Anthós (1990-1996)
Volume 1 | Number 2
Article 2
1991
Plato's Phaedo: Tragedy, Philosophy, and Backstabbing
Melody Wilson
Portland State University
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PLATO'S PHAEDO: TRAGEDY,
PHILOSOPHY, AND BACKSTAl3BING
Melody Wilson
Oncf! a thing is committed to writing it circulates equally
among those who understand the subject and those who
have no business with it; a writing cannot distinguish
between suitable and unsuitable reg-ders. (Socrates,
Phaedrus 275c.)
lthough he wrote poetry and tragedies
as a youth, upon joining Socrates Plato
burned all of his manuscripts (Lesky, 507). As
a philosopher, Plato can be made to say that
the written word could convey the depth of
meaning necessary to the understanding of
the subject of philosophy. Perhaps in
response to the assertions of contemporary
philosophers, Plato asserted that, "no treatise
by me concerning [philosophy] exists or ever
will exist" (Cushman, 304). He did ultimately
write, but using a form that did not violate this
principle. In the dialogue, Plato replicates the
natural conversation which would have
occurred in the philosophical discussions he
constructs. In addition, the presence of
contemporary individuals allows him the
opportunity to endow his interlocutors with
meaning beyond their words.
We must, therefore, avoid reading the
dialogues as philosophical gospel. If Plato's
\ assertion is valid, then it can be argued that
they are not intended to reflect the ultimate
A
19
truth of Plato's theories. He does discuss his theories within the
dialogues, but there are manifold other forces at work within each,
many not of a philosophical nature.
The night before he met Plato Socrates dreamed that a cygnet
settled in his lap and, developing at once into a full-fledged
swan, flew forth into the open sky uttering a song which
charmed all hearers. (Riginos, 21)
Just before his death Plato saw in a dream that he became a swan
and, leaping from tree to tree, he frustrated the attempts of the
bird-catchers to try to hunt him down. (Riginos, 24)
Plato is called: 'the child begotten by Apollo' (Riginos, 11).
I believe that the swans, belonging as they do to Apollo, have
prophetic powers and sing because they know the good things
that await them in the unseen world ... (Socrates, Phaedo, 85b)
Plato's intentional connection of his mythical father, Apollo, with
the swan of Socrates' dream effectively empowers him to "act" on
behalf of Socrates. Plato uses this power to increase the authority with
which he asserts his own theories from the literary-mouth of Socrates.
The Phaedo, the final instalment in ,the trilogy of dialogues dealing
with Socrates' trial and death, shines with adulation for the author's
master. Plato's utilization of the sacred ship's return from Delos, a
return which inferentially marks the death of an aged man,
traditionally King Aegeus, establishes Socrates as Plato's "King of
Athens." The eulogy given by Phaedo after Socrates' death leaves no
doubt as to the light in which Plato intended Socrates to be seen by
his readers. Plato's Socrates is idealized. Who, however, was Plato's
Socrates?
The Phaedo is defined as a late-middle-dialogue in the
chronological order compiled by scholars who have attempted to
organize the dialogues. Additionally, there are a number of dialogues
between the other members of the trial!death trilogy and the Phaedo,
representing a substantial amount of time (Ross, 2). During the years
intervening between Socrates' execution and the writing of the
20
I
6'5 ..
1
Phaedo, Plato's memory of Socrates would have been altered and his
philosophy would necessarily have been assimilated into Plato's own.
Thus, in a dialogue as late as the Pbaef/,o, Socrates must be seen as a
facade for Plato. Rather than a tribute, though tribute is paid to
Socrates, the Phaedo should be viewed as a vehicle for Plato's own
philosophical and personal goals.
The Phaedo was constructed in such a way that it c~n be read on a
number of levels. Superficially it can be read as a tribute to and history
of Socrates' last hours. On another level, Plato juxtaposes the themes
of Socrates' death as a tragedy and the battle between the soul and the
. body, with both themes moving in opposite linear directions. Within
this level, Socrates is forced to defend the complacency with which he
faces his death and the abandonment of his pupils. He does this with
a series of exhibits, exhibits which serve to illustrate Plato's theories as
well as to support Socrates' attitude. Interwoven throughout are
allusions to the corpus of Greek literary knowledge intended to give
insight to the original reader. At the center, Plato gives a commentary
on his society and colleagues.
