Republika e Kosovës
Republika Kosova - Republic of Kosovo
Qeveria – Vlada – Government
Ministria e Punëve të Jashtme – Ministarstvo Inostranih Poslova –
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
SMART POWER OF SMALL STATES:
KOSOVO’S APPROACH TO FOREIGN AFFAIRS
H.E. Mr. Enver Hoxhaj
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo
Lecture at the Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA)
Dublin, Ireland, 14 January 2014
1. INTRODUCTION
Today, I would like to discuss for the first time some of my thoughts on the smart power of
small states, focusing on Kosovo’s approach to foreign affairs in the last six years. Smart power
is an idea coined by Joseph Nye, which rightly conceptualizes the mixture of soft and hard
power. Soft power entails the ability to influence the preferences of others to fulfil our intended
goals. On the other hand, smart power is more pragmatic idea, which is about making choices
based on the resources, capacities, and the likelihood for success. While Nye in his books has
thought how to expand the power base of the foreign policy of great powers, my concern is how
we can use the notion of soft and smart power to the context of small states. So, today, I would
like to share some of my thoughts on Kosovo practice of smart power in foreign affairs.
2. POWER AND SMALL STATES IN THE 21ST CENTURY
Let me start by setting the context and say few words about the power and small states in the
21st Century. In my view, there are three reasons why we should talk about new dimensions of
power and small states. First, Kosovo is the youngest state in Europe and as it is often the case,
wit the birth of a new state there is the birth of a new concept as well. In Kosovo case, we have
to define our short and long term strategic vision on how to conduct foreign affairs. Second,
Kosovo is located in Europe and all European states are somehow small states. This means that
we have similar framework for conducting foreign policy. Third, small states are aware that
they have small territory, population, and limited military and economic resources, so we have
to find alternative ways how to project power. And I am not the first to say this. For example,
former Prime Minister of Belgium Paul-Henri Spaak and former Secretary General of NATO
once said: “In Europe there are only small states. But some of them don’t know this.” However,
Belgium is a small state but its pretty important compared to the Balkan states. For example, its
total GDP is almost bigger than the GDP of all Balkan states in total.
One could argue that small states are creators of smart power. They do this not by choice but by
necessity. While for small states, smart power is their ‘hard power’, for superpower, soft and
smart power is only an alternative to their ‘hard power’. Small states by default are prone to
using soft power and strategic alliances to preserve their political existence and play an
international role. Small states are best placed to utilize smart power and to compensate for the
absence of their military and economic powers. However, this does not mean they don’t play a
role. We are witness of how small states can play a role in international politics. They promote
peaceful resolution of conflicts. They are part of global initiatives to reduce poverty and
violence. They promote values related to liberty and democracy.
Today we are living in an inter-connected world that makes international engagement and
responsibility an existential necessity. Transnational nature of problems, inter-dependency, and
the desire to be active members of the international society are the driving forces behind the
choice of small states to explore new ways of articulating smart power. Internal conflict;
terrorism; financial crisis; environment; transnational organized crime and trafficking; and
natural disasters are some of the issues that affect seriously small states – both those who are
stabile and instable states.
2 It is against this background, I want to argue today that small states do not have much choice of
remaining neutral states, in the classical sense. But they should apply a mixed foreign policy;
establish strategic partnership with a superpower and a regional power – while preserving
good relations with its neighbours and states in distance. Classical neutrality of small states is
difficult to be maintained in the present globalized world. In other words, the strategic and
smart power of small states depends on the capacity to co-exist and benefit from the existing
international system – while protecting the identity, values, and norms as well as cultivating
new common global values.
In my opinion, many small states today have stabilized their foreign policy, but there are still
some caught in permanent transitions. No matter how stabile small states could be, there are
some relevant questions:
1. How should small states survive in an international system which is mainly oriented
towards privileging military and economic power, institutional vetoes, demography and
other conservative attributes?
