TIlW TO PRESERn: A STUDY OF TWO GENERATIONS OF FOOD
PRESERVERS IN RURAL mLLINGTON COUNTY
A Thesis
Presented to
The Faculty of Graduate Studies
of
The University of Guelph
In partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
Master of Science
August, 1999
@ Catherine Reid, 1999
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ABSTRACT
TIME TO PRESERVE= A STUDY OF TWO GENERATIONS OF FOOD
PRESERVERS IN RURAL m L W G T O N COUNTY
Catherine Reid
University of Guelph, 1999
Advisor:
Professor Glen CI F h n
This thesis explores the practice of food preservation for two generations
of rural women in W m g t o n Connty., Ontario. Food preservation is examined
in terms of localizing the food system.
Using grounded theory methodology, interviews were held with 18 women:
nine born before the Second World War, and nine born during, or after, the
Second World War. Government documents on food preservation were also
examined for patterns.
The profiles of the two generations of food preservers are similar: all participants learned through informal sources and used similar techniques. Yet
the values associated with food presemation are different. Older women preserved for economic savings and for preventing food waste. Younger women,
mentioning self-sufficiency and the superior taste of home preserves, spoke of
how time prevented them from preserving. The results are discussed within
the context of the globalization of the food system and women's participation
in the labour force.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This thesis would not have been possible without the contributions, guidance and support of many.
I would first like t o state how gratefnl I am to those women who participated in this research. The intaviews were not only infoxmativet but a p1sure to conduct. I would also like to thank Ian Easterbrook of the W a g t o n
County Historical Society for helping me locate participants.
I would also like to thank Dr. Glen C. Filson, m y advisor, for agreeing
to take on this research project in the first place, and for allowing me to
experience the research p r o w in my own nay. Committee members Dr. E.
A. (Nora) Cebotarev and Dr. Jana Janskiram also provided much feedback
and guidance along the way. I would also like to thank my cornmittee, in
general, for keeping their office doom open and for quickly replying to my
e-mails.
There are also fiends, colleagus and family members who lent me their
ears and who patiently
answered my many questions. Special thanks go to
Samantha Albert, Lisa Hayles, Ellen Klupfel and Santiago Olmos.
Finally,let me thank Serge Daigle, not only for his computer wizardry and
I
his moral support, but for sharing with me the joys-and the work+ growing
and preserving food.
-
Contents
Introduction
..........................
Background Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.2.1 The Food System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.2.2 Localization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Conceptual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.1 The Foodshed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5.2 Grounded Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Significance of the Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Introduction to the Researcher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1 EtesearchFocus
1.2
L3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
2 Literature Review
2.1 Introduction
2.2
Localization
............................
............................
2.3 Food Preservation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
17
.
Labour Force Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
19
21
.............
24
2.4 Women and the Changing Context: A Historical Foundation
2.4.1
2.4.2 Mechanization of the Household
3 Methodology
3.1 Grounded Theory:Introduction and PhiIo6ophicd Foundations
......................
Introduction to Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 Choosing Participants
3.3
3.4
3.5 Developing
the
Interview
Schedule
and
..........................-Conducting the Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Follow-up with Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Historical Inquiry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Guide
3.6
3.7
3.8
3.9
3.10
4 Findings
............................
Profiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.................
4.2.1 Learning to Preserve
4.2.2 Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.3 Division of Labour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
37
4.1 Introduction
37
4.2
38
38
40
48
...........
4.2.5 Food Presemation and Women's Life Cycle . . . . . . .
Values Asociated with the Practice of Food P-tion
...
4.2.4 Source of Foods Used in Presaving
4.3
4.3.1
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.3.2
Values in manse to Specific Areas of
....
.......
........
........
4.3.2.1
Food Preservation as Economical
4.3.2.2
Home Preserves as Convenient
4.3.2.3
Food Preservation as Enjoyable
4.3.2.4
Nutritional and Culinary Value of Home b
......................
Values Independent of Areas of Inquiry . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.4.1 Older Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.4.1.1 Prevention of Waste . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.4.1.2 Control over Content . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
serves
4.4
4.4.2
59
61
62
62
63
.....................
63
4.4.2.1
Taste . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
63
4.4.2.2
Food Preservation as a Means to Self-SufEciency 64
4.4.2.3
Control over Content
Younger Women
..............
5 Discussion
65
66
5.1 &om Learning and Techniques to Values: Initial Fidings and
....................
Changing Values: An Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Changing Researcb Focus
5.2
66
68
5.2.1
..........
68
.....................
............................
76
Women's Labour Force Partkipation
5.2.2 The Food System
5.3 Implications
6 Swmmsry9Conclusions and Recommendations
6.1 Sllmmary
6.1.1
.............................
80
80
.......................
..........................
81
Findings
............................
6.2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.2 Learning, Slriue and Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.3 Food Preservation and Localization . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.3.1 Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.3.2 Barriers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.3.1 For Home Economists and Extension Workers . . . . .
6.3.2 For Research on Localization . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.3.3 For Research on Food Preservation . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2 Conclusions
6.3
80
Introduction and Resesrch Objectives . . . . . . . . . .
6.1.2 Methodology
6.1.3
79
Bibliography
A Wellington County
B Questionnaire
81
84
84
84
86
86
88
90
90
91
92
C Additional Excerpts &om Interviews
List of Tables
. . . .. . . ....
22
. .. .. .. .. . ... . . ....
31
...........
Household Food Preservation Amenities in Rural Ontario' . .
Techniques Previously Used by Participants . . . . . . . . . .
Techniques Cmently Used by Participants . . . . . . . . . .
Techniques Used by Each Participant . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
39
47
Sources of M t s and Vegetables Used in Home Preserving . .
51
Younger Women's Calculation of Economic Savings . . . . -
56
2.1 Women's Labour Force Participation Rate
3.1 Introduction to Participants
Information Sources Used by Participants
.
42
48
49
Additional Values w a t e d With Food P r n t i o n for Two
Generations of Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
vii
.
62
Chapter I
Introduction
1.1
Research Focus
Several generations ago, many aspects of the food system were experienced in
or nearby the household.
In terms of food production, for ewmple, many
crops grown within in a particular region were destined for its own popd*
tian. Food processing, too, was another component that was part of people's
daily experience, as food was pIocessed by local dairies and canneries, and
was a3so preserved and stored in the home (Kneen, 1993). Since the Second
World War, however, these components have become increasingly complex
and integrated, resulting in a food system that is global in nature (Schaaf,
1983). Many argue that this global food system has been detrimental to con-
sumers, the environment, and 1111~81,communities in both the developing and
the developed world.
Advocates of a more sustainablefood system propose that the solution may
lie in localization, meaning that consumers living within a given region would
base their diets on foods grown l d y and in season. In order to adapt to such
a food system, howeveryconsu11le~8
should possess some basic &Us.
They
should, for example, know how to choose an adequate diet based on local and
seasonal foods. They should also be able to produce some of their own food,
prepare this foody and preserve this food.
The challenge, however, is that
because the food system is no longer pa& of our local experience, consumers
may no longer have the knowledge, skills, or wiU required to produce, prepare
and preserve local and seasonal foods. Indeed, because many consumers have
grown accustomed to a wide variety of food products available regardless of
season, our opportunities to learn and practice the skilEs required to live in
a local food system may have changed. Moreover, our d u e s regarding the
selection, production, and processing of food may have changed.
Within the cont& of creating a localized food system, this research will
focus on the practice of food preservation, and the knowledge, skills and values
which surround this task. Food preservation can be defined as an activity
which prevents the spoilage of food through a variety of techniques, including
w g , pickling, fermenting, cmnhcanningl, jam and jelly making, freezing, and
placing foods in cold storage (Agddture Canada, 1983).
in this study involves the use d glass jars snd not metal cans,
1.2
1.2.1
Background Information
The Food System
The food system is comprised of several components.
These include gov-
ernment policies which regulate the use of natural resources; the ownership
of the means of production (including, for example, the took and knowledge
required to produce food); food production; fwd processing (including prep*
ration and preservation); food distribution; food consumption; and food waste
(Badir, 1996).
Although Canada has a long history of exporting and importing food
products, our food system has changed dramatically since the Second World
War.
This period experienced industrial expansion in urban areas, which
encouraged the out-migration of rural people. In 1941, for example, 18.6%
of the population of Ontario was living on farms. By 1996, the amount had
dropped to 2.0% (Statistics Canada, 1999a). At the same time, fmers were
encouraged by government and industry to increase production. As a resnlt,
mechanization ensued, and farms increased in acreage and reduced crop I&ety to accommodate the mcpirements of the machinery.
The clearing of fence
lines was alrro coupled with the use of petrdemical inputs such as insecticides
and herbicides (Reaman, 1970; Cebotarev, 1995).
According to numerous food ecologists, nutritionists and home economists,
the effects of this food system have been damaging (Schaaf, 1983; Gussow,
1986; W i b , 1995; Engberg, 1996; Kloppenburg, Hendrickson and Steven-
son, 1996). While the fanning population has declined steadily, fimxue~~
that
do stay on the land have become business people, no longer relying on their own
experience and lolow1edge but instead on the software, information and syn-
thetic inputs purchased from agri-business (EUopppenburg et d.,1996). These
herbicides, pesticides and fertilizars, in turn,have contaminated groundwater,
caused soil d o n , and destroyed wildlife ( W i ,
1995). And co~lsl~ners,
seemingly the beneficiaries of a system that provides 500 new food products a
month as well as fruits and vegetables regardess of season, are in fact purchasing food that has t r a d e d an average of 2 000 kilometres before it reaches their
local supermarket (Kloppenburg et d.,1996). Because food also changes numerous hands before it reaches the kitchen table, including those of proessors,
packagers, shippers, advertisens and retailers, it has been described as:
...a
low qualiw medium to which food manufacturers add
colo[u]ring and flavo[u]ring to giw the stuff minimal consumer
appeal, a dozen or so basic vitamins to give it 'hutrition" ,several chemids to hold it together, preservatives to give it shelf-life
probably greater than your own allotted years, sugar to cover up
any mistakes and a package to make it ''convenient" (Schaaf, 1983:
282).
More recent developments in the field of biotechnology may also mean that
c01mumm are purchasing foods that have been genetidy modified, the effects
of which are little understood.
Our eating habits have slso had adverse eftects on those living in less developed countries. Subsistence fsrm land in many parts of the third world has
been tradormed into monocultures for export to developed nations, push-
ing indigenous people onto more margind land or into urban meas (Engberg,
1996).
Another aspect of the global system which is particuIar1y disquieting to
many is that food has been largely removed from our daily experience. As
a result, it is difficult to become aware of the harm caused by our eating
habits. In other words, because collsumers are able to purchase food that has
been packaged and prepared for them, and are able to enjoy a d e t y of frnits
and vegetables available year round, they are denied knowledge of the season
or the soil, which makes it difficult to achieve an understanding of the delicate
balance of the environment in which we all live (Gussow, 1993; Kloppenburg
et al., 1996). This process can also be described as distancing, where "...the
physical distance between the point at which food is actually grown or raised
and the point at which it is consumed [is increased], as well as the extent
to which the finished product is removed fro111 its raw state by processing!'
(Kneen, 1993: 37).
1.2.2
Localization
Localization, or a local food system, can be loosely defined as the following:
residents living within a given region would base their diets on foods grown
locally and in season. A more comprehensive understanding of a local food
system can be attained by introducing the term foodshed, which includes sev-
eral important principleg. First is the element of proximity, meaning that food
is consumed as close to the point and condition of production as possible. I h
pending on the region, proximity urn include a number of variables, including
plant communities, soil types, ethnicities, and cultural traditions. The under-
lying element of the concept of p-@,
however, is that crops grown in a
given region would be destined for the surrounding population. Co116umers,
then, would base their diets on foods grown locally and in season. Second,
food should be produced according to human need instead of by the d e s of
efEciency and profit as dictated by the marketplace. Third, the foodshed is a
c o m m communi@,
~
where a strong bond exists both between people, and
between people and the environment- Moreover, within a foodshed, nature
serves as measure, meaning that the environment defines and determines our
limits to food production (Kloppenburg et al., 1996).
At this point, it is important to note that little research has been completed
which indicates the actual sustainability of a food system b
d on local and
seasonal foods. Because one of the serious threats of our global food system is
the effect of distancing, however, the concept of the foodshed in general, and
the idea of pmxhiw in partidar, is isextremely useful:
"Proximity makes it
difficult to avoid or obscure the consequences of what we do." (Kneen, 1993:
178). In other words, although the actual sustainabilityof a local food system
is unknown, relying on local and ~e880naIfoods will at the very least provide
consumers with the opportunity to better understand how their food choices
are intimately connected to the environment. As Marti Conch writes:
...if the water in a nearby river is polluted, fish may accumulate
taxins, which are t r d e r r e d to us when we eat the fish. If we then
become sick, the toxins in the water have been lodged directly
into our bodies and become a some of knowleclge...The eater now
wonders what in the fishand water is wrong, searches for answers,
and attempts remedies. There is strong incentive to clean up the
river when we depend on it for sustenance (1993: 5).
At this point, it is also important to ad*
advantage.
the theory of comparative
Proponents of our current food system advocate that nations
shonld specialize in goods that can be produced for a comparative advantage
and then t d e these goods with other nations. Such a process is mutually
beneficial to 4,
as nations incur different relative coets when pducing the
same goods.
Specialization creates productivity and efficiency, and means
that goods become available at a lower cost. This thereby increases the stan-
dard of living for all (Daly and Cobb, 1989). Yet specialization of the food
supply effectively means that nations also become dependent on imported
foods. In short, with specialization, "...we are no longer b not to trade...",
which creates risks in terms of the food sovereignty of nations (Wilkins, 1995:
152). Moreover, given that international trade is based on an infrastrocture
which requires a finite and increasingly expemive resource to transport food
products, the costs of a global food system may soon outweigh the benefits
of relying on local and seasonal foods (Gussow, 1993; W
i ,1995). The
traditional economic theory of comparative advantage also f d to include the
social and environmental costs of our global food system.
1.3
Goal
A localized food system depends, in part, on the ab'it3f of co~lsumersto select,
produce, pmpare and preserve local and seasonal foods? Because many of us
have grown accustomed, however, to the availabilityof h i t s and vegetables all
year round and a food system which has been tsken out of our daily experience,
it is important to determine whether consumers have the knowledge and alrills
required to undertake these tasks, as welI as how they value these tasks. In
terms of food preservation, these questions can be answered by comparing
the practices, thoughts and opinions of two generations of rural women:
a
generation for which the food system was more local, and a generation for
which the food system is more global.
1.4
Objectives
The objectives of the research include the following:
1. To examine how two generations of rural women have learned
to preserve food;
2. To examine the food presewation techniques nsed by two generations of dwomen; and,
3. To examine the values that two generations of rural women
associate with the practice of food preservation.