The narrative frame for the Pbaedo is a relation of the events of
Socr~tes' last hours by Phaedo to Echecrates. Echecrates, a
Pythagorean from Phlius, claims not to have had access to information
. about Socrates' trial and death because few people travelled from
Phlius to Athens at that time (Gouldner, 368). Echecrates justifies the
writing of the dialogue, presumably against Plato's own better
judgment, by assuring Phaedo that his "audience" is very interested
and implores him to "describe every detail as carefully as you can."
Plato's literary decision to have Echecrates assure him of an interested
audience must refer not only to Echecrates, but also to the reader for
whom the document was written. Echecrates' request that the details
be told carefully can be seen as an assurance by Plato that his
depiction will be accurate.
As though beginning an epic, Phaedo gives Echecrates a catalogue
of those present during Socrates' last day. He begins by deriding
Apollodorus' behavior, then lists the "local people" in attendance.
Interestingly, Plato chooses not to list Crito indiVidually, but rather
infers that he is there as Critobulus' father. Echecrates asks whether
21
there were any "outsiders" present, an interesting question; being one
himself. Phaedo lists Simmias and Cebes, the two most active
participants of the Phaedo, with the exception of Socrates, as
outsiders. Phaedo also finds it necessary to inform Echecrates that
Aristippus and Cleombrotus did not attend, suggesting that they were
"probably" in Aegina at the time. Aegina and Athens were traditionally
at odds (Riginos, 34). In addition, Plato was kidnapped and offered
for sale as a slave at Aegina (Diogones Laertius, iii, 19). It can be
surmised therefore, that althol;lgh softened by the "probably," Plato
intended for Aristippus and Cleombrotus to be derided for their
absence at such a crucial time.
The historical narration of Socrates' last hours begins as Crito has
Xanthippe, Socrates' wife, removed from the cell. This is the first of
several custodial acts performed by Crito who periodically reasserts
the reality of the situation by interrupting the philosophical discourse
with "updates" about Socrates' status.
Inspired by the question of the poet Evenus, as related by Cebes,
Socrates relates a recurrent dream that has implored him to "practice
and cultivate the arts." Because he had previously considered
philosophy to be the "greatest of the arts," he had not felt it necessary
to explore any others. Having been granted some time by the
departure of Theseus' ship, however, he felt it "safer not to take [his]
departure before [he] had cleared [his] conscience by writing poetry
and so obeying the dream." This passage, for the modern reader, is
the first indication within this dialogue of the conviction with which
ancient people followed dreams and oracles. For a contemporary
reader, however, that knowledge would be a given. The passage for
Plato, therefore, might serve to express Socrates' concern that all be in
order before his death, and may cast a shadow over his confidence in
his immortality. Plato, having been "profoundly influenced" by
Pythagorean theories (Collinson, 10), may have utilized this difficulty
to pose his own questioning as to the immortality of the soul. The
immortality of the soul becomes the topic of conversation, a fitting
one, as Socrates claims as, "What else can one do in the time before
sunset?" Using a microcosm/macrocosm relation, "the time before
sunset" can be expanded to include the span of a man's life. This
22
statement then can be considered as a justification to spend one's life
in the contemplation of things ethereal, Qnd foreshadows Socrates'
later assertion that a philosopher spends his life in ,anticipation of
death.
In a discussion of particular importance to Phaedo, Socrates,
Simmias, and Cebes discuss suicide as the theft of one's soul from
one's masters. Socrates tells a mini-myth in which men are "in a sort of
guard post, from which one must not release oneself." Socrates'
suicide, however, is compelled by God, and he therefore, is released
from the responsibility to remain. Simmias and Cebes, however, are
not satisfied with Socrates' complacency and it be,omes necessary for
him to defend his position. He agrees to stage a defense, naming
Simmias and Cebes as his jurors. The defense takes the form of a
series of exhibits, exhibits which reflect Plato's philosophical theolies.
The exhibits encompass the didactic information Plato has chosen to
convey in the Pbaedo.
At this P0int, Crito re-enters the conversation to ask that Socrates
be still in order to ease his departure, as suggested by the jailer. His
appearance moves the dialogue forwar~ by reminding us that time is
passing and introduces the jailer as compassionate.
Interwoven throughout the text are the tragedy of Socrates and an
"anti-tragedy," being the war between the body and the soul. Early in
the dialogue, when Socrates' chains are removed, he remarks on the
pleasure and pain caused by their removal. If the chains are extended
to symbolically hold him to earth, as they have in fact done since the
departure of the sacred ship, their removal signifies both Socrates'
freedom and his condemnation. He experience~ the pain of leaving
the life he has established with his students and the anticipated
pleasure of a death he professes to have prepared for through
philosophy.