2. What should small states do to attract sympathy, support, and respect?
3. What strategies should small states apply in relation to the dominant regional and global
powers?
4. How should small states cope in a multilateral system with multiple governmental and
non-governmental actors in international scene?
Ireland is a good example of balancing well and dealing with the current international system.
Kosovo has much to learn from Irish foreign policy and its ability to play an influential role in
the international arena through soft and smart power.
3. SMART POWER IN PRACTICE: CHALLENGES AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF
KOSOVO’S FOREIGN AFFAIRS
The consolidation of statehood and the conduct of foreign policy were done under very difficult
conditions and circumstances. As a small state, Kosovo arose from the violent dissolution of
Yugoslavia. We experienced all the changes in international system after the Cold War. Kosovo
has been subject to unsuccessful preventive diplomacy in 1990’s, in the face of systematic
human rights violations. We have experienced large-scale ethnic cleansing and humanitarian
intervention conducted by NATO in 1999 against Milosevic regime. Kosovo has experienced
international administration and state-building for a decade. Finally, it has gone through a
phase of supervised independence until 2012.
I want to argue today that Kosovo’s conduct of foreign affairs is an example of practicing smart
power. I would like to illustrate this by pointing out the strategy and approach that Kosovo has
used to transform its challenges to successes.
As a former university professor and as a Minister of Foreign Affairs, I have identified four
main elements that are key to illustrating Kosovo’s smart power in foreign affairs:
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First, the ability to attract international recognition, and get international support for
membership in international and regional organizations. We have done this through two
3 aspects: 1) normative arguments; and 2) co-ownership and joint responsibility for Kosovo’s
statehood and independence with a number of states that we have strategic partnership.
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Second, the ability to overcome obstacles and advance our Euro-Atlantic agenda through a
pro-active diplomacy and domestic reforms. Doing the homework for small states is being
smart.
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Third, the ability to normalize the relations with Serbia, to resolve peacefully outstanding
inter-state issues, and to serve as model for resolving other historic challenges in the region
(eg. Bosnia and Macedonia). Being constructive and pragmatic is part of smart power.
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Fourth, the ability to change the image of Kosovo from a post-conflict place to an attractive
place for international investment and tourism. We have served as a regional model of
secularism and inter-faith tolerance through an active public and digital diplomacy. Being a
young and small state does not mean you cannot think big and be creative.
3.1 The power of attracting international recognitions
The first example of smart power is the power to attract international recognitions. State
recognition is one of the most conservative and unregulated aspects of international politics and
international law. It touches the very essence of international society. Kosovo’ case of gaining
international recognitions is a unique case. It is almost unprecedented that a state has received
as many individual recognitions as Kosovo has done within six years of its existence. Kosovo’
case is sui generis and this has enabled international support. However, Kosovo’s active
diplomacy has played a crucial role.
Parallel to the internal consolidation of statehood, Kosovo is formally recognized by 104
Member States of the United Nations. The geographic scope of recognitions is global. Kosovo is
formally recognized by all its neighbours except Serbia; 23 out of 28 Member States of the EU;
24 out 28 NATO Member States; 7 out of 8 Member States of the G-8; and many other countries
from all continents.
Kosovo has all the arguments for gaining international recognition, but also we did undertake a
proactive diplomacy. The arguments used to attract recognitions include:
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the unique case of Kosovo that arose from the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia;
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the confirmation of Kosovo sovereignty and statehood in accordance with international
law ruled by International Court of Justice in 2010;
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the contribution to regional peace and stability that has brought Kosovo independence
to the region;
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normative empathy and solidarity with the struggle of Kosovo people for freedom, selfdetermination, and dignity;
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the importance of recognition to enable Kosovo to join international organizations and
take global responsibilities;
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recognition of Kosovo contributes to the expansion of democracy in the wider Europe;
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recognition provides an opportunity to establish eternal friendship ties with Kosovo and
have Kosovo a gateway to Europe; as well as
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mentioning the recognition of Kosovo by the majority of UN member states;
In the last three years, As Kosovo’s Foreign Affairs Minster I was focused in seeking
recognitions at three levels: 1) visiting main multilateral capitals, such as New York, Brussels,
Geneva, Cairo, and Jeddah; 2) working with most influential Western states, such as US, UK,
France, and Germany; as well as 3) travelling to individual countries that have not recognized
Kosovo so far. Just to illustrate our efforts, since 2011, I have visited two to three times within a
year the main capitals in Europe. I have visited over 65 states that have not yet recognized
Kosovo. I have had over 400 bilateral meetings. I have spent half of my term of office flying over
the world requesting the recognition of Kosovo.