2Thelatter half ofthis sentence is perhaps anaxymoron, as Iconeider those who produce,
prepare, and preseme Iocal foods to be producers. Yet 1will ref& to the population as
uconsumersn,as this ia the term used moet often in the literature-
1.5
Conceptual Framework
Two important concepts serve as the foudation of this research: the notion
of the foodshed, and grounded theory*
1.5.1
The Foodshed
Within a f e e d , food is co118umed as close to the point and condition of
production as possible. Instead of being based on political boundaries, a foodshed can be based on a number of variables, including plant communities and
soil types, ethnicities and cultural traditions.
In a foodshed, food should
also be produced according to human need instead of the needs of the marketplace. Strong bonds also exist both between people, and people and the
environment, and the environment defines and determines the limits to food
production (Moppenburg et al., 1996).
1.5.2
Grounded Theory
Grounded theory involves an approach which is inductive, where important
patterns and theories are allowed to emerge from the data as the research
process evolves. Grounded theory is based on several important principles,
including the following: that reality is constructed by individuals and, as a
result, there are many merent ways of viewing and experiencing the world
instead of a single realiw that can be observed; that the vdueg of the researcher
kiluence and shape the patterns that emerge from the phenomenon under
study; and that findings are considered to be situation and c o n t a specific
(Kirby and McKenna, 1989; Maykut and Morehouse, 1994).
1.6
Sigaiscance of the Research
In a local food system, preserving would allow co~lsumersto extend the abun-
dance available in the harvest season and meet their dietary reqnirements in
the winter months. In warmer climates, food preservation can prevent the
rapid spoilage of foods, thus preventing food waste. Yet the literature on
consumers' ability to live within a local food system focuses primarily on pr+
dudion and selection, with some re2erences to preparation. Moreover, as the
research is in large part based on the assumption that people no longer have
the required knowIedge and skills, the literature focuses on suggesting ways
in which we can relearn the art of choosing, growing and cooking local and
seasonal foods. Lastly, although current research ad&-
the question of
how consumers can relearn these skills, the question of whether or not people
are willing is not fully answered.
This research is signiscant, then, in that it exBIIzinm the practice of food
prwrvation. A comparison between two generations will help illustrate if and
how the skills and techniques surrounding food preservation have changed with
the globalization of the food system. By examining dues, this research will
also not only determine if c o ~ e r are
s able to preserve, but also whether or
not they are willing.
Lastly, this reseamh is also sigdicsnt in that it provides, through oral
commentary, an understanding of d women's experiences with food, past
and present.
1.7 Introduction to the Researcher
When conducting research, the d u e s of the researcher influerice the analysis
of the data and the interpretation of the findings. As such, it is important to
provide the reader with information on my background and belid.
This research has been conducted fiom the vantage point of a white,
middle-class woman of Anglo-Saxon heritage. And although we are a l l eaters,
and therefore all have a stake in food system analyses, I have s vested interest
in creating an alternative to the food system: although currently living in an
urban context, I have spent many years on a fourth-generation fsmily farm,
and hope to return to the land as a farmer in my own right. I search for an
alternative to the food system, therefore, not only for environmental and social
reasons, but also for livelihood.
Chapter 2
Literature Review
2.1
Introduction
This chapter is divided into three parts. The first d e b with literature on
localization, while the second section describes the research that has been conducted in the area of food preservation. The third section w i l l provide contex-
tual information by describing important socioeconomic changes experienced
by the two generations of women participating in this research; socioeconomic
changes relevant to the phenomenon under study as they changed fnmilies'
acquisition and preparation of food. These include women's increased involve+
ment in the paid labour force, as well as the changing nature of their fana and
household work.
2.2
Localization
Several studies have investigated localization in terms of the difEhent wmpct
nents of the food system. In the area of production, for example, research has
been undertaken to determine whether or not a nutritionally adequate diet is
even possible based on the geographic conditions of a region, such as soil type
and climate. Nutritionists involved in a study in the state of Montana, for
example, found that they were able to create an adequate diet for an entire
year based on locally-available, seasonal foods. They found that adequate vi-
tamin C requirements could be met through the consumption of winter foods
such as potatoes, cabbage and sprouts, instead of through citrus imports such
as oranges and grapeftuit. And although much of the state's food supply is
currently comprised of a few specialized crops for export, historical sources
show that the state once grew a healthy variew of M t s and vegetables for I*
cal consumption (Herrin and Gussow, 1989). In terms of production, Canada
was also self-8Ufficient in basic fruits (these include plums, peaches, apricots,
strawberries and pears) until after the Second World War, although food produced within political boundaries may not necessarily constitute a local food
system (Toronto Food Policy Council, 1998). Still, these studies indicate the
possibility, geographically speaking,of producing food to maintain the health
of residents of a given region.
Yet although it is possible to produce food in a local system which is
adequate for human health, a reoccnrring concern in the literature is that
consumers, grown accustomed to the apparent cornncopia of fkuits and vegetables available regardless of season, may no longer know how to choose an
adequate diet based on seasonal and local foods. Studies in the ares of food
selection have therefore attempted to address the issue of consumer education
by suggesting a variety of information sources that could encourage the use of
foods pawn locally and in season. Nutrition educators have introduced the
term sustainable diet, which can be defined as a diet in which food choices are
made not only for their beneiits to human health, but also for their impact on
the health of the environment (Gussow and Clancy, 1986). Consumers can
learn how to adopt a sustainable diet through the development of a food guide
that considers not only nutritional factors, but ecological ones.
Such food
guides were in fact developed in the United States in the early part of this
century, where readers were encouraged to use local foods in order to reduce
energy consumption (Herrin and G~SSOW,
1989).
Food guides could also be provided that are specific to regional and seasonal food supplies (Wilkins, 1996). In a guide for more northern climates,
for example, a vegetable such as butternut squash would be listed as an appro-
priate food choice not only because of its benefits to the human body, but also
because it is easy to grow and stores well over the winter months (GWSOW~
1993).
Nutritionists have also been encouraged to help consumers consider the
environmenta1 impact of their food choices through the dietary guidelines used
for promoting good health. For ex8mpIeYalthough one important and f d a r
dietary guideline is to avoid diets high in fat, nutrition educators can discuss
not only how fat is linked to human disease? but how animal products are
detrimental to our environment through their consumption of Iarge quantities
of grain. Another dietary guideline which focuses on the importance of varietly
in the diet could be used to begin a discussion regarding the fact that the
seemingly wide choice of food products on supermarket shelves is based on a
decreasing amount of plant varieties (Gussow and Clancy, 1986).
In order to increase comlers' acceptance and ability to live with local
diets, it has slso been suggested that policy regulations which encourage di-
rect contact between food producers and collsumers are important (Wilkins,
1996). Research conducted on consumers' attitudes towards locally g r m pro-
duce suggests that exposure to seasonal foods develops the interest and some
of the skills necessary to live on such a diet. In a study comparing food coop
erative members and nonmembers, the latter group was more concerned that
a regional diet would not fiWl dietary requirements as compared to members
(Wilkim, 1995).
Another example of how this direct contact can create learning opportunities deak with consumers' ability to prepare local and seasonal foods. In
Community Supported Agriculture projects (CSAs),participants help finance
a f m e r at the beginning of the growing season in exchange for a share of
the harvest. Because CSA shareholders receive a supply of fresh fruits and
vegetables at regular intends based on seasonality, they must learn to plan
their diets accordingly. In response to this challenge,some fiumers provide in-
formation such as recipes and preparation guidelines to participants ( G m w ,
1993; Willrins, 1996).
Nutritionists and food ecologists have also suggested a variety of other
information sources that would provide consumers with the skills and understanding necessary to live on seasonal diets.
These include: lessons and
printed materia on edible Iandscaping and winter gardening, and arposare
to restaurant, hospital and school menus based on local and seasonal foods
(Gumow,1993).
Although facilitating c o ~ e ability
~ ' to select and prepare local and
seasonal foods is important, these studies are based on the assumption that
consumers no longer have the sldlls necessary to live within a local food qm
tem. Moreover, this research does not examine how people value these skills,
which is important in determining not only whether consumers are able to live
within a local food system, but whether they are willing to do so.
Food production, selection and preparation aside, very few studies have
been completed in the area of food preservation. Although it has been hypoth-
esized that an increased reliance on regionally-grown foods would encourage
local processors such as creameries and small-scale fruit and vegetable canneries (Herrin and Gussow, 1989; Wilkins, l996), few studies have been completed
on consumers' knowledge, ability and willingnes~to preserve food within the
household. Home food preservation, as with skib such as meal preparation
and nutritional planning, is an important variable in the development of diets
based on seasonal and local foods.
2.3
Food Preservation
Food preservation is a process that preven& the spoilage of food through a variety of techniques. Humans have been preserving food for centuries: in colder
climates, preserving allowed for an adequate food supply in the winter months,
while in warmer regions, preservation prevented the rapid deteriorationof fire&
foods. The earliest techniqnes used to preserve food include drying, where
harmful microbes are deprived of the moisture necessary to encourage their
growth, and pickling? where the increased acid content of food prevents the
growth of bacteria. More modem methods include canning, where heat a p
plied to food in sealed containers destroys microbes, and fkeezing, where active
microorganisms in food are slowed and stopped (Thorne, 1986).
Food preservation is also an activity that encourages the consumption of
local and seasonal foods. A recent document published by the Ontario Ministry
of Agridture, Food and Rural Msirs (OMAFRA), for example, states that
through this activity %.we can support our f81~1ersby buying the good things
that grow in Ontario and preserving them to be enjoyed by family and Sends
in the months ahead."
(1995: 2) Moreover1in an Agriculture Canada study
that described the habits and attitudes of home preservers from acr-
the
country, it was found that the mart common sources of supply for fruits and
vegetables to be preserved were farm-market gardens (defined in the study as
"...usually rural locations where produce is grown and sold on the premises."),
But although
household gardens and farmers' markets (1983: Appendix N).
the practice of food preservation is one that can encourage diets based on local
and seasonal foods, the challenge remains the same: do consumers have the
information and skills required to preserve food? And are consumers willing?
Studies on food preservation have usually been undertaken with the objec-
tive of increasing safe practices, as research has shown that many food preservers, paxticularIy those involved in canning* use improper methods (Mar-
cotte, 1979; Loewen, MeDanid, Diamant and Berg, 1981; Agriculture Canada,
1983). These studies are important, both due to the serious threat to human
health incorrect preservation practices may cause, and also due to the fact that
food spoilage goes against the principles of a sustainable food system. These
studies also focus on how people learn to preserve, and as such, indicate the
information sources regarding food preservation available to consumers. For
example, the research completed in Manitoba reports information sourca used
by respondents according to age and education. The four types of inform*
tion sources were categorized as personal (such as relatives or Eends), print
(such as cookbooks and magazines), government (extension workers and publications) and supplier information distributed by rnmuf8cturers of canning
supplies (Loewen et al., 1981). The research completed by Agriculture Canada
ah0 reports sources of infomation used by food preservers. Informal methods
were most frequently cited, with print material and government publications
used less often (1983).
Learning aside, two studies have also provided information on the profile
of food preservers. A report conducted by the Council on Rural Develop
ment Canada (CRDC)found that rural women considered home production
activities, including gardemhg and preservation, to be enjoyable (1979). A
more comprehensive study focusing specifically on food preservation provided
a more complete description of food preservers, including the kinds of foods
preserved, the techniques used and the reasons for p e g .
The study
found, for example, that the moet popnlar techniques included freezing and
jam and jelly making, and that women pre8e~~ed
both for the superior taste
and economic savings (Agriculture Canada, 1983).
The research described above, howewr, does not provide us with an understanding of how the practice of food preservation has changed since the food
system has become more global. By using questionnaires for data collection,
the voices and stories of women, who are intimately connected to the food
system, are also not present in the findings.
2.4
Women and the Changing Context: A Historical Foundation
As stated in the introduction, this section will provide information on impor-
tant socioeconomic changes which were experienced by the nual women participating in this research. These changes are relevant to the area of inquiry
as they served to alter how families acqyired aud prepared food (Medmann,
1999).
These include women's increased participation in the labour force,
as well as their changing roles on the farm and in the household. To begin,
however, it is important to note that the changes d d b e d below are rooted
in a larger process of industrialization; a process which began, in Canada, be-
fore the lives of both the younger and older women began, and which grew
at different rates depending on economic sectore and geographic regions. And
while the complexities of this process are beyond the scope of this thesis, a
brief overview can help explain the more specific changes srperienced by participants of this remuch.
Industrialization involved the expansion of co~nmerceand industry, and a
transition from artisanal to factory production. As industries grew in urban
centres, there was an increasing demand for labour. T h e who migrated to
cities to look for work became dependent on wage labour for their survival,as
they were often without access to property. As a result, subsistence production
was eroded as the cash economy became increasingly important: instead of
producing and exchanging goods and semces, labourers worked for a wage
and then used cash to pnrchase what they and their f d e s needed. In terms
of food, these new wage labourers no longer f m e d their own land or traded
their goods for food at a local market. Instead, food entered the realm of the
cash economy (Friedmann, 1999).
In the earlier stages of industrialization (that is, during the expansion of
the m811ufacturingsector), men,women, and children entered factories to work
for a wage. Yet social unrest, as well as a concern for the health and welfme of
women and children, led these two groups to be mtxicted &omthe paid labour
force. T h s the cash economy became largely the realm of men. While men
participated in this public sphere, women became increasingly responsible for
household tasksksAnd while women supported those members of the family
working outside the home by managing food, clothing and shelter, the pati
tern of breadwinner-homemaker f d e s became p r d e n t (Bradbury, 1996;
W i n , 1996; F'riedmann, 1999).
2.4.1
Labour Force Participation
Breadwinner-homemaker f d e s nere challenged with women's growing involvement in the labour force. Women's labour force participation has changed
dramatically since the Second World Wsr, both in terms of the number of
women working outside of the home, and in term of the profile of these f
e
male workers.
With regard to the participation rate, women became actively involved in
the labour force during the 1960s. Although women worked outside the home
during the war years, they were considered a reserve labour pool, and the
government policies which supported their paid labour ended with the retun
of soldiers fiom the fkont. But while women retumed to the role of homemaker
during the 1950s, changes in the labour market meant that the participation
rate for women began to rise again a decade later. Indeed, the 1960s was
characterized by an expansion in the d c e sector, including public Services
such as education and health care, and retail and financial services (Wilson,
1996). Women were drawn into the labour force, in part because employment
opportunities grew fater than the labour force (Baker and Lero, 1996), and
in part because women were considered appropriately trained for these new
positions (Wilson, 1996). Emp10yers also sought to hire women in order to
save money on employee salaries (Baker and Lero, 1996; Ekiedmann, 1999).
Since the 1960s, women's participation rate in the labour force has continued to grow, as demonstrated in Table 2.1.'
Their participation can be
attributed not only to the continued expansion of the service sector, but also
to economic and ideological f&om
the cost of living has risen relative to
wages, making it more difficult for f d e s to maintain a certain standard of
living, while it has become socially acceptable for women to work outside the
home (Baker and Lao, 1996).