,Socrates' tragedy possesses the unities of time, place and action.
The action takes place between ,sunrise and sunset of a single day,
remains in one lo<;ation, and does not change substantially in tone.
The parallel anti-tragedy of the war between the body and the soul
takes place within the same confines, but, as stated above, can be
expanded to include the philosopher's entire life.
23
As an individual considered to be superior to the normal man, yet
inferior to the gods, Socrates approaches the tragic hero. His hamartia,
for purposes of the tragedy, is the confidence he has in his theory of
the immortality of the soul, a confidence which might be defined as
hubris. Because of this confidence, though Socrates was given the
chance to flee Athens rather than stand trial, and also t6 escape after
the trial, he has chosen ,to remain.
As an exhibit presented in his defense, Socrates asks Simmias
whether he believes that a philosopher endeavors to separate the
body and the soul, and further, whether the body is a hindrance to
knowledge. This juxtaposition of the body and the soul gives rise to
the war between the two aspects of man. Through a series of such
exhibits, Socrates and Simmias conclude that it is necessary for a
philosopher to purify his soul by denying his body in order to attain
"truth and clear thinking" (66b).
Socrates' language throughout the dialogue is gentle, the
interlocutors politely retracting one another's, statements when
necessary. Recurring exhibits for Socrates' -defense clarify the conflict
between the body and. soul, a~ when Socrates asks Simmias whether
"... death [is a] freeing and separation of soul from body?" (67c) The
freeing of the soul implies that the soul has been in bondage,
strengthening the developing war imagery.
.. .Socrates dreamed that Plato became a crow, jumped onto his
head, and began to peck at his bald spot and to croak. (Riginos,
54),
At the center of the dialogue is a social commentary which Plato
could 0nly have intended for his contemporary readers to understand
with varying results. His choice of participants, and their actions in the
dialogue often reflect his personal biases.
Phaedo, the narrator, came to Athens as a slave ~nd, after fleeing
his master was ransomed by friends, presumably within the Socratic
Circle (Harpers, 673). Socrates, too, is in the process of fleeing a
master, linking the two together. As Phaedo is proof that one master
can be better than another, he provides a testament to Socrates'
24
actions. An alternative theory of Phaedo's selection is seen with the
knowledge that Plato brought Phaedo t9 trial "on the charge that he
was not 'a free man" (Riginos, 108). It would appear that with Plato's
protagonist seeking to free himself from his master, the use of a slave
as inquirer would be a contradi<;:t:ion. Possible light is shed, however,
if one notes that Plato was heavily influenced by Pythagorean
theories, which at the time did not favor immortality of the soul. Thus,
Plato's choice of narrator is fraudulently free, as the disbeliever would
interpret Socrates to be.
Plato seems interested in assuring his 'audience of his veracity. One
way in which he achieves this is by having Echecrates repeatedly
insist on being given a carefully detailed account. Another method is
his own absence from the scene (Benjamin, xi). If Plato does not act
within the ~ialogue, it appears, on the surface, that he cannot seek
any gain by discoloring the events of the dialogue.
The use of Simmias and Cebes as Socrates' interlocutors, and in
fact, jurors, despite the fact that they are outsiders, is worthy of note.
They were both Pythagoreans who had studied under Philolaus, and
were responsible for Plato's exposure to Pythagorean theories (Ross,
162). Their placement in such a visible role may, like Phaedo, present
the opinions under consideration by Plato.
Of more interest than who is present in the Phaedo is who is not
present. Plato has chosen to absent Aristippus and Cleombrotus from
the scene. This device is particularly seething, conSidering that
Aristippus "accused Plato of lack of concern towards his master, 'as
shown by his absence from Socrates' side at the time of the execution"
(Navia, 151), so that it was Plato who was not present, and he simply
felt the need to retaliate against Aristippus for having pointed it out.
The colleague most mercilessly punished within the Phaedo is
Apollodorus. Apparently, shortly after Socrates' execution, when Plato
assured the members of the Socratic Cir~le that he (Plato) was
qualified to take Socrates' place as their teacher, Apollodorus replied:
"I would rather have taken the cup of poison from Socrates than a
toast of wine from you" (Riginos, 101).