Our smart power has also involved influential international personalities to lobby on behalf of
Kosovo. We have established special partnership with a number of states that are willing to
lobby on behalf of Kosovo. We have also participated in international forums all over the world
to meet with leaders and foreign diplomats and extent the request for recognition. We have
worked with international media, and also we have been active and raised the voice for
international developments, such as Syria.
3.2 Membership in international organizations
The second aspect of smart power has been the ability to get membership in international
organizations. When Kosovo declared independence it was not part of regional and
international organizations. So as a non-starter it was extremely difficult to get international
membership.
Membership in international organizations for Kosovo has special importance. First, it enables
us using multilateral forums to lobby for recognition. It enables us to be part of multilateral
affairs, to strengthen our international position on global affairs and to advance our state
interest. Membership in international organization is also important for Kosovo to get political
and financial support from different programmes of international organizations.
Despite many challenges, we have managed to become member to a number of international
organizations. Most significant cases are membership in the World Bank and IMF in 2009, and
recent membership in the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and in the
Council of Europe Development Bank (CEB). Beyond this, Kosovo has managed to get
membership in 20 different regional organizations.
In becoming member of these international organizations, we have undertaken proactive
lobbying at the member state and institutional levels of these organizations. Kosovo has
managed to gain also supportive votes from states that have not recognized Kosovo yet. In
gaining membership, we have developed a new narrative that our membership in international
organizations is not just about exercising sovereignty, but it is also for economic and social
reasons. This was part of our smart power strategy. However, exercising sovereignty and
5 strengthening our international position remains vital to Kosovo. In each case we used a
different strategy for membership within the concept of smart power.
On the other hand, membership of Kosovo in regional and international organization is largely
perceived as an opportunity for these organizations to extend their influence over Kosovo and
also make Kosovo commit to international obligations. This does also correspond with Kosovo’s
desire to be part of multilateral system and take international obligations.
In the last six years, we have achieved a lot in consolidating statehood. Now we consider the
time has come to become a member of the Council of Europe and above all, a full member of the
United Nations. However, admission to the United Nations is the most challenging task ahead.
But, we remain confident that through smart power, incremental steps, and comprehensive
diplomacy we will build sufficient support for the admission of Kosovo to the United Nations.
3.3 Advancing Euro-Atlantic agenda
The third aspect of Kosovo’s smart power is the advancement of our Euro-Atlantic agenda. The
Euro-Atlantic integration is of strategic importance for Kosovo. Without the integration in
NATO and EU, Kosovo as a small state will remain vulnerable in the region and in the world.
Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic integration is linked to our geographic position, European identity and
culture. Our history of insecurity and constant external occupation and threats make a strong
case for Kosovo to pursue membership in the Euro-Atlantic institutions. However, we are
aware and committed for building a European Kosovo at home.
The context of Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic is more complicated than for other states in the region.
Countries in the region have different integration dynamics, due to the fact some of them
started earlier the European integration process. Kosovo is pretty later in this regard, as we
were the last country to declare independence after the break-up of Yugoslavia. At the same
time, the EU has prolonged the integration process, there have been more criteria added, and
the enlargement process in general has become more complicated. In our case, the Euro-Atlantic
integration process is slightly complicated by the non-recognition of Kosovo by five EU member
states. However, despite all these challenges, we have managed to make process in advancing
our Euro-Atlantic aspiration.