Table 2.1: Women's Labour Force Participation Rate
Year Participation Rate
1951
24%
(
I
Source: Balce~and Lero, 1996
Although the number of women in the work force has increased substantially) the marked change involves the profile of women who work outside the
home. Indeed, the labour force participation rate of mothers with young chil'According to the 1996 census, the labour force participationrate for women in Wellington County, the area under study, was 65.196 (Statistics Canada, 1999b).
&en has greatly increased. Early this century, women with f d e s were either
discouraged or prohibited fiom working outside the home, as it was assumed
that they were receiving finmud support h m their husbands. In 1951, for
example, fewer than 8% of married women were in the labour force.
Yet
by 1991, 56% of married women were in the labour force. Over half of these
employed women slso had chiIdre~under six at home (Baker and Laop1996).
Women's increasing involvement in the paid labour force can be also par-
alleled to women's changing role on the farm Since the Second World War,
women's role on the farm has changed fkom involvement in subsistence pduction to commodity production. This can be understood within the context
of the industrialization of farmingt During the war years, a growing number
of employment opportunities in the city encouraged the ont-migration of m d
people. This, coupled with a great demand for agricultural production, led to
increased mechanization. This increase in mechanization led to an expansion
in acreage and specialization of production, and as a result, f81111ers began
to reduce the variety of their crops and liwstock.
This specialization un-
dermined women's involvement in the production of butter, cheese, and e m ,
which they used to sell in exchange for material or dry goods. Still, in the
1940s and 195Os, farm women were producing much of what they and their
f d e s would eat at home.
When farming became more capital intensive, requiring machinery and
other industrial inputs, it also became more vulnerable to fluctuations in the
market and more dependent on the formal economy. This was felt particularly
in the 19708 and early 198Os, where continued expansion and large bank loans
met rising interest costs. For fann f d e s who were struggling to make ends
meet, extra income became extremely important, and large numbers of frnn
women began working off the fann in exchange for a wage (Cebotarev, 1995).
Women's increased participation in the labour force has altered how food
is acquired and prepared in that women have to bslance their employment
with their responsibilities for meal preparation in the home. As a result,
women purchase ready-made foods or buy entire meals for themselves and
their families (Bamt, 1999; Fkiedmann, 1999).
2.4.2
Mechanization of the Household
Women's role within the home has also changed greatly during the latter half
of this centary.
Some of their responsibilities have been taken out of the
home and into the factory, while other tasks have moved into the domain of
the household. Technological changes within the home itself have also meant
that the processes involved in housework have been reorganized.
The 20th century household has been described as one which contains
several techno10gical systems, including those which provide food, clothing,
health care, transportation, as well as public utilities such as water and electricity (Cowan, 1983), and women's involvement in these systems has changed
greatly. The industrialization of clothing production, for example, has meant
that women no longer have to malre clothes for themselves and their f W e s ,
and can instead purchase ready-made garments produced in a factory. The
industrialization of the food system as d as the availability of durable consumer goods has slso meant that canned and processed foods are available
(Friedrnann, 1999). As a result, although mral women produced much of
their own food and clothes until much later this century than their urban
counterparts (Campbell and Bennett, 1986), they are now less involved in the
production of these goods than they once were.
Other systems have moved in the opposite direction, however, snd now
require more of women's time and energy than before. In the area of trans
portation, for example, women were once the receivers of many goods and
services a t their door: doctors
would make house calls and peddlers would
sell their wares &om door to door. Yet economic changes and the adoption
of the automobile meant that women began transporting these goods. Ruth
Schwartz Cowan describes women's shifting involvement in the various h o r n
hold systems by stating that
...the time that [a] housewife had once spent in preserving strawberries and stitchingpetticoats was being spent in driving to stores,
shopping, and waiting in lines; and the energy that had once gone
into bedside care of the sick was now diverted into driving a feverish child to the doctor...The automobile had become...the vehicle
through which she did much of her most signiscant work, and the
work local where she could most often be found (1983: 85).
The mechanization of the tools used in household labour have also changed
women's role within the home.
With the electrification of rural Ontario,
amenities such as electric washing machines and vacuum cleaners became available to women. These appliance8 resulted in housework that was less arduous,
as less physical stamina wss required than in the scrubbing of clothes o n a
washboard or in the beating of rup. Because thee appliances still required
operators, however, the task of housework was not eliminated, but instead
reorganized. For exampIe, although women am no longer washing dothes
from start to finish, they are still involved in collecting, sorting, and folding
clothes. Moreover, along with changes in household technology came increased
standards of cleanliness, meaning that clothes were changed more o
h snd
houses were kept cleaner. As a result, although the processes involved in work
are less physically demanding,the volume of work done by women in the home
has increased (Burns,1975;Luxton, 1980;Cowan, 1983).
Chapter 3
Methodology
3.1
Grounded Theory: Introduction and Philosophical Foundations
Grounded theory involves an approach which is inductive.
Instead of bas-
ing the study on a hypothesis, important patterns and theories are dowed
to emerge from the data as the r e a r c h procea3 evolves (Maykut and M o m
house, 1994). The philowphical foundations on which the theory is built
include the principle that reality is constructed by individuals and, as a re-
sult, there are many difEerent ways of viewing and experiencing the world
instead of a single reality that can be observed and measured (Meniam and
S i m p n , 1995). Another important principle is that the values of the researcher influence and shape the patterns that emerge from the phenomenon
under study (Kirby and McKenna, 1989; Maykut and Morehouse, 1994). It is
also difficult, when doing grounded theory resea&, to generalize findings to
other situations. Findings are considered to be situation and context specific
(Maykut and Morehouse, l994).
3.2
Choosing Participants
In a qualitative study, participants are selected based on their wealth of knowl-
edge or experience relating to the focns of inquiry (Merri8m and Simpson.
1995). In this research, women rather than men were chosen as participants,
as women are intimately connected to the food system. This can be seen both
biologically and in women's responsibilities in the private sphere, where they
are greatly involved in the production, purchasing,
and preparation of food
(G~SSOW,
1986; Engberg, 1996). In dect, Statistics Canada's General Social
Survey has shown that women hold the primary responsibiliw for tasks such
as meal preparation and clean-up (Marshall, 1993).
Because the focus of in-
concerns comparing two generations of food
preservers, a generation for which the food system was more local and a generation for which the food system is more global, age was also a fsetor in choosing
participants. Using the end of the Second World War as a turning point in the
food system, women who reached adolescence near or before 1945were chosen
as the older generation of women. Women who reached adolescence after 1945
were chosen as the younger generation of women. Middle-aged women were
also chosen instead of women in their 20s and 30s,as research has shown that
it is this former age group that ie more likely to preserve food (Agriculture
Canada, 1983).
Names and addresses of procspective participants were selected nrndomly
fkom a municipal assessment role, and initial contact was made by mail.
Prospective participants were then contacted by phone. The phone call served
to clarify the purpare of the research, to check whether the women fit either of
the two age groups, and to determine if they were interested in participating
in the research.
The above method of sample selection proved difEcult, particularly in terms
of contacting women fiom the older generation. First, the letter and phone
call reached few women from this generation, and I concluded that many
were no longer living in their own homes in a nual area
Second, when
prospective participants were reached by phone, several cited that their poor
health prevented them fiom participating.
Third, it is important to note
that many of the older women fdt that they had little to contribute to a
discussion on food presemation. In an article on oral history, Shema Glnek
describes women's reluctance to speak of their experiences inside the home,
and provides suggestions to interviewers:
For most women, especially those who did not participate in ''important" events or organizations outside of the home, there is
tremendous initial reluctance to being interviewed; it is the reluctance which comes fkom being socialized female in this society.
It is important to establish for her, a t the very outset, why we feel
her life and experiences are important. This might mean not only
an explanation about our specific project, but also a discussion of
how we view the daily life experiences of all woman to be a part of
history (1979: 7).
My interest in women's experiences in the home was balanced with the
ethics of conducting research w i t h human subjects: after gentle insistence
that their comments and stories would be important and valuable, I respected
the proepective participants' decisions not to participate in the research.
Eventually,an adequate number ofolder women agreed to participate in the
:
&
I
several participants firom the younger generation suggested names
and addresses of older aquaintamxs, and this snowball sampling led to more
participants. Area retirement homes and a local historical society also proved
very helpful in locating women who were interested and able to participate.
Introduction
Participants
At the completion of the field work, 18 women had agreed to participate in
the study: nine fiom the older generation, born between the period of 1906
and 1936, and nine &om the younger generation, born between the period of
1941 and 1959.' Table 3.1 provides more information on the participants.
Note that of the two women who have retired from the farm, one now
resides in a retirement home, while the other lives in a small town. One older
participant also still works outside the home.
AU participants are of Watem or Central European heritage. They can
also be loosely described as being &om the middle class, meaning that they
lDue to a xuisunderstanding with regards to a participant'^ age, a 19th interview wae
held with a woman born in 1967. Her interview was not included in the analysis.
Table 3.1: Introduction to Participants
retired fiom farm
dnon-fbn
participate(d) in labour force
children at home
I
I
I
2
5
4
6
8
4
-
-
-
I
2
11
12
4
-
are able to provide an adequate diet for themselves and their families.
3.4
The Location
Participants of the research live in the central region of Wellington County,
Southern Ontario? Although there is no statistical information specific to
central W-gton,
the county had a population of 171 395 in 1996,w i t h 42
884 of these considered rural. This includes 9 850 people who were living on
farms (Statistics Canada, 1999a).
Ih terms of agridtural production, types of farms include cattle farms,
dairy, and small grain farms, with smaller numbers of vegetable and fruit
farms. The climate of the region limits the growing season from April until
October.
2During the inftrviewa, all psrticipants described themselves ae rural.
SA map ofthe area cao be found in Appendix A-
3.5
Developing the Interview Schedule and
Guide
An interview schedule is comprised of a structured and detded set of qneg
tions. An interview guide, on the other hand, consists of general categories
of inquiry (Maykut and Morehouse, 1994).
And although proponents of
grounded theory usually prefer a less structured interview format as sugges?d
by the interview guide, my status as a novice researcher resulted in an interview
process that began with the development and nse of a structured interview-
Using the focus of inquiry as a guideline, potential questions were first written down in a brainstorming session. The results were then grouped according
to categories. Categories and their questions were then classified according to
type; that is, they were grouped as opinion and value questions, as learning,
experience and knowledge questions, or as background information (see A p
pendix B) (Patton in Maykut and Morehouse, 1994). The interview schedule
was then pretested, and questiom were modified and clarified accordingly-
After the first few interviews, it became possible to engage in less stme-
turd, conversational interviews with participants. The use of an i n t e ~ e w
guide allowed for a more inductive approach to the research, as it became p o e
sible to pursue topics as deemed relevant and important to the participants. It
also resulted in more personal, comfortable interviews between myself and the
women involved.
Conducting the Interviews
3.6
Before the interviews began, the purpose of the study was once again d d b e d
to participants. The concept of localizing the food system,however, was not
mentioned until the end of the interviews as to ensure as little influence on
the participants' insights as possible. Participants were also assured that the
data collected dnring the interviews would remain confidentid and that they
could withdraw from the interview at any time. In addition, permission was
sought to tape record the interviews. Fourteen women agreed to this z e ~ u e s t .
All but four interviews were held in the homes of participants.
This
was beneficial as it r d t e d in a comfortable and familiar atmosphere for the
participants, and also allowed for observation. For example, in some instances
it was possible to observe shelves filled with jars of preserve8 or vegetabIes lying
in cold storage. Participants were slso able to share recipes and demonstrate
appliances and equipment they use while preserving, such as preswre canuers
and fie-.
3.7 Follow-up with Participants
Once the interviews were completed, transcriptions were sent back to participants for verification.
A stamped envelope was also included with the
transcriptions, so that the women could send me their requested changes by
mail.
Two women requested chmges to be made, and modifications were
made accordingly. A summary of the research findings was also returned at
the end of the analysis, and active food preservers were sent a bibliography
containing practical references on food presentation.
3.8
Analysis
The analysis started at the beginning of the interview process.
Data was
transcriied and read at the completion of every interview, and reoccuring
themes helped determine new questions and
are88
of inquiry to punrue in
subsequent interviews.
Once all interviews had been conducted, the constant-comparative method
of analysis was used." This process involved the following steps: The first
involved open coding, where transcriptions and field notes were parsed into
single units of meaning and coded accordingly.
Each unit of meaning was
compared to all other units, which allowed for the creation of categories, as
similar units of meaning were grouped together.
As every unit of meaning was
analyzed, categories were rehed or omitted. Then propositional statements
were written, which further refined the categories, and served to include or
exclude units of meaning fkom each category. The second step involved axial
coding, where relationships were found among the propositional statements
(Straws and Corbin, 1990; Maykut and Morehouse, 1994).
4The methodology used in the anal* was b d on Maykut and Morehouae9sBeginning Quaiitatiue h e a d : A Philosophic and PIlPCtid a i d e (1994). The process of data
analysis -bed
in the book is baaed on Glarrer and Straws's grounded theoxy.
3.9
Historical Inquiry
Historical in-
has been described as ?..the writing of an integrated n m a -
tive about some aspect of the pa& based on a critical analysis and synthesis
of sources."
(Lang and Heiss, 1984: 64) In this research, a historical a p
p r o d was used to place the words of the participants within the context of
important socioeconomic changes relevant to the area of research.
It was
also used to provide evidence of changing values towards food preservation as
demonstrated in print.
The primary somces used in this research were limited to food preservation
documents published by the government, as these were the written sources
mentioned mo& often by participants.
Secondary sources involved census
data and historical accounts of topics such as rural women snd agriculture in
20th century Ontario.
3.10
Limitations
Research has traditionally proved rigorous if it is reliable and valid; that is,
if results can be replicated and if findings can be generalized to the larger
population. This proves problematic, however, considering the philosophical
foundations of grounded theory. As a result, because the findings may not
be replicated or generalized to the population, qualitative researchem propose
that rigour should focus on the consistency of the research outcomes with the
data collected (Merriam and Simpson, 1995).
During this research, several strategies were used to enhance consistency. Data
were gathered fiom two sources-fimm interviews with women and &om primary and secondary sources dealing with food preservation and socioeect
nomic changes. ColIected data and the ensuing analysis were also peer reviewed. The analysis was also sent to participants as a way to ensure that
I accurately represented what I saw and heard. Readers of this resesrch are
also presented information on my background and values, which should help
uncover any bias in the reaeach findings. Readers are also given information
regarding the context of the research as well as numerous excerpts from the
intemiews, which should allow them to judge whether or not the findings can
be applied to other situations.
Aside fiom the generahability of the iindings, there are other limitations
to this study. First concerns the age of participants. Because the youngst
participant was born in 1959, this research cannot determine whether women
born in the 1960s,70s and 80s have the knowledge and skills necessary to preserve food. Second, participants were not
asked about the quantity of foods
they preserved. Third is that although information on techniques was gsth-
ered, it was not analyzed with the objective of determining safe practices. In
other words, the techniques used by the participants may not be in accordance
with government standards. And last, because the findings are based in large
part on oral commentary, they are W t e d by the memories of the participants.