It would appear that Plato had difficulty getting along with many of
his colleagues. An example of the esteem in which the other members
25
of the Socratic Circle held Plato is discernible by an anecdote about a
visit Antisthenes paid to Plato during an illness. Seeing.a "basin into
which Plato had vomited, Antisthenes comnlented: 'I see the bile in
here but I do not see the piide'" (Riginos, 100). In fact, "other Socratics
did hot hesitate to deny any intimate relationship between [Socrates
and Plato], for, as they argue, no one acquainted with Socrates would
have imputed to him so many non-Socratic ideals" (Navia, 151);
The most telling anecdote dealing with the personal -relationships
between Plato and his colleagues is the "second" dream related by
Socrates, wherein the swan he had earlier cultivatedr degenerates into
a crow, and rather than uttering a charming song, croaks.
Socrates uses a series of allusions to illustrate the conflict while
developing his defense for Simmias and Cebes. He likens the
philosopher who cannot keep soul and body separate to Penelope as
they carefully weave their philosophical purity only to unravel it at the
next turn. Simmias, in a passage shortly after the one in which
Penelope is alluded to, searches for a theoty to cling to, as "a raft to
ride the seas of life ... assuming that we cannot make our journey ... by
the surer means of a divine revelation" (85d). Feeling at this point in
the dialogue as though Socrates' theoty has been refuted, Simmias
feels tossed about by the sea as Odysseus was. The allusion' would
imply, however, that ultimately, all will be well.
Echecrates interrupts Phaedo's narration, himself searching from
something to cling to. This interruption serves to reestablish the
narrative frame and allows Phaedo to discuss his own interaction with
Socrates at the time. Phaedo assures Echecrates that Socrates "healed
our wounds, rallied our scattered forces, and encouraged us to join
him in pursuing the inquiry" (89).
Socrates, gearing up for the main assault, gathers Phaedo's long
hair, saying, "Tomorrow, I suppOse, Phaedo, you will cut off this
beautiful hair" (89). Phaedo responds that he will, to which Socrates
responds that they should both cut their hair "today... if we let our
argument die and fail to bring it to life again," and he equates the
present argument with the embarrassing loss of the Argives after
which they swore to wear their hair short until their honor had been
redeemed.
26
Phaedo expresses concern about the battle with Simmias and
Cebes, who now represent the war between body and soul, saying
that "not even Heracles can take on two at once" (89c) , but Socrates
offers himself as Phaedo's Iolaus, and conversely, Phaedo offers to fill
that role for Socrates, as the two of them reenter the battle, the scope
of which has now been likened to Heracles' battle with the Hydra in
which Heracles and Iolaus cooperate to defeat the beast (Stapleton,
99).
The crux of the battle is established, as Socrates states that "my
anxiety will not be to convince my audience, except incidentally, but
to produce the strongest possible conviction in myself' (91b). Several
exhibits are presented, meeting with varying degrees of assent, and
Socrates, speaking harshly for -the first time demands of Simmias:
"make up your mind which theory you prefer" (92c). The war
escalates, and Socrates verifies the escalation as he fmds it necessary
to "come to close quarters in the Homeric manner" (95b), hand-tohand and bloody.
In a more terse tone, sounding as though he is becoming irritated,
Socrates restates Cebes' objection to the theories Socrates has
presented. Once he has fmished reviewing it, he clarifies that he has
done so, "in order that nothing may escape us" (95e). Socrates
discusses his youthful interest in the natural sciences and the ways in
which they ultimately did not met his expectations.
Socrates discusses his search for the causes of things by relating a
physically oriented theory. He begins,. calling it a "wonderful hope,"
(98c) but says that his hopes were "quickly dashed." This theory
attributes the causation of a person being in a particular place at a
particular time to the position of their relative bones and sinews at
that time. As the passage moves forward, the descriptions of the
theory'S unacceptable tenets come closer and closer together,
culminating as Socrates says, no doubt quickly and with increasing
pitch:
... adducing causes such as sound and air and hearing and a
thousand others ...
27
at which point the pace would slow to a deliberate, inflected tone:
... and never troubled to mention the real re~sons, which are that
since Athens has thought it better to condemn me, therefore I for
my part have thought it better to sit here, and by (log, I fancy that
these sinews and bones would have been in the neighborhood of
Megara or Boeotia long ago-impelled by a conviction of what is
best-if I did not think it better... (99).
This is the only expression of Socrates' anger at his own
predicament in the Pbaedo.
The dialogue regains composure as in his Earth Myth, Socrates
discusses the end to which the various levels of souls will come. The
end to which those "surpassing holiness" will come will be to ,be
released from all bonds and to live in the aether, "without bodies."
Thus, the reward for achieving the ideal life of the philosopher is
"glorious and the hope great" (114c).