Through our continuous efforts and reforms we have succeeded in 2013 to unlock Kosovo’s
European perspective. We started formally the negotiations for signing a Stabilization and
Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. SAA is an opportunity to modernize our political
system, our economy, and above all our society.
The smart power of Kosovo in relation to the European integration process has been its ability
to consolidate its external sovereignty further while advancing the EU integration dynamics.
The signing of SAA will be the first legal and bilateral agreement between Kosovo and the EU,
which will reflect positively on Kosovo’s international position. Signing of SAA will enable
Kosovo to align its foreign policy with the European foreign policy and act with a single voice
on global issues. This will effect even the perception of non-European states about Kosovo’s
identity and political affiliation with the EU. This will be already a source of attraction and
another argument why Kosovo deserves its place in the family of independent states. The way
6 in which European Union sees Kosovo reflects the way in which the rest of the world sees
Kosovo. So, it is important to ensure that Kosovo European integration process advances
constantly.
In the last two years, Kosovo has started a dialogue on visa liberalization with the EU. We have
made progress in the list of reforms required by the EU. However, the criteria for Kosovo have
been more complicated compared to other the countries in the region. We understand that there
is scepticism towards migration in Europe. However, visa liberalization for Kosovo is a matter
of human rights and free of movement. It is about equal treatment as with the entire region, and
a matter of human dignity. Somehow, we are the only isolated country in Europe. It is unjust,
unfair, and illiberal to isolate Kosovo the way it is done currently. The isolation of Kosovo is
hindering social and economic development of our country, and it is the best environment for
the emergence of radicalism, nationalism, and illegal migration. To overcome this situation, we
are trying to convince European institutions and partners to grant Kosovo a date for visa
liberalization. I think the time has come for that decision in 2014. This will be a motivation for
Kosovo to complete its reforms, and also to have hopes that Kosovo citizens are not secondhand European citizens. Indeed, Europe is incomplete without Kosovo.
In the meantime, at the diplomatic level we have had to work hard with EU Commission, the
EU parliament, and individual member states and lobby for recognizing Kosovo efforts in
European integration and reward us as expected.
The European integration progress will also change the perception of five EU member states
that have not yet recognized Kosovo. We are working hard to convince Greece, Slovakia,
Romania, Cyprus and Spain that recognizing Kosovo is a right decision. It is in the interest of
European stability and unity. It does not have implication for their internal issues. Despite these
differences within the EU, we need to ensure that Kosovo European agenda moves on and
Kosovo finally returns to Europe where it belonged historically.
In this regard, I think the time has come that Europe speaks with a single-voice towards
Kosovo. The EU should stop treating Kosovo in a hybrid way. Let me be more precise what I
mean by this. While the European Parliament recognises Kosovo’s independence, the
Commission and the Council have adopted the so-called ‘status neutral’ stance towards our
independence. It is unfair to treat Kosovo the way we are treated sometimes. We have been
very constructive partner of the EU. I would like to reiterate here the EU in Kosovo has a strong
partner, and we should be treated equally and with respect.
Let me also highlight that Kosovo aspires membership in NATO. We have a special relationship
with NATO due to its supportive role in the liberation of Kosovo in 1999 through humanitarian
intervention. We intend to defend our security through becoming part of NATO and become an
exporter of security. We are grateful to all NATO member states that have contributed to peace
and stability in Kosovo through sending their troops to Kosovo since 1999. In this regard,
Ireland deserves a special recognition for their contribution with troops as part of KFOR
mission in Kosovo.
In 2013, our Kosovo Security Force, which is being trained and assisted by NATO, has reached
its operational capabilities. This is an important milestone in the process of becoming a NATO
member state. Kosovo aspires to join the Partnership for Peace programme of NATO, and we
7 are working gradually for NATO membership. However, I am aware that this is going to take
time. Application of smart power is necessary again here to reach this goal.