Chapter 4
Findings
4.1 Introduction
The findings have been divided into two parts. The first section provides a
profile of two generations of food preservers, presenting information on how the
older and younger groups of women have learned to preserve, the techniques
they use or have used, the source of foods they use to preserve, the division
of labour with regard to this task, as well as how food preservation relates to
women's life cycle. The second section deals with the values associated with
the practice of food preservation for the two generations of women.
Excerpts of the intemiews have been ineluded throughout this chapter, and
throughout the following chapter as well. Each excerpt is followed by the date
of birth of the participant. When participants share the same date of birth,
an alphanumeric distinction is made (for example, 1943a and 1943b).
In both sections, the findings are largely descriptive, and additional contextual information is provided
where necessary.
An interpretation of the
findings is provided in Chapter Five.
4.2
4.2.1
Profiles
Learning to Preserve
How home producers learn to preserve has been of coneern to researchers
due to the potential dangers involved in incorrect food preservation methods,
particularly in the area of home canning (Marcotte, 1979). In a study on the
ixlformation sources used by home canners, Loewau et al. (1981) identified four
@pes of sources: personal, government, printed and supplier information.
For the purpase of this study,these categories have been adapted to include
all methods of food preservation, including drying and fkeezing. The cat*
gories can be defined as follows: personal involves family members, Ken&
or neighbours; government includes publications, home economics courses and
& d o n s e ~ c e ssuch as those offered by organizations like the Women's
Institute or 4 H ; print includes cookbooks and recipes or articles in newspapers and magazines; and supplier information involves the written materid
distributed in equipment or other preservation supplies, such as commercial
pectin. In addition, two other categories have been added.
These include
information obtained through professional, career-related training or through
the self-teaching of participants (for example, through trial and error).
Older Women
Table 4.1 demonstrates the infoll~lationsources used by the older
pants. Although all the women stated that multiple sources were used when
learning to preserve, seven noted that their primary source of information was
through family or fiends.
Timing to secondary sources, three women noted the role the W o d ' s
Institute played in educating rural women.
For example, one woman n+
called that "There was a short course offered by the Institute that I took one
time. We all knew how to can and what not, but they reviewed it." (1915)
Table 4.1: Idormation Sources Used by Participants
I
Source
Older
Participants (n=8)'
I
I
Younger
Total
I Participants (n=9) I (n=17)
I
I
government
printed
supplier
Younger Women
Table 4.1 shows that participants used a variety of sources when learning to
preserve.
Like their older counterparts, the primary source of information
'Although a total d nine older women were iderviewed, health COIlSfrrrintnof one participant meant that sn interview ended before this area of inquiry was a d s
was personal for eight women.
One participant, for example, although a
professional food preserver, stated that:
I was doing this before I had professional training...When I got
married...we spent a lot of time with m y husband's parents, and
his mother was quite involved in caaningfood...So [while]spending
time with his parents, I just sort of slipped right into that role of
being the helper for preserving.... (1953)
Moreover, eight younger women mentioned that these personal sources
would sometimes provide printed material and even equipment:
The first few timee that my [mother-in-law] would do anything,
she would always invite me over and say 'I'm going to make corn
relish, do you want to come over?'...When I first became part of
the family and she was doing these thin-, she would invite me over
and I would help her out, and she would give me the recipe. And
sometimesshe would even give me eqnipment, like big pickle crocks
and stuff like that, that helped me out. (1958)
4.2.2
Techniques
Older Women
Participants began preserving using two main methods:
ning.'
storing and can-
Storing involved root crops, such as carrots, which were buried in
sand in the cellar or left in a trench in the gsrden, while potatoes were stored
in bins in the cellar.
In terms of csnning, all participants reported having
canned by processing foods in gl866:jars rather than metal cans. Participants
'During many of the interviews,participa~tsdescribed techniques that their parents had
used. These excerpts can be kund in Appendix C.
mart commonly mentioned caaning beans, corn, tomatoes, peaches, p-,
plums, cherries, strawberries and raspberries. They also made various kinds
of jams, jellies and pickles. One woman described making jelly by cooking
chokecherries with apples and water:
You don't peel the apples. You just wash them and cut them up
and put theChokecheTLies in w i t h them and cook them up in plenty
of water until the water is quite red w i t h the chokecherries. Then
[you] put it in a jelly bag and hang it up and let it drain. Then
you add sugar. It would gel very well with apples in it. (1906)
Another woman Iisted the different types of pickles she made, including
Nine Day pickles, Bread and Butter pickles, and 8 sweet mustard relish. She
also used to make "Clean up the Garden picklesn at the end of the season,
which included cabbage, cucumbers and a mustard sauce.
One participant
also mentioned having canned meat, although several r e d l their mothers having done so.
Only one participant mentioned drying produce, and this briefly during
the Second World Wm:
..
can't
.Itell you how we did it, but I remember being in the orchard
and another neighbour and I, we set it up just the way they told
us. You had an arrangement in the bottom. I think we must
have put some coals or something in the bottom, and then some
sulfur. The sulfur fumes went up around the apples that were
peeled and quartered. (1906)
Methods of food prcsem&ion changed greatly once participants had access
to freezers, the adoptionof which is shown in Table 4.2:
let me catch you canning tomatoes again!", and I never did. That
was in the 40s I guess? (1908)
Freezers appear to have changed preserving in two ways. First, participants noted that fireezing, as compared to taming, was less work:
The fieezer really, E thought, was one of the biggest helps that
got, because it was so handy to get thing? ready for the
freezer. Tomatoes, I bought tomatoes especially, and where we
used to can the tomatoes, now we could just cut them up and
put them in a plastic bag and freQe them. And that was good
for casseroles, soup, and different [email protected] saved a lot of
work. Cooking them and putting them into jars was more work.
(1906)
Second, not only was it easier to dean, blanch and package f i t s and vegetables than to sterilize and process jars, 6reezing also allowed participants
to postpone part of the work usually required during the busy harvest se*
son. For it was noted that, with preserving, "...you have to do it when it's
ready. It's not like having the dishes in the sink snd being able to wash them
in the morning." (1923) Indeed, canning f i t s and vegetables means that
processing has to take place when the produce is fiesh. If not, spoilage w i l l
occur. With the advent of the fkeezer, participants became able to freeze the
produce but continue processing the fruits or vegetables at a later date. EMt
could be fkozen in the summer, for example, and then made into jam during
the winter months. As one participant explained: "Something I took out of
the fieezer just a little bit ago was some grapes that I had &men. I took them
out and made grape jelly just before Christmas and gave everybody a jar...."
(1936)~
Acquisition of a fieezer did not, however, mean that canning was no longer
practiced. Participants stiU made piddes, jams and jellies, and canned certain
fixits (mostly peaches and pears) as well. In fact, while the shE older women
who are still preservbg are alI SneezingIfour are as0 d g . Moreover, the
freezer was also not the only ameniw that SimpMed the process of preserving
food.
Participants also noted improvements in canning equipment.
Four
women recalled the glass sealers that they once used for preserring, which
were comprised of a glass lid, a metal screw band and a rubber ring? These
lids may have been more prone to an improper seal (OMAFRA, 1995), and
preservers would watch for bubbles or hun the jars upside down to test for
a proper seal.
With the availabiity of metal lids, the sealing process was
simplified, as participants codd listen for the seal to map and check for a
concave lid.
Three participants also noted that they still stored vegetables
in their homes.
Two mentioned that they were prevented from doing so,
however, as they lacked adequate mid storage failities. One woman stated
that:
We don't have a cold storage room. This house is all on one level,
and we only have a very small furnace room..Jt's not really cold,
so if we had a nice cold sto~age,I would buy cabbages and carrots
bIronically,although fixems fkilitated the task of preearing food in the home, it is
important to note that they also made it powible fbr w
o
m
e
n to purchase frozen dinners
prepared by the food industry.
aParticipantsr e f k d to thew as Crown jars-
and potatoes and all that, and keep it, but we can't .
..That's one
thing that's missing in this house, a cold storage. (1925)
Older women seemed to have confidence in the techniques they used, or
are still using, even though government documents emphasize the dangerous
health implications of improper methods, parficularly in the area of canning
(Department of Agriculture, 1944; Ontario Ministry of Agricultnre and Food,
1981; OMAFRA, 1995). The women spoke of the safeguards they took while
canning.
One wornan stated that "For the glass tops, sometimes you would get
a crack, and that would prevent a proper seal. So you took your thumbnail
around it because that would catch it." (1920) while another explained how
she could "...tell by the look of it if it's all right or not." (1915)
Younger Women
Freezing was the most common technique used by the younger women. All
nine stated that they preserve using this method. Moreover, women from this
age group have found a new use for the freezer in terms of food presemation.
Indeed, three mentioned they use the freezer to preserve homemade meals or
desserts:
"I do prepare me& and freeze them...When I come home in the
evening, I can pull something out." (1943b)
Like their older counterparts, many women also stated that they preserve
using more labour intensive techniques. Eight participants mentioned having
canned in the past, while five still use this technique for keeping certain fruits,
such as peaches, pears and tomatoes, as well as for making jams, marmalades
and pickles.
Five participants also mentioned storing fixits or vegetables. For exampley
two mentioned wrapping tomatoes in newspaper, and storing bushels of apples
and pears in the cellar. One participant also preserves by dryingfood, and has
processed tomatoes, apples and bananas agingan electricdehydrator. Another
also stated that she makes wine-
Three participants stated that lack of equipment prevented them horn
doing some types of preserving.
One woman said that she had given a2
her jars away, while two commented that they lacked adequate cold storage
facilities. One woman stated that %very home I've ever owned has never
had a root cellar. I've never had the opportunity to get one.
Every time
I'd find a house with a root cellar it wouldn't be appropriate, and I can't buy
it for the root cellar!"
She then continued by remarking that "When hen was
growing up we always bad a root cellar]. We went to the root cellar almost
as often as we went to the fridge- If not more. So now I have two ikidges
instead of a root cellar." (1958)
In terms of having confidence in the techniques they use to preserve foods,
all but one woman felt that their methods were safe. One woman stated that
When I open a jar of peaches or pears, if the lid is sealed tight and hard to
get off, I know it's okay. If the lid is loose, then you have to be really careful."
(1949,while another said that "I'm cautious, I boil the jam, and I've never
had any incidents yet." (1959) Several women also stated that they did not
attempt preserving medium acid foods becawe of the risks involved.
Table 4.3 compares the techniques used by the two generations of women.
The table is not specific to a certain time kame, and instead presents data on
women's ability to preserve using different techniques. This table demonstrates
the popularity of certain techniques for both generations, including fFeezing,
canning, jam and jelly m-g,
pickling, and placing foods in cold storage.
This table also shows that there is little diff'ence between the abilities of the
two group of participants.
Table 4.3: Techniques Previously Used by Participants
Technique
I
Older
I
Younger
I Total
Participauts (n=9) ( Participants (n=9) (n=18)
I
I
t
I
cold storane
I
7
fermenting
1
1
jam/jelly making
pidding
7
7
drying
I
5
1
1
2
2
8
15
7
14
Table 4.4 provides information on the techniques currently used by the
women by presenting data specific to last year. Note that only six older women
were able to preserve food at that time.
Table 4.5 provides a clearer picture of the kinds of techniques used by each
woman, and shows that every woman urres multiple techniques to preserve
food.
Table 4.4: Techniques Cnnently Used by Participants
Technique
I
Older
1
young^
I Total
Participants (n=6) Participants (n=9) (n=15)
I
I
I
I
1
4
cold storage
I
fermenting
freezing
jam/jdy making
pickling
4.2.3
I
3
0
6
4
4
5
0
9
6
3
0
2
I5
10
7
Division of Labour
For both groups of participants, the task of food preservation was primarily
the responsibility of women.
Older W o m e n
Three women stated that their husbands were involved in the peeling of h i t s
and vegetables to be processed.
Of these three husbands, two also stored
root vegetables. Two women also noted that their husbands had many other
responsibilities, and so could not be expected to do the preserving as well.
Younger Women
This division of labour is also present among the younger group of participants.
One woman noted that Y have memories of staying up until two
o'clock in the morning...blan&ing peas, and doing it on my own? (1949) Another participant stated the following: 'Wd,
once when I had a two week old
Table 4-5: Techniques Used by Each Participant
2
1959
P,C
P,C-
3
4
P
5
P,C P,C P,C
6
~POTT221815--
5
1
0
10
7 TotalC(n=15)
8
15
9
* = no longer preserves
P = has preserved using this technique in the past
C= currently preserves using this technique
1 = d g 72 = cold storage, 3 = drying, 4 = fermenting75 = freezing, 6 =
jam/jeUy making, 7 = pickling
baby, he went and picked strawberries! He brought them in and set them
a l l on the floor, and then I had to feed the
baby and fieeze the strawberries!"
In total, four mentioned that their husbands would help, two in the form
of picking or hulling berries, one with wine making, and another in the slaugh-
tering and preparing of turkeys for the freezer.
There ie also evidence that this pattern may be perpetuated. Of the three
women who noted that their chiIdren participated in the preservation of food,
only one mentioned a male child helping. For example, "...my kids never help
me. Amy does, my daughter does, but my son, he's like his Dad and just
disappears." (1958)
4.2.4
Source of Foods Used in Preserving
For home preservers, the source of produce used in preserving changes yearly,
depending on variables such as garden yields, availability at f81111ers'markets
and the weather.
As a resalt, this section will present the wide variety of
sources that were mentioned by participants during interviews.
Moreover,
only information pertaining to f i t s and vegetables will be presented, as sig-
nificant data with regard to sources of meat was not collected.
Older W o m e n
For the older group of participants, the fruits and vegetables used for preserving were primarily fkom local sou~ces.This can be seen in Table 4.6.
Younger Women
As Table 4.6 indicates, young= women generally appear to be gathering
less, acquiring instead their h i t s and vegetables from their gardens, through
friends or neighbours, market gardens or the supermarket.
Still, it is im-
portant to note that the sources are predominantly l o d .
The exception
Table 4.6: Somces of FNits and Vegetables Used in Home Preserving
Older
Younger
Participants (n=9)
Participants (n=9)
own garden or farm
5
4
9
h i t trees on property
4
2
6
wild bushes or trees
3
1
4
Eend or neighbour
0
6
6
market garden
4
6
10
2
4
6
Source
Totd
--
<
f8fmers' market,
stockyards or fair
supermarket
is produce which is purchased at the supermarket: while grocery stores often carry local produce, two participants mentioned buying imported M t s
to preserve, including oranges for Inmarmalade and bananas for dried banana
&ips.