As the day is getting late, Socrates commends moderation to
Simmias and Cebes, to ensure their journey into the next world at
some later time, and says, "for me the fated hour, as a tragic character
might say, calls even now" (115). Plato has had Socrates identify
himself as a tragiC hero.
Crito questions Socrates as to his wishes, bringing the dialogue
back to the level of historical narration. Socrates, secure in the
liberation of his soul, has no preference.
At this point, the war has reached its apex, and the tragedy is nearly
fulfilled. The entrance of the prison officer, bringing the Hemlock,
serves as a dual deus-ex-machina; both freeing the soul, and isolating
the tragic hero. Socrates' catharsis occurs when he has finally
overcome any trepidation, and proclaims his executioner "charming"
(116c). The narrative frame is reestablished as Phaedo speaks
Echecrates' name within the narration of the dialogue, without the
special notation preViously used, just prior to Socrates' drinking of the
poison.
Having seen their master drink the draught, the attendants become
emotional, particularly Apollodorus, who, according to Plato, "had
never stopped crying even before" (117d). Socrates reprimands then1,
28
presumably Apollodorus in particular, because he is firm in his belief,
and they should share it. The fact that Apollodorus cries continually
can be seen as a slight to him by Plato. After Socrates' historical death,
ApoUodorus felt strongly enough about the Socratic Vision to have
preferred to join Socrates in suicide than to follow Plato. Plato thus
uses this opportunity to accuse Apollodorus of not having enough
belief to retain his composure through the execution within the
dialog\le.
erito, we ought to <?ffer a cock to Asclepius. (118)
Socrates' last words reveal that while dying, he felt confident
enough in the victory o( his soul over his body to make the offering
customarily made to the sacred physician upon recovering from
disease.
Only Aristotle remained to listen when Plato read [the Phaedo],
th~ rest of the audience departed (Riginos, 180).
This citation leads one to believe both that the Phaedo was doomed
to a lackluster fate, and that Aristotle alone understood and
appreciated it. Unfortunately, Aristotle later attacked the dialogue as
being vague (Lesky, 523). The dialogue did not lack impact on
individuals' lives, however, as Marcus Cato Uticensis, having decided
to commit suicide, a sword in one hand, the Phaedo in the other,
"... prepared for himself these two implements, one that he might wish
to die, the other to enable to do so" (Novotny, 235). Cleombrotus,
whom Plato had excluded from the dialogue, believed so strongly that
the better life Socrates described existed for hin1 that he "jump[ed]
from a high wall to reach the promised second life the sooner"
(Novotny, 234).
We do not know why the dialogues were written, but have
historically assumed that they were written to glorify Plato's master
and mentor, Socrates, and to propitiate the two philosophers' theories.
In view of the fact that Plato insisted that his most important doctrines
would not appear in writing, as well as the questions a careful study
29
of available anecdotes regarding Plato's personality gives rise to,
places these accepted purposes in question. Although the anecdotes
may not always be absolutely factual, there is an abundance of
contemporary figures giving unflattering testimony, and a paucity of
praise.
Plato possessed tremendous power in his writing. He possessed the
p.bility to convey meaning in a multi-layered ·and often invisible
manner. The passage of time between the writing of the Apology and
the Crito and the writing of the Phaedo presents problems with the
continuity of the three dialogues. Had Plato wanted a forum at a late
date in his life, wouldn't the execution of Socrates have presented an
opportunity to assure himself a broad audience? Given that the
dialogue does not impart his ultimate wisdom, and given that the
passage of time would have lessened the drive to sanctify Socrates'
memory, Plato's purposes for the writing of the Phaedo are not wholly
didactic.
30
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Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1965.
Burkert, Walter. Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism. Trans.
Edwin L. Mir)ar, Jr. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972.
Collinson, Diane. Fifty Major Philosophers: A Reference Guide.
Beckenhan1, Australia, 1987.
Cushman, Robert E. Therapeia: Plato:s Conception ofPhilosophy.
Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press,
1958.
Harper'S Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquity. 1965 ed.
Gouldner, Alvin W. Enter Plato: Classical Greece and the Origins of
Social Theory. New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1965.
Lesky, Albin. A History of Greek literature. Trans. James Willis and
Cornelis De Heer. New York: Thom~s Y. Crowell Compa~, 1963.
Navia, Luis E. Socrates - The Man and His Philosophy. Lanham, MD:
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Novotny, Frantisek. The Posthumous Life of Plato. Martinus Nijhoff:
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Ross, David, Sir. Plato:s Theory of Ideas. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1953.
Stapleton, Michael. The Illustrated Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Mythology. New York: Peter Bedrick Books, 1986.
31