
boring lectures on semiotics in class at noon,
then boring could be adjoined to any node µ in (512) yielding four structures.
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