4.2.5
Food Preservation and Women's Life Cycle
Older Women
For this group of women, food preservation was, at least during their earlier
years, a necessary task. Many women spoke of their childhood memories,
recalling large orchards and gardens, and the great quantities of food that
were preserved at home. For many,even when they were newly married, food
preservation was still if not a necessary task, then an expected one: ?t was
just the thing to do, to can fiuit- Just like now you go to the grocery store."
(1915) NOW,due to the changes in the food system,preserving food is arguably
unnecessary
for older women. Still, there is some evidence that the task of
food preservation is affected by the stage of the participant's life cycle. Indeed,
older participants stated that they are generally preserving less bearuse they
are living alone or because their children have moved away.
One woman
described how, when she was preparing to move into a retirement home, she
had jars of pr-es
on her shelf that were ten years old. The exception to
this is the older women who are still living on fsrms, who are still actively
preserving much of what is produced at home. Others, although preserving
less for themselves, s t i l l do some preserving for their children, grandchildren
or to give as donations to church bazaars-
Younger Women
Younger women also have childhood memories of foods being preserved in
the home.
as
Many of the women were raised on farms, and statements such
...I was raised in the country,
"
garden.
coming fiom a family that had a huge
Gardening was a really big part of what we ate, all the time."
(1947)were common during the interviews. Another woman,who grew up in
Northern Ontario, recalled that
"p watched] My Dad smoke and salt his own
meat, and we had a freezer full of wild meat all the time." (1949)
Once participants married and established their own households, they b e
gan preserving on their own. Many stated that they started to preserve the
first year they were married, and explained that having young children at
home also encouraged them to preserve.
Indeed, many participants stated
that now that their children have grown older or have left home, they preserve
less: "When I started [PseservingI, my family was young.
a t home, and the jam just vSLniShed.
I had two kids
Now they are all on diets and what
have you, and it lasts longer. In fact, I make jam every other year now. I
don't do it every year anymore." (1943a) Another woman stated that 'When
the kids were younger, they used it more.
In fact, there are s t i l l a couple
of [my daughter's] fiends that I still give jam to because they like it.
It's
traditional fiom when they were kids and they used to come here and have
it." (1943b) Several women also spoke of preserving less due to the fact that
they are aging-they have less energy or would prefer to do something else with
their time. One woman stated that "As you get older, you tend to get a little
lazier if you don't absolutely have to do it. At least I have." (1943a) while
another said that ''When the kids were younger, I had more energy." (1943b)
4.3
4.3.1
Values Associated with the Practice of Food
Preservation
Introduction
The values that participants associate with food preservation are divided into
two parts. The first section presents d u e s with respect to specific areas of
inquiry addressed by a l l participants. These include the economic savings
of preserved foods, the convenience of preserved foods, the enjoyment that is
associated with the activib and the nutritional and culinary value of home
preserves. The second section presents other patterns of d u e s uncovered during the analysis which were independent of specific areas of inquiry- Instead,
these values were usually expressed in response to questions such as m y do
you preserve?" and "Do you feel that food preservation is an important skill
for young people? W h y or why not?"
4.3.2
Values in Response to Specific Areas of Inquiry
4.3.2.1
Food Preservation as Economical
Much of the literature that deals with household food preservation describes
the activity as one that savea money. These savings have been attributed to
the use of garden produce that would otherwise go to waste (Ontario Depart
ment of AgricuIture, 1940) and to the low prices that often accompany a wide
availability of seasonal produe (OMAFRA, 1995).
Older Women
Women of this age group indeed felt that preserving food at home is ec*
nomical. When this area of inquiry was addressed, seven of the participants
considered the monetary value of the foods they would preserve compared
to what a similar product woald cost in the store, and concluded that there
would be savinw. One participant, however, remained undecided, while an-
other wondered where the cost of preserving began-with the fertilizer that is
put on the garden, or w i t h the work involved in preserving. Most older women
also commented on the high cost of prepared foods in general. One woman,
who explained that she accompanies her daughter to the grocery store, stated
that "I try not to watch when she's picking up thinw...When I see the total
of the grocery bill, I don't say mything- I try not to even look horrifki."
(1920), while another stated that W e don't buy prepared foods, but it must
be cheaper to bake bread than to buy it." (1923)
Younger Women
For this group of participants, there was less certainty about whether preserving foods would be an economical practice.
When the issue of economics
arose, participants would usually pause, and then debate the question. As
a result, many of their respoases will be included below to account for the
diversity of thoughts presented during the interviews.
Several women calculated not only the dollar d u e of the foods they pre-
served at home versus what was available at the grocery store, but alw consid-
ered the time it takes to preserve. The statement that "...it's my time more
than anything. It's the biggest cost that I have to think about." (1958) was
expressed by four partitipants. Of these four,three women felt that p m ing at home was, ultimately, cheaper, yet if time was considered the actual
savings became questionable. Ow participant stated that &...ifyou eliminate
the time in labour that you are expending, then the cost of your food is a
lot less. But then your labour becoma a free enti@ or a 6ree resource that
you don't factor into what you've accomplished." (1953)' while another rp
marked that "...when you are really busy I think that you can hardly justify
the cost... when a can of tomatoes is only a dollar, you would be saving, but it
seems like it's very reasonable to me now to buy it." (1947)
Three women
felt that the cost of home preserves and industrid preserves was eompmable,
as they felt that preserved products, such as frozen vegetables and canned
fruits, were available for reasonable prices at the grocery store. Alte~~latively~
two women felt that preserving at home saves money.
The responses of the younger participants can be summarized in Table 4.7.
I
Table 4.7: Younger Women's Calculation of Economic Savings I
Price of HomePreserves Versus Participants
Tie
Industry Preserves
(n=9)
I considered time in
calculation
I did not consider
L
I
more expensive
less expensive
1
3
same price
3
I time in calculation I less expensive
12
I
I
4.3.2.2
Home Preserves as Convenient
Older Women
Four participa~tsfelt that preserving food at home was a convenience. That
is, although they stressed that they would be very busy preparing the food for
storage, once the work was done, having home prsserves ready on the shelf or
in the fkezer compensated for all the efEort it took to prepare them. Moreover,
having preserves at home saved participants &omhaving to go to the grocery
store to buy them.
Younger W o m e n
Although, as stated in the section on the economic saving of home preserves,
time was an issue for all younger participants, siu younger women spoke of the
convenience of home preserves. One woman stated that "Once it's done, it's
done, and it saves you all the trouble." (1959), while others spoke of how easy
it was to c'...zip into the fkeezer..." (1949) for a bag of fruit or vegetables that
they had preserved. In contrast,one woman stated that 'Ws just so easy to
go out and buy it." (1943a), while another made the following statement:
..m f I were to plan to make jam next summer when the strawber-
ries come in June, I would have to plan to set aside two days in
order to do it. It wouldn't be two full eight hour shifts. It would
probably work out to about six hours labour time for the amount
of jam that I would want for the whole year. So I think that would
still involve more of my time than it does for me to reach up and
take a jsr off the grocery store shelf and put it in my cart. That
only takes two seconds 25 times a year. (1953)
Two women, although they felt that preserving in the traditional sense was
time consuming, spoke of the convenience of preparing and preserving horn*
made meals,desserts or condiments in advance- This alIowed the participants
to prepam several batches of food at a time, and then keep the extra in the
fieezer for when they were b-
One p&iupmt explained how "At Th&
givingdinner, 1 9 dways make enough cranberry sauce for Christmas, because
that eliminates one of my jobs at the Christmas ninnerC..I'm only doing my
job once." (1953)
4.3.2.3
Food Preservation as Eqjoyable
Older Women
The older group of women found the practice of food preservation to be very
m g . One woman stated that "...therewas such a satisfaction with every
jar filled...You would go down [to the cellar]and look at your jars, all ready for
the winter season. There was something very good about it."
(1906), while
another said that "Once we counted 430 jam on the sheK It was work, but
it looked really nice." (1919)
Younger Women
Although several participants noted that they do not enjoy cleaning up the
kitchen after they have preened foods,these f d g s of satisfktion are shared
by the younger generation.
For example, one participant stated that
Y
love it afterwards when it's all in the jars and you look at it and it's great."
(1943b) while another said 'You always feel kind of good that you made it
yourself? (1958) Two women also noted that preserving food improved their
self-esteem when they were at home with young children,as the activity made
them feel productive and that they were doing something good for the family.
4.3.2.4
Nutritional and Culinary Value of Home Preserves
Older W o m e n
When asked what they thought of the nutritional and culinary value of home
preserves, older women tended to respond with statements that acknowledged
the great &ety
of food products available at the grocery store today- For
example, one remarked that "My [grandchildren]have been brought up to eat
things that I've never heard of." (1920), while another said that "Idon't ever
remember seei~g
pickles in the store. Now you can get almost any kind of relish
yon fancy." (1926) Still, they felt that when home preserves were an important
part of their diet, they ate meals that were healthy and palatable. One woman,
who is still an active preserver, had jars of mint jdy, high bush cranberryjelly,
pepper crabapple jelly, pear marmalade and mincemeat sitting on her counter
when I arrived for the interview. She explained how she and her husband
have difficulQ deciding what jar of froit or relish to open next due to the
variety of preservm she has prepared. Several women also commented on the
great variety of fruits that were once available to them, particularly plums
and apples. For example, one woman stated that "Iguess we alwsys thought
we had lots of variew. Of course, we had apples. We had an apple orchard
with five or six or seven different varieties of apples, so each apple tasted
differently" (1926)
Younger Women
Most younger participants felt that a diet comprised of msinly home pre-
served food would be limiting,both &om a enlinary and nutritional point of
view. Many participants used adjectives such as "boring" and ''resfxicting'' to
describe the culinary aspect of a diet consisting of foods they could can, fieeze
or store in the home. One woman said that 'Tt would be a limited diet. [When
I wao preserving vegetables] I pretty well stuck to the easy things, like corn,
beans, and tomatoes. I didn't get fmcy-" (1947) while another stated that
"The store has so much. You couldn't do it all." (1958) One woman, who
preserves large quantities of food for her f d y , stated that W e eat a lot of
Merent stufE in the summer. We may be more limited in the winter, but
nobody's d e r i n g or sick." (1959) Another, who spoke of the large variety she
could provide for her family in terms of home preserves, stated that "Idon't
restrict our diet to whatever we have done at home." (1949)
In terms of the nutritional aspect, the women felt that fie& foods were important for a healthy lifes~le: 'We always have the fresh, both vegetables and
h i t . It's important for the balance in our diet. You need both." (1949) Note
that for the participants, fresh foods went beyond the types of vegetables and
f i t s that could be stored in the home, as they talked of purehasing foods such
as oranges, bananas, lettuce and peppers. For exsmple, one participant stated
that "We should have better nutrition now too..f you can still buy a pepper
in February, you should be getting lots of vitamin C h m it I guess."
(1947) It
is important to note, however, that although these women found fmsh foods to
be an important part of their diet, many expressed concerns about the health
implications of imported produce. They questioned the apparent increase in
food allergies, snd spoke of their apprehension towards insecticides and pert
ticides: "A lot of things in the winter come &om other countries...countries
where maybe they can use DDT or whatever...so you really don't know what
you are eating." (1945)
4.4
Values Independent of Areas of Inquiry
The format for the second section is slightly different than that of the first, a s
it was found that each generation of women associated difkrent values with
the practice of food preservation. As such, this section will be divided by age
group, with the d u e s highlighted within.
Older women talked of how food preservation prevents food fkom going
to waste, and how it allows them to control the eontent of the foods they
eat. Younger women discussed the concept of self-sufficiency and the superior
taste of foods preserved in the household versus what is available from indus-
try. They also valued food preservation as a means to control the content of
foods. These differences are summarized in Table 4.8.
61
Table 4.8: Additional Vdues Associated With Food Preservation for Two
Generations of Women
.
I
Older Generation
I Yomger Generation I
prevention of waste
taste
control over content
self-sufEciency
-
I contro~over content I
I
4.4.1
Older Women
4.4.1.1
Prevention of W e e
Many older women d u e d the practice of food preservation in that it allom
home producers to keep food that would otherwise go to waste. As one woman
stated "Idon't think that anything should be wasted if we caa help it. I don't
think it's right, because food is very precious." (1906) A woman of German
heritage, who fieezes her garden vegetables, explained why she has a garden
in the first place:
"...if Germans just have a little piece of land, they have
to grow potatoes, vegetab1es.J love flowers, but [planting] only flowers to me
would be wasteful. If there's good land, why not grow vegetables? And there
are always people that you can help out there. We have the foodbank in town,
so I just have to grow vegetables." (1925) Another spoke of her surprise when
she was visiting a craR show and found that the dried applee on display were
not to eat, but for decoration, while still another said that 'Wyou have, let's
say, a basket of peaches or pears or something and you weren't going to be
amund to use them up in fhit, maybe you could preserve them and have them
later. It's making use of things that are still good, rather than throw that
half a basket out into the garbage." (1936)
4.4m1m2 Control over Contemt
Three older women spoke of additives in commercially preserved foods. One
mentioned the high salt content, while another spoke of pret3ervatives in fiozen
foods: Y know one thing that I was foolish to buy, only once,were those baby
carrots, and they were horrible. And they looked gray, as if they had sprinkled
somethingon them, or sprayed them with something. I'm sure they did. And
they were not tasty, so I've never bought them again..." (1925) Another
woman explicitly mentioned preserving as a means to control the content of
her food: ''I
have a grandson with food sensitivities. A lot of it is due to
preservatives and stabilizers. They want to extend shelf life so you're not sure
what goes in it. You h o w what goes in to your own-hit and sugar." (1923)
4.4.2 Younger W o m e n
4.4.2.1
Taste
Most younger women valued the superior taste of home preserves. They felt
that what they could make themselves, be it pickles, jams,or frozen vegetables,
tastes better than what is prepared by industw
One woman said that T h e
taste is definitely better. I think that with anything that you make,especially
with fiuits, the taste is always truer." (1943b)Another stated that "Ihate the
bought canned st&
You buy canned peaches and they are always hard, and
tasteless. It's the same with pea." (1945) However, one spoke of the good
quality of fiozen foods now a d 8 b k in the grocery store, while another said
that "..-Willie's zucchini relish tastes an awful lot like the relish that I: used
to make, so I can use my imagination and pretend that it's the same thing."
(19438)
4.4.2.2
Food Preservation as a Means to SeWSdIiciency
Five women valued food preservation as a means to greater SelfSUfficiency..' Two
spoke of their interest in living off the land, growing most of their own food
and preserving what they had harvested. The others spoke in more general
terms, of the capacity of individuals to do more for themselves. One woman
spoke of the need of an increased sense of entrepreneurship among individuals,
while another stated that 'You should be seIfdcient, I think, and know
that there are other ways of doing things other than going to the grocery
store." (1943a) Another woman, who first spoke in general terms with regard
to self-sufficiency, then qualified her statement by saying that "It is important
to look sRer yourself and to be d c i e n t , but I think for most people that now
means making money and not malnng things for yourself, in today's world."