3.4. Ensuring Kosovo’s territorial integrity and internal sovereignty
The fourth successful aspect of Kosovo’s smart power has been our ability to ensure Kosovo’s
territorial integrity and internal sovereignty. We have reached this goal by engaging in a EU-led
normalization dialogue with Serbia.
The first normalization agreement with Serbia (hereafter, the Agreement) which was reached in
April 2013. Through this agreement Serbia has accepted the existence of Kosovo as a state, as
well as our territorial integrity. The Agreement marks also the end of a century of conflict and
violence between Kosovo and Serbia. The Agreement provides Serb community in Kosovo with
political, economic, and socio-cultural rights at the local level. We refer here to a small
community of Kosovo Serbs living in the north of Kosovo (around 30,000), because the rest of
them who living in other parts of Kosovo are already integrated in Kosovo’s political and socioeconomic life.
This Agreement not only serves as a basis for normalization of inter-state political relations, but
also it serves a catalyst of bilateral reconciliation between our two societies. Another important
provision of this Agreement is the mutual deal that neither side will block each other in their
respective EU membership path. The normalization agreement has positively affected the
number of recognition and has opened the perspective for Kosovo to become member in a
number of regional and international organizations. Several countries that have recognized
Kosovo after April 2013 have used as reference the normalization of relations with Serbia as one
of the justification for recognition. Furthermore, the Agreement has stabilized further the
Balkans region and has brought clarity to regional cooperation and economic integration.
In the last six years since independence we used smart power not only to strengthen our
international position, but also to remove many other internal obstacles to complete our
statehood. When we declared independence we took obligations to implement an UNsponsored settlement led by Martti Ahtisaari. In the first year of independence Kosovo
supervised by the international community. As a result of successful implementation of this
settlement, we have managed to end successfully the supervised independence in 2012.
The successful end of supervised independence is strong evidence that Kosovo is capable to
take international obligations, to exercise its sovereignty, and govern independently. The end of
international supervision of Kosovo signifies our readiness to join the international society by
receiving complete recognition of its independence and sovereignty, as well as gaining
admission to the UN and other key international and regional organizations.
Beside many achievements, Kosovo is still facing another challenge and this is the presence of
UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). We consider that UNMIK’s mandate
has been fulfilled for many years now and the time has come for UN Security Council to
conclude this mission. After the agreement reached with Serbia, after implementing Ahtisaari
settlement and ending supervised independence, and getting the recognition by the majority of
UN member states, it is time for Kosovo to get full-fledged admission to the UN. However to
8 achieving this, we need to continue our active diplomacy and build international consensus on
the necessity for Kosovo’s admission to the UN.
3.5. Kosovo diplomacy at work
Since Kosovo's declaration of independence in 2008, establishing Kosovo’s diplomatic service
has become a key priority to consolidate Kosovo's external sovereignty. For this short period of
time, Kosovo has managed to accredit 22 Diplomatic Missions and 15 Consular Missions in
countries within a wide geographic scope. All these diplomatic missions have contributed to
strengthening bilateral relations with the host state as well as have started to serve as a hub for
Kosovo diaspora by providing consular services and representing their interests. Numerous
economic cooperation initiatives have been initiated as a result of the hard work of Kosovo’s
diplomatic missions abroad.
Kosovo has established diplomatic relations with over 60 states that have recognized Kosovo.
This signifies a strong acceptance of Kosovo among the UN member states and also opens up
the prospects for gaining more recognitions and becoming in a near future a full member of the
United Nations. We have also strengthened our international personality through signing over
100 international bilateral and multilateral agreements, including over 70 from the process of
treaty succession. Most of the international agreements are about political, economic, justice and
security, and social cooperation.
In conducting Kosovo’s foreign affairs, crucial role has played our public diplomacy. We have a
dynamical team of people working to improve