(1947)
7Recall that, as stated in the methodology, the concept of localization was only mentioned
at the end of d M e w .
4.4.2.3
Control over Content
Three women also valued the practice of food preservation in that it alIow8
them to know exactly what is in the food they and their families are eating.
One woman explained that while she has a child with diabetes and
preserves froit to ensure a proper sugar content, she and her husband raise
their own podtry so that they have the security of knowing their meat is free
of additives.
Another woman stated that ''When you buy something, you
don't know what's in it, [or] where it's fkom..J think that when you do it at
home, you know exactly what's in it." (1945) Two additional women slso
spoke of additives in prepared foods, although this was not a motivation for
preserving.
Chapter 5
Discussion
5.1
&om Learning and Techniques to Values:
Initial Findings and Changing Research
Focus
Although the objectives of this thesis include m
g learning, techniques
and values, the initid research focus involved an examination of the first two
areas only; that is, I felt it was important to determine how the information
sources and techniques used to preserve food have changed since the globalization of the food system. This section will provide the rationale for the initial
research focus and explain why it changed.
Literature on localization suggests that skills such as food production, sup
tainable food selection and food preparation have been lost as the food system
has been removed fiom our daily experience, as consumers can rely on supermarkets stocked full of fruits and vegetables and food products in various
stages of processing and at all times of the year (Gusgow, 1993;Wilkins, 1996).
The skills necesgary to live within a foodshed could be relearned, however,
through a variety of channels: television programs could be produced that
demonstrate cookery using local and seasond produce available in the viewing area, participants of CSAs could be given recipes in their weekly boaes of
farm produce, and sustainacbIe food guides codd be developed that indude not
only nutritional information, but also explain the ecological dects of our food
and Clancy, 1986; Herrin and Gnssow, 1989;G~SSOW,
1993;
choices (GUSSOW
Wilkins, 1996). In terms of food preservation, then, research on changing information sources and techniques would have been significant in that it could
have assisted extension workers and home economists in the development of
appropriate food preservation programs and information sources.
Early in the interview process, however, important patterns emerged which
modified the initial focus of inquiry. F h t was that women from both generations learned to preserve food, and leamed though the same charnels. Indeed,
all participants stated that their primary source of information comprised of
informal sources, including relatives and fiends. These findins are similar
to past research of food preservation, which has found that women learn to
preserve food from family members (Msrcotte, 1979; Loewen et. al., 1981).
Second was that women b m both generations preserved food. Older women
began preserving by canning sad placing foods in cold storage. Although
fkeezing became popular w i t h access to rehigerators, lockers, and later, chest
freezers, the more traditional techniques were still used: younger partkipants
67
also reported preserving by canningyjam and jelly rnaldng, pickling, and plating foods in cold storage. The popularity of EreQing,as well as jam and jelly
making, were alao found in a study on food presemation practices in the home
(Agriculture Canada, 1983).
ks a resalt of these initial patterns, I began, in grounded theory fashion, to
change the focus of inquiry. Both older and younger participmts learned and
had the skills required to preserve food, yet what became apparent during the
interviews was the marked difference in the values that the two generations
of women associated with food preservation.
E'urthermore, these different
values were not only a result of changes in the food system, but could also be
attributed to other socioeconomic changes; moet notably, women's increased
participation in the paid labour force-
5.2
Changing Values: An Interpretation
5.2.1
Women's Labour Force Participation
The most significant difference between the two generations of women in terms
of how they valued food preservation concerned the issue of economic savings. Older participants found that the practice saved money, while for the
younger women, there was a great h e w of respomm.
This finding was
in contrast to previous research on household food preservation (Agriculture
Canada, 1983) as well as government documents which promote the economical aspects of food preservation (OMAFRA, 1995).
When calcuIating cost, many would consider not only the rep1acernent
cost of foods they could preserve in the home, but as0 the time it would
take them to preserve.
Time was a con-
for younger participants both
because of their busy schedules and because of the opportunity costs involved
in preserving food. More to the point, time, for younger women, was considered
both as scarce and as money-
Time as Scarce
Time, or lack thereofy was an important issue stressed by all younger par-
ticipants. For example, during the interviews, women with sons or daughters
living at home mentioned being involved with their children's activities, mostly
in the capacity of chauffeur. Moreover, all of the women who worked outside
the home (eight out of nine participants) also discussed the impact of their
employment.'
Most stated that working outside the home prevented them
fiom doing other thing, including preserving.
One woman stated that '2
think that if I was home I may do more, but now I work in Toronto. I have
long days. So I just don't have the time. Now if I were to retire, I might do
a little more." (1943b), while another noted that Wow I work full time and
I do hardly anything? (1947) Another woman, speaking of food preparation
in general, made the following comment about her grandmother:
...yo u made the desserts for the Sunday meal on Saturday, and
because the family was so large, m y goodness [my grandmother]
lRecall that, according to the 1996 eerrsue, the Iabourkrce participation rate for women
in Wellington Counw was 65.1% (Sfatiatics Canada, 1999b).
spent her whole of Saturday baking. And even into her married
life and through to when she was a grandmother' she would still
involve herself in Saturday baking activity...To my way of thinking
today, and to my lifestyle, it was quite ridicdous, but she again
didn't go out to work. (1953)
Somewhat in contrast, one woman described how, although she works, her
flexible schedde alIows her to preserve:
Even though I work frill time, I make my own hours. If1 find that
I want the afternoon off to go home and do a bushel of peaches, I'll
just say to the secretary "Look, I'm going to be at home, page me
Now..l
if there's anything urgent." And it works out r e d y d.
used to teach, and that arss okay because in the summer time I
was off anyways. But once schooI started, [the] canning, [the]
preserving...if it wasn't done then it probably wouldn't get done.
(1945)
T h e lack of time experienced by the younger participants, and its effects on
household food preservation, can be attributed to the fact that participation
in the labour force often r d t s in a double work load for women, as they
still hold many responsibilities inside the home. This can be explsined by
two phenomena. First is the gendered division of labour in the househoId,
where women are largely responsible for meal preparation, shopping, cleaning,
laundry and childcare, and men are largely responsible for maintenance and
repair work. Because women's tasks are generally performed on s daily basis,
they spend more hours on unpaid work in the household, regardless of their
participation in the labour force. According to Stafistics Canada's General
Social Survey of 1992, women working outside the home spent a total of 3.5
hours daily on unpaid househo1d tasks, while their male counterparts spent 2.3.
This discrepancy increased for working parents with children under six, where
women spent 5.4 hours on unpaid household tasks while men spent 3.4. More
specific to food-related tasks, women "...whose main activity was working at
a job or business..." (14) spent 54 minutes a day devoted to meal preparation
and clean-up, while their malecounterparts spent 19minutes daily (Deveresux,
1993). And although some couples are more W y to share household tasks,
including dud-income earners, and younger couples with higher levels of formal
education, time spent on unpaid work is still not distributed equally among
these men and women. Indeed, the study completed in 1992 showed that 89%
of married women working full-time in the home were responsible for these food
tasks, and that the figure dropped only slightly with women's participation in
the paid labour force. For example, 86% of women employed part-time were
primarily responsible for these tasks, while 72% of women working full-time
were responsible for these tasks (Devereaux, 1993). This division of labour is
reflected in the findins of this study, where although more younger than older
women stated they worked outside the home, women from both generations
held the primary responsibiity for preserving food.
The second phenomenon which contributes to women's double day con-
cerns changes in household labour brought about by mechanization, where
housework itself was not eliminated, but simply reorgsnized. In fact, despite
the development of 'labour savinf devices in the home, time spent on hohold tasks has, according to many, remained constant (Burns,1975; Luxton,
1980;Ross and Usher, 1986).
As disc~lFQdin the literature review?the household is comprised of several
systems, including those which provide food, clothing?health care, transport*
tion, and public utilities (Cowan, 1983). Although women's involvement in
some of these systems has decreased, their involvement in other systems has
moved in the opposite direction. So while food promsing, for example, has
largely moved out of the home and into the factory, women's 'svolvement, and
therefore their time, has shifted from the food system to the transportation
system. In other words, although the time women spend preparing unpm
cessed fruits, vegetables and grains, has decreased with industrialization, they
now spend more time on the following activities: driving to the supermarket
(and time spent on this activity is in fact increasing, due to the fact that
smaller, comer stores are closing);discerning between a proliferation of "time+
saving" food products found on supermarket shelves; and waiting in line at
the cash register (Schneider, 1997).
Tie-budget studies also support the idea that time spent on household
work has remained constant. A study completed by the CRDC in 1979 found,
for example, that rural women spent apprcllrimately 53 hours on household
tasks. This total can be compared to a study on fann women in the United
States in 1924, where it was found that they spent an average of 54 hours
per week doing housework (CRDC, 1979). Fbsearch which compared women's
time use between 1927 and 1968 also showed that during this period, time
spent on food-related activities decreased by thirty minutes per day while
72
the time spent on food management t&,
including shopping, increased by
over thirty minutes daily (Gnsson, 1985). And although these time-budget
studies are anmittedy dated, they are useful because they demonstrate that
despite the availability of labour-saving devica and instant foads, time spent
on housework has remained static.
The shift in women's involvement ffom the food system to the transportation system can help explain why many participants found that preserving
food in the home was in fact convenient; a statement made, quite interest
ingly, by more younger than older women. Many of the younger participants
stated that although preserving does take time, once the work is done, the
food is ready on the shelf or in the freezer. h z e n tomatoes have already
been skinned and cut and need only to be taken out of the freezer, while a
can of peaches can be taken off the shelf and served immediately for dessert.
Moreover, participants stated that having home presems meant that they did
not have to go to the grocery store to buy them2
Aside from the reorganization rather than the elimination of work within
the home, the mechanization of the household has also served to reduce the
level of skill involved in housework (Bums, 1975; Luxton, 1980; Ross and
21t is important to n d e that it is unclear how many horn the activiw ofMpreservation
r
Labour and M u m , 1830sadds to the household work I d of women. In R u d W
1980s, Campbell and Bennett (1986) noted that the indugion af food pmwxation in time
budget egtimates is lacking in studies completed both -re
and after the Second World
.
.
the amount of time Ntal women spent on home production activities
wm. -D
was an objective ofthe 1979study completed by the Councilon Rural Development Canada,
but wae not met as the data proved unreliable. As stated m the methodobgy, the absence
of thebudget estimates is d m a limitation of tbis studF
Usher, 1986). Even though housework still takes much time, women's role
has generally moved &om one that demands specialized &ills to one that
requires them to start and stop machines. This both hides the work involved
in housework and at the same time makes it less valuable. This may explain
why participants, regardless of whether they worked outside the home or not,
found the practice of food preservation to be a very enjoyable one. Indeed,
younger women as much as older women described the task as one that gives
them a sense of pride and satisZ&ction, as they are involved in a process from
start to hish. As one participant stated, preserving allows women to enjoy
the fruits of their labour.
Time as Money
With women's participation in the labour force, time has become not only
scarce, but also worth a wage. Indeed, when women make decisions about
their unpaid labour (such as, 'Will I cook dinner or eat in a restaurant?" or,
"Wi11 I preserve food or buy the products at the grocery store?'), they have
to consider not only the time it takes but also what their time is worth. For
example, an older women stated the following of her daughter%
My daughter works very hard and drive8 to Toronto four days a
week. When she doesn't drive, she is still working on her computer
at home. She also works overtime a lot. So she looks at things
diflerently than I do, as far as the price of groceries. Time is very
valuable to these young women. They have to think of their time
as a commodity, although goodness knows we worked hard and our
days were M.(1920)
$The daughter WIa into the same age category as the younger participants.
A younger woman also explained how, if she did not include her time in
the calculation of economic savings,her time would be a U6ree resourcey'(1953)
that was not being considezed.
The monetary value that women place on their time is not only due to
their particpation in the labour force, but also reinforced by what constitutes
economic contributions as determined by our society. The Gross National
Product (GNP),for exampIe, is a measure of economic activity which is often
used to determine a country's level of development or quality of life. Yet only
the formal economy is measured, meaning activities which result in exchanges
of money. Weges are included in the caldation, while informal activities such
as food preservation are not
(Ross and Usher, 1986). As Harriet Fkiedmsnn
explains:
If a hamburger is cooked at home, only the ingredients count in
economic production-' If the person who used to cook it at home
now works instead at McDoddYsy
where it is sold, then both the
making and the receiving count as "productive" contributions to
the national emwmy. Yet the same human work is done, and the
same number of meals are created- (1999: 53)
Research has shown that women's participation in the paid labour force
has an impact on food acquisition and preparation (Barnt, 1999; Friedmann,
1999). Yet although women do, for example, pu~chaseready-made foods or eat
meals outside of the home, they are still involved in home production activities,
including food preservation. Still, participation in the labour force, and the
4 T h assumes
~
that the ingredients are purchased and nat p r o d u d
implications thereofyrequire women to make decisions regarding where their
time w i l l be spent.
5.2.2
The Food System
While the most pronounced ehange in values concerned the economic savings
of home preserp.es, other values are d e c t i v e of changes in agricultureand the
food system since the Second World Wa. These changing d u e s can serve to
trace the evolution of the food system as experienced by those who are clogest
to it, namely women.
To begin, older participants valued the practice of preservation as it prevents food from going to waste. Throughout the interviews, they also spoke of
the hardships they experience during the war years, when goods were rationed
and nothing was to be wasted. One woman recalled that:
It was during the was of course that things were scarce...Things
weren't on the shelves. I remember one time going to the store
and the lady whispered to me 'We've got soap in today? She was
telling people with children. Now the stores are so full. Yoanger
people can't realize that there ever was a shortage. (1915)
Another woman who lived in Germany during the war stated that "During
the -..we
just didn't have anything. We didn't even have anything to plant,
and if you planted it, maybe it got stolen. It was hard times." (1920)
While Canada was at war, women were indeed encouraged to preserve
food. Wartime canning publications were printed by the Dominion Department of Agriculture, where women were told that "Food is precious. None
must be wasted. Therefore, as much as possible of Canada's perishable Mts
and vegetables should be canned for use throughout the winter...In order to
avoid waste of sugar or fruit, extra care should be taken to follow directions
given in this bulletin prepared especially for wartime canning." (1943: 2) The
publications also included information on how to can without sugar, and aplained to women that the canned fhit could be sweetened upon consumption
with the sugar they received fkom their rations.
Women were encouraged to preserve not only for their own fPJnilies, but
also to send overseas.
When the Ontario Women's Institute and the Ontario
Division of the Red Cross promoted the production of jam for needy civilians and soldiers, members of the Institute approached industrial canners for
contributions and used community or household kitchens to p r a m fruit. In
1940, the organizations sent 110 000 pounds of jam to England. Moreover,
women shipped garden seeds and canning equipment to the Women's htitute
in Britain (Ambrose, 1996). One participant did speak of contributing to the
wax effort, not by making jam, however, but by drying. She recalled that
how, When the war was on, the R . d Cross sent out a notice of how to sulfur
apples.'' (1906)
Yet with the war came drastic changes in agricultural production.
The
industrial expansion occurringin urban areas drew ruralpeople into metropoli-
tan centres, while at the same time, farmers were encouraged to increase p r e
duction. Farms began relying heavily on machinery, increased in acreage, and
reduced crop varieties (Cebotarev, 1995). One woman, while explaining the
source of the food she used in preserving, spoke of these changes: Y think
that the wild plums were pretty well cleaned out when the fence lines were.
They just took them all out. Fields were made bigger for the tractors, and
they didn't want so many fmces, and thing changed." (1906)
Production aside, other aspects of the food system have also changed dramatically since the wsr. The shift fkom a rural to an urban population has
meant that food is being transported over longer distances to reach metropolitan centres. And improvements in the transportation system and industrial
food preservation has meant that foods can be shipped from all over the world
and arrive "fresh" for many Canadian consumers (Kneen, 1993). Older women
spoke of these changes by remarking that "Oranges used to be special. You
would get them at Christmas.
Now there are piles and piles of oranges."
(1936) and that Y don't think there was as much fresh fruit as there is now
until after the war." (1906) Younger women, accustomed to these changes,
felt that a diet based on foods that could be canned, frozen or placed in cold
storage in the home would be limiting.
At the same time, we are witnesging a corporate concentration of the food
system.
Independent grocery stores have all but disappeared, while super-
markets, and more recently supercentres, have flourished. These grocery stores
promote thousands of new food products yearly (Kheen, 1993) which originate
&om a smallnumbw of large corporations which are involved in many aspects
of the processing, distribution and retailing of food. These food products,
which travel large distances and change many hands before they reach the
table, hsve been sprayed, colonred, and processed to make them durable and
appealing for the co~mumer(Schaaf, 1983).
Like food shortages dkcting the values of the older generation, the impact
of the changing food system is reflected in the d u e s described by the younger
generation of participants.
These! women were concerned about the lower
quality and the additives in commereidy praemd foode, as well as our d e
pendency on the food system. Most younger participants spoke of the superior
taste of home preserves, while several women spoke of food preservation as a
means to control the content of their food. Half of the younger women also
associated food preservation with self-sufficiency, and spoke of their desire to
live off the land or for members of society to be more independent.
5.3
Implications
These changing values, brought about both by changes in the food system
and the effects of women's increased participation in the labour force, suggest
that women's very relationship to food has changed. The food system, once
charact9rized by locality?and in times of crisis, scarcity, urn now be described
as globalid, centralized, and for the privileged, abundant. With this s M ,
women in this study have moved from being h g a l eaters to recipients of large
quantities of low quality foods. And as women have moved into the work force,
food has become something that is not only to be prepared (or purchased) for
themselves and their families, but also a daily task that takes valuable time.
Chapter 6
Summary, Conclusions and
Recommendations
6.1 S u m m a r y
6.1.1
Introduction and Research Objectives
The solution to the problems brought about by our global, uasustainable food
system may lie in localization, meaning that residents of a given region would
base their diets on foods grown locally snd in season. In order to live within a
l o d food system, however, consumers should know how to select an adequate
diet based on local and seasonal foods, to produce some of their own food,
to prepare this food, and to preserve this food. Food preservation would
allow residents who live in regions with short growing seasons to meet their
food needs in the winter, while in warmer climates, food preservation would
prevent the rapid spoilage of fiesh foods. The challenge, however, is that food
production and processing have largely been removed fiom our daily livee,
80
and we experience food by pmchaaing a wide variety of products in &ow
stagas of processing, a d a b l e regardless of season. As a result, consumers
may no longer have the skills re-
to select, prepare, and preserve local
and seasonal foods. Moreover, because they are accustomed to an apparently
abundant and convenient food supply, they may no longer be willing.
This research explored the practice of food preservation for two generations
of women. The specific objectives of this research included the following to
examine how two generations of rural women have l m e d to preserve food as
wel as the techniques they use or have used to premve, and to Bcamine the
values that two generations of rural women associate with the practice of fwd
preservation.
6.1.2 Methodology
Using a grounded theory approach, qualitative interviews were held with two
generations of rural women. A total of 18 interview8 were conducted, with this
amount divided evenly among the two generations. The older generation of
women were born between the period of 1906 and 1936, while the younger generation of women were born between 1941 and 1959. The data were analyzed
using a modified constant-comparative approach.
6.1.3
Findings
The following list contains a description of the findings, divided according to
generation:
Older Women
Learned through a variety of sources, including printed m*
terial, supplier information, and extension courses offered by
the Women's Tnstitute. The prim- source of information
was personal.
a Began presenring by storing and canning foods. Access to
6reews1first through comp8lctments in refkigerators and lockers in freezer plants, and then through chest freezers in the
home, meant that much canning was replaced by freezing.
Still, women continued to e ~ n to
, make jams and pickles, and
to store foods in the home. They were also coddent that their
techniques were safe. The hreezer aside, other food preservation amenities d t e d in changes for women. Developments
in glass jars made it easier for women to obtain a proper
seal, while modem housing meant that some women could no
longer place foods in cold storage.
0 Held the primary responsibility for preserving food in the
home.
0 Obtained produce used to preserve mostly from their own
gardens as well as shmbs and f i t trees on their property,
but also through farmers' markets and market gardens.
Generally prese~edmore when they were younger, newly
married and had children at home.
Values Associated with Fwd Preservation
0 Felt that food preservation saved money.
Some felt that preserving food was a convenience.
Found food pr-tion
to be enjoyable and fulfillingConsidered a diet based on home preserves to be satisfying in
terms of nutritiond and culinary variety.
Considered food preservation to be important as it prevented
food from going to waste.
Younger Women
Profile Information
0
a
Learned through a variety of sources, including printed material, supplier information, and government documents. The
primary source of information was personal.
P r m e d using the freezer- Most have also made jams, pickIes and have canned certain fmitts. Many also placed foods in
cold storage, although some women lacked adequate facilties.
Most were confident that their techniques were safe.
Held the primary responsibility for preserving fwd in the
home.
Obtained produce wed to prese~vemostly from their own
gardens, market gardens or friends and neighbours.
Preserved more when they were younger, newly married and
had children at home. The life cycle also affected preserving
in that they, with age, have less energy or would rather spend
their time on other activities.
Values Associated with Food Preservation
Felt that food preservation ultimately saved money, but when
their time was considered in the calculation, the actual savings
became questionable.
Felt that preserving food was a convenience.
Found food preservation to be enjoyable and fulfilling.
Felt that a diet based on home preserves would be limitingin
tetms of nutritiond and culinary variety.
Enjoyed the superior taste of home p m e s .
Considered food preservation important for controlling the
content of food and for providing s means to a more seK
d c i e n t lifatyle.
6.2
Conclusions
6.2.1
Ihtroduction
These conelusions are divided into two parts. The first section provides conclusions in terms of the specific objectives of this research. That is, conclusions
w i l l be provided regarding two generations of rural women and the learning,
skills and vaIua which surround the practice of food preservation. The second
section presents conclusions in terms of food preservation and the localization
of the food system. In other words, given the findings, eondusions will be pro-
vided regarding the barriers and opportunities which surround people's ability
and willingness to preserve food.
6.2.2
Learning, Skills and Values
1. Women from both generations stated that they learned to preeerve through
a variee of channels, including printed material, government sources,
and supplier information.
However, dl women stated that their pri-
mary source of information included family members or fiends. This
leads to two conclusions.
learned to preserve.
First, women from both generations have
Second, informal sources play a very important
role in learning to preserve food.
2. Although women from the older generation h
t began preserving by
canning and placing foods in cold storage, access to freezers, first through
ragerators and freezers in locker plants, and then later, through chest
fkmm, chmged the way food was preserved in the home.
Eieezjng
fixits and vegetables required less work, and also allowed women to p&
pone some of the work d
y required in the harvest season. Fruits or
vegetables could be frozen,for example, and then W h e r processed at a
later date. Younger women also spoke of using the hreezer to preserve
entire me& or baked goods that they p r e p a d in advance. As a r d t ,
it may be concluded that the £ k z e r had a significant impact on food
preservation practices in the home.
3. Although freezing was the techniqye of choice for the younger women,
they also spoke of canning fruits, making jams, jellies, and pickles, and
placing food in cold storage. It may be concluded, then, that women
fiom both generations have the techniques necessary to preserve food. It
may also be concluded that both older and younger women are preserving
food.
4. The marked difference between the two generations concerned how they
value food preservation. Therefore, it can be concluded that it is the val-
ues surrounding food preservation which encourage or discourage women
from preserving food, and not a lack of skills or information sources.
5. The most significant difference between the two generations of women in
terms of d u e s concerned the issue of economic savings. Older women
felt that preserving food at home saved money, while younger women
included their time in the calculation. Time was an important issue for
younger women due to their involvement in the paid labour force, which
has made their time not only scarce, but also worth a wage- Other dig
fe~encesin values can be attributed to changes in the food system. Older
women, who experienced scarcity due to events such as the Second World
War, valued food preservation because it prevents food waste. Younger
women, who experience an abundaat food suppIy, yet a food supply that
is increasingly centralized, did not mention waste, but instead valued
taste and self+uffiuency. Controlling the content of food was also men-
tioned by both generatiom. It can therefore be concluded that the most
signiiicant change in values can be attributed to the changing socioeconomic context experienced by women;most notably, their participation
in the labour force. Other differences can be attributed to changes in
the food system.
6.2.3
Food Preservation and Localization
6.2.3.1
Opportunities
1. Older women spoke of the source8 of food used in preserving as being
fiom gardens, trees on their property, wild bushes or trees, as well as
markets. Although more younger women spoke of purchasing the food
fiom market gardens or acquiring food from friends and relatives, the
sources of foods used in preserving were local. It may therefore be con-
cluded that although younger women may be producing and gathering
less of their own food than their older counterparts, food preservation
encourages the use of local and seasonal foods.
2. Both older and younger women understood the risks involved in food
presemation and had confidence in the d e v aspects of the techniques
they use or have used to preserve food. It can therefore be concluded
that women consider home preserves to be safe sad reliable sources of
food for t h d v e s and their f d e s .
3. Women horn both generations were apprehensive of the additives present
in commercially prepared foods as well as the pesticides and herbicida
sprayed on fiesh, imported foods- They also stated that they preemed
in order to control the content ofthe food on their table. It can therefore
be concluded that women consider home preserves to be an additive-frea
alternative to commercially prepared foods.
4. Younger women valued food preservation in that it allows people to be
independent.
Many also spoke of their interest in living off the land
and producing what they had harvested.
It can be concluded that
food preservation represents the opportunity to lead a more self-SUfjEicient
lifestye.
5. Younger women were motivated to preserve as they enjoyed the taste
of the jams, pickles, and other products that they could make themselves.
It can therefore be concluded that younger women feel that
what they can preserve at home taates better than what is offered by
6. Both older and younger women spoke of the enjoyment derived from pre-
serving food. It can be concluded that fwd preservation is a meaningful
activity; one that gives women a sense of satisf~ction.
7. Although preserving takes time, older and younger women felt that hav-
ing home preserves saved them from having to go to the grocery store.
They also felt that home presewes were convenient in the sense that once
the food was processed, it was ready, either in the k e r or in the shelf,
to be d.
As a result, it can be concluded that women try to balance
the time it takes to preserve with the time home preserves save them in
the winter season.
6.2.3.2
Barriers
1. Although women from both generations preserve, several mentioned that
they were unable to store fruits and vegetsbIe6 in the home due to a lack
of cold storage. AB a result, it can be concluded that s lack of adequate
cold storage f a t i e s impedes food preservation in the home.
2. Although older women felt that their meals were healthy and palatable
when they depended on foods pmerved in the home, younger women felt
that a diet based largely on home preserves would be limiting. Instead,
they spoke of buying h h , imported foods in the winter season to meet
the nutritional requirements of their diets. They also spoke of the great
variew of food products available at the supermarket. As a result, the
perception that home preserves reduce culinary and nutritional W e @
prevents younger women fkom adopting a diet largely based on fooda
that can be preserved in the home.
3. Although women are increasingly involved in the paid labour force, they
still spend much time on unpaid, household labour. This can be attributed, in part, to the gendered division of labour in the home, where
women are responsible for many tasks which must be completed on a
daily basis, such as meal preparation, child care and cleaning. This me-
ates a double day for women, as they have to balance work responsibilities and household responsibilities. In this study, although most young=
women were working outside the home, they also held the primary r e
sponsibility for preserving food. It may therefore be concluded that the
gendered division of labour 8uftounding food presemtion contributes to
women's double work load.
4. Women's participation in the paid labour force has also changed the way
they view their time. Because of their busy schedules, younger women
view their time as scarce. Because of their involvement in the formal
economy, they also view their time as worth s wage. Thedore, it can
be concluded that women's participation in the labour force and, as a
result, their outlook on time, may discourage the preservation of food in
the home.
6.3
Recommendations
This section provides recommendations first for home economists and exfension workers. It then provides recommendations for further research, both in
terms of localization in general and
6.3.1
food preservation in particular.
For Home Economists and Extension Workers
When promoting food preservation, home economists and extension workers
should consider not only skills acquisition and learning, but also the d u e s
that women assodate with food preservation. For example, because time is
a very important issue for younger participants, extension workers and home
economists could fadlitate initiatives which would reorganize the work pro-
cesses involved in preserving* Food preservation facilities could be incorporated into acisting community kitchens, where small groups of people meet
weekly to cook and share a meal together (Roberts, M a c h and Stahlbrand,
1999). Instead of cooking, however, groups of women could meet to preeerve
large batches of food. Communiw canning centres could also be developed,
where industrial canning equipment and an on-site home economist would dlow women to preserve large quantities of h i t s and vegetables in little time.
Because such comuniw centres have the capacity of canning, for example,
1,500 quarts of tomatoes daily (Wood, 1980), such an initiative would make
the task of food preservation less time consuming. Moreover, although it may
not addreas the gendered division of labour with regard to this task, such
initiatives may make pmsemhg less isolating for t h e women who preserve
alone.
Home economists and extension workers d
groups to examine other food p-tion
d also encourage community
initiatives, such as the portable
canning unit used by the Mennonite Central Committee.
The unit, which is
mounted on a trder, allows a trained canner and a p u p of volunteers to can
Iarge quantities of meat, which is then sent overseas t o people in need (Mennonite Central Committee, 1999). The technology could perhaps be adapted
to suit the purposes of Canadian f d e s , such as members of a Community
s ' at the
Supported Agriculture or food bank recipients who glean f ~ ~ m e rfields
end of the harvest season. Moreover, extension workers could also encourage
groups to undertake a facilities audit of their surrounding area in order to
determine any storage space or equipment (such as bezers) which could be
made available to the comuniW
Home economists (specifically, nutritionists) could also determine adequate
nutritional requirements for a diet based on foods grown and preserved in the
area of Wellington County, Southern Ontario. Ideally, the information should
be disseminated based on informal patterns of learning.
6.3.2
For Research on Localization
Reseaxchers in the field of localization should expIore the role that families
and friends can play in the development of local food systems. This could
include, for example, inter-genexationd information exchange. They should
also explore how consumers value other skills required to live in a I o d food
system, including food selection and food preparation.
6.3.3
For Research on Food Preservation
Researchers interested in food preservation should complete h e b u d g e t studies to determine how much time it takes to preserve food. They could also
use the outcomes of this research for the development of a survey, which could
allow for statistical snalyses and generalizability of the findings.
The sustainabiliitg of various food preservation practices should also be
compared. For example, it is important to determine how freezing food com-
pares to canning or drying in terms of energy use.
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Appendix A
Wellington County
W f i g t o n County ia the shaded area in this map of Southern Ontario.
103
Appendix B
Questionnaire
Definition of food preservation: Food preservation prevents the spoilage of
foods through techniques such as drying, pickling, fmenting, canning, jam
and j d y making7freezing, and placing foods in cold storage.
Opinion and Value Questions Regarding Food Preservation
1. Do you preseme? Why? Have these reasons changed over time? W h y
not? Have you ever preserved?
2. What do you enjoy about it?
3. What do you not enjoy about it?
4. What motivates you to preserve food?
5. What prevents you from preserving food?
6. What are you thoughts about having to depend more on foods preserved
in the household instead of food preserved by companies or fie& foods
from the grocery store? Would you be willing t o do this?
7. If we compare foods you can preserve at home, foods preserved for you
by companie8, and h h foods, what are your thoughts in terms of nutritional value? In terms of flavour? In terms of c a t ? In t e r m of time
to prepare and ease of preparation? In terms of your and your family's
prderence? In terms of d e w ? Ii terms of variety?
8. Do you think that food preservation is an important skill for women
today? Please explain.
Learning, Experience and Knowledge Questions
1. What sorts of techniques have you used to preserve food?
2. HOWdid you learn about these techniques?
3. What method or methods of leasning did you prder? Why?
4. What or who do you use as a source of reference when you are about to
preserve?
5.
Ik there anything more that you would like to learn about preserving
food?
6. Where do you get the food you preserve? If you buy the food at the
grocery store, do you know where it comes from (i.e., is it local or imported)?
7. What do you do with the food you preserve?
8. Do you preserve food done or with others? If you have a partner, does
this person heip?
Opinion and Value Questions Regarding the Food System
1. What are your thoughts about our food system?
2. What do you think about the a d a b i i w of fresh foods all year round?
Background Questions
1. What do you do for a living? How do you think this impacts on your
ab0ity/interest in preserving food?
2. How do you think your f d y has impacted on your ability/interest in
preserving food? Do you have children?
3. What is yom cultural heritage? How do you think this impacts on your
ability/interest in preserving food? Is food preservation part of your
heritage?
4. Have you lived here all your life? Where are you h m ? How do you
think this impacts on your ability/interest in preserving food?
Appendix C
Additional Excerpts From
lnterviews
During the interviews with the older women, some spoke of how their parents
or grandparents preserved food. Their memories and stories are included here.
Preserving Meat
A lot of the meat, the scrap meat-it was kept clean-it was ground
up and made into sausage, and we made our own sausage. I never
did in my time, once I was married. But before that, my mother
and father had a sausage grinder, and I can remember the day that
they made the sausage and put it through the grinder and then we
had the method of filling them into casinp and then putting them
into jars. We were never out of meat. Now anything else you
couldn't do that with-like if you wanted pork liver or beef liverl it
was used up fairly quickly. We didn't try to keep that. We used
it, but we didn't try to do anything to keep it. With beef, we never
got too much beef, and we only bought a larger quantity of beef
when it was very cold weather. You could fieeze it, just the natural
freezing. It would always be cut up, maybe a butcher would do
it, and parcel it and mark what it is, and some was ground into
groud beef and all pa&aged and then k e n . We had to watch
that and make sure that it was kept frozen. I don't think we ever
lo& any. It was kept just outside in the back kitchen. We had cold
winters. So that was easy, and sometimes we would get a butcher
to cut it up and just wrap it, and we would freeze it. (1906)
Take a pig, for instance. You can cure hams. Thm are the shoulders, and that takes a big part of the pig. We cured them. There's
a lotion you can get for smoking, you can rub this lotion on, paint
the ham or the shoulder with this. Then there's a mixture of
d
little process that you go throughbrown sugar and ~ e pepper-a
and day after day you give it a little bit. Just keep it in a cool
place and do that. And you got to the time that you h e w that it
was all nice and dry. And we had a big bax, and we packed these
hams into a big box with salt and oh!, you couldn't get any nicer
ham or shoulder. When you cut that, in the middle of summer
you'd go to the meat box and take out a ham and cut off a slicemaybe Dad would have to do it-and take out a part of it and cover
it up again. When we cooked that, in a big frying pan to cook or
to fry, you had to put some water on it and let it simmer a little
bit to take some of the salt out. (1906)
Eggs were preserved in what they called water glass. It was a
clear, thick liquid (like j d y before it is quite set) and sometimes
I had to go down to the basement and stick my hand in it to find
an egg. It was cold and felt slimy to a child. This was in the
1920s and 1 9 3 0 ~
before
~ hens laid all year. Water glass is sodium
silicate in a viscous state. It was used to preserve e m for the
winter months. (1920)
Hams were wrapped in cheesecloth, then mated with white
wash. Hams and bacon were smoked, pickled in brine or sugar
coated. (1920)
There were the beef rings, have you heard about them? The beef
rings consisted of groups of farmers that had cattle. Because there
wasn't the freezing, and because you couldn't can everything, there
was a system where you put in a cattle beast when it was your
turn. That cattle beast was butchered, whether it was every week
in the winter I don't know. I have it in a book somewhere. And
there was a rotation. One weekt maybe you got a soup bone, a
shank, and another week you might get the steaks, another week
you wodd get the hamburger- Everybody was supposed to wt
a part of the beast. Nobody was suppod to get a l l st&
or
all soup bones. And there was one couple, an older couple, that
said that they couldn't eat as much as a big family: With this
beef ring, we have to sit up nights to eat beef!" And there was
another man that complained bitterly that he got so many legs,
that cattle beasts must have had 5 legs. The family that bred the
Black Angos cattle and had won prizes for them-they were noted
in the Royal Wmter Fair and that-so when they put in a beast, it
was very good. This guy that was complaininghad kind of poorer
cattle, but anyway' he still complained. So [membersof the ring]
said, just for fan, "Take him one of his legs and give it to him just
to hear him yell, then give him his hamburger or whatever he was
to get that week." So they had a little bit of fun, too, in those
days. And that was another way of not exactly preserving the
meat, but making it go around a0 everyone had fresh meat. (1920)
I don't remember that we canned much more than the sausage. Of
course, there were hams made and some hams were buried in the
grainery to preserve them. Probably the bacon too. They had a
smoke house. Most farms had a smoke house. They would smoke
their own hams and the bacon. (1920)
p y mother], like most people, although I don't know if all women
canned meat, canned sausage, and steaks and meatballs. To begin
with, there weren't the freezers. And they would cook the meat
a day or SQ after. You couldn't keep it too long so it had to be
cooked. And you would stand at the wood stove over the fkying
pans and cook the sausage and meatballs and steaks, and make
gravy. And they were put in sealers and there was a layer of fat,
and that helped seal them. But they were put in sealers just like
the fixit jars. The sealers had the thick tops and the glass, and
the inner rubber jar rings. (1920)
Another early story was that they butchered pigs on the farm in
those days. The women had to help with the butchering, and this
was [my mother's] first butchering. She heard a bang on the door,
and went to open it, and there was a man with a great big H e
in his mouth and his arm fnn of dirty intestines. He said "Here
women, clean these!', and dumped them on the table. She looked
at them in honor, but she had to cia them and wash them so
they could make sausage. Because they made sausage with the
intestine skins. (1920)
The Elmwood Beef Ring (Township of Brant, Bruce County) was
first established on October 17, 1897- There was a President and
a Secretary. The butcher was Chris Engd Mi. En@ was the
butcher for 37 years, then his brother Herman became butcher for
nine more years. It was decided that of the 16 f-er
members, each was to supply a two year old beast, heifer preferred, to
h e a p out as near 400 pounds as possible. The animal was scheduled for daughter by a committee five weeks before the slaughtering date. The smooth Iunning of the ring depended greatly on
the butcher. He had to have the slaughter house, scales, knives,
hooks and other necesary equipment. He was paid two dollars a
head. He also had to deIiver the meat. Accurate records had to
be kept so the meat could be distributed fairly each year. In the
beginning there were two rings?each w i t h 16 members. By 1938,
there was only one ring still with 16 members. In 1960 the ring
closed. The rules had stayed the same but the butcher, John Engel, was then paid eight dollars a head. Fanners now had freezer
boxes or large 22 feet h e r s in the home. (1920)
My mother did sausage. It would be butchered and the sausage
would be made, put into a big round tub, and the big long
strings... The casing were the intestines. So I can recall-maybe
several pigs would be butchered and several men would come, so
there would be a lot of help. It wasn't just our own do, it was a
bee I think. But everybody would have their own animal to do,
and we would have a sausage maker. Of course, it was ground
and then it went into this maker, and the casings were threaded
on to the spout. Miles of it! And then my mother wound them
around in big quart jars and they were put into a canner and done
for hours. (1926)
Cold Storage
We had what we called a mot house, and that was where the
turnips were stored, and it was always cold but it didn't fkeze
in there and it was part of the ban, but it was shut off all by
itself, and the door was c l d tightly. We could keep vegetables
in there, the same as people do now with a cold room. That was
h e , and tuTnips kept well and firm and very good. In the house,
more like the garage of the driving shed, m y father had put sort
of a bin, dosed in too, and then every winter he wodd go to the
river and cut up blocks of ice and get sawdust,and they d e d
that the icehouse. So when we needed ice for the icebax in the
house, he'd go and get ice from the icehouse. So that wae good for
keeping food too. Not costly, and very good. Have you seen an
icebox? The ice melted down into a pan below, and then you had
to empty that pan. (1906)
M y grandfather dug up some rhubarb roots before the snow came
and put them in the cellar. They were 'Yorced" and produced slim,
pink st& and pale green leaves. They made a special treat in the
winter or very eady spring* (1920)
Once in early September there was a heavy snow fall. sees with
their green leaves on were bent down with the load of snow. My
mother-in-law decided we must save the cabbage in the garden. So
we w d k d way down the lane to where the cabbages were, lopped
them off with a large knife and trudged them up to the root cellar. Wd those cabbages w i t h the snow on them seemed to weigh a
ton. Back and forth we went with aching arms and backs, carrying
all the cabbages and putting them in a pile in the root cellar. Well
in a day or so the snow was gone. The cabbages with a l l the m o b
ture in them rotted. Cabbages are a cold weather crop. If we
had left them in the garden, they could have been harvested later.
(1920)
Root cellars were part of the barn often. Turnips for the cattle
were kept there. 'hmips, potatoes, cabbage, carrots for the table
were stored there. (1920)
The apples had to peeled and quartered, and if they were big apples
the quarter wodd have to be cut in two again. Then they were
put into a rack, a & m e that had a fine screen in the bottom so
that a fly couldn't get through, and then it was covered over again
with cheesecloth because you were drying apples always in the fall
when it was fly time, me, it was diflicult. These frames hung from
little hooks in the ceiling, and every day my mother
the &g,
wodd stand on the chair. This was always over a stove so it got
the heat of the stove and of course the heat of the room just from
the aun, and every morning my mother would stand on the chair
and take a long-handled spoon and give them a stir and kind of
spread them again so thst they wodd get the heat. When she
felt thst they were dry enough, she would set them out in a place
where no flies would touch them, and let them dry a little more. So
they were really dry, and then she would put them in a bag and
just store them anywhere. Then, when she wanted to use them,
she would take them out, wash them, and then put them to soak,
and then they soaked until they were soft. Then they were easy
to cook. And mostly, I remember that she used them in pies, or
pudding. (1906)
I lived on a farm, and it had a huge orchard. There were all kinds
of apples that you never hear of now. Some of the faill~lersaround
wouldn't have good orchards, so [my mother] asked the ladies to
come. They brought a pan and a sharp M e , and they would sit
there and peel apples for dear life. And then they would cut them
up, and everybody would have a nice clean cotton bag, and they
put the slices in there. And then they took them home, at least
this is what we did, and these b w were hung up to let the apples
dry. When they were dried, mother would take them out, and then
she would make a dried apple pie. BOY,was it ever good. AU the
ladies made their dried apple pies. (1908)
You had to practically grow your food. Up the back stairs of
the house, along the sides, there were little doors going out, and
that's where they packed everything for the winter. Mostly dried
things. There were no freezers. I remember them drying pump
k i ~ .You can dry almo~tanything. (1908)
Canning fiuits and Vegetables
And canning the corn, they used to push it down into the jar. It
was punched down so there wasn't air, so it would hold more
corn. Or maybe so the air wouldn't let it spoil as d~
Anyway'
the corn seemed to be crushed down into the jars. Maybe that
was the beginning of cream corn. But I remember that. (1920)
Pineapple was canned in the 1920s and 30s. Maybe it came in
at a reasonable price in the late spring or early summer because it
was sometimes canned or made into jam w i t h rhubarb which was
plentifirl. Every househoId had a rhubarb patch. (1920)
Canning Miaple Syrup
My mother-in-law came to Canada in 1906 from Scotland. She
came to Pilkington Township in Wellington County and married a
farmer, an older man. These are just her memories that I'm telling
you now. The first winter she felt kind of howbound. The roads
weren't very good in those days. When spring came she set about
making maple syrup. So that was one of her first endeavours. She
went out to the bush to make maple syrup. None of her husband's
people bothered making maple syrup anymore, so she wasn't very
good at it but she enjoyed doing it. h m then on, she always
wanted to have maple syrup, but them were years that she didn't do
it too. But she went back to it during the Second World War when
sugar was rationed, and used the maple syrup in place of sugar in
recipes. Maple syrup has to be processed or canned in order to keep
it from getting moldy or rancid. When the grandchildren were old
enough to be interested she got my husband to tap the sugar maple
trees. The first year she was making it she was back there and she
had just leather-Iaced boots. They didn't have winter boots the
same as we have now, and it was muddy and wet so she got her
shoes and stockin&ssoaked. So she made a little fire and made a
little thing out of sticks to hang her stockings on, and had her bare
feet towards the fie. This was in the spring of 1907maybe. Along
came a Mennonite neighbour. She was mortified because! in those
days, women didn't have bare legs or bare feet. And Mennonite
ladies especially didn't. However, he took in the situation and
said Tll be back in a few minutes. You're not doing the syrup
right. I11 be back." So she put her stoddngs and shoes on, and
when he came back, he helped her do the syrup. (1920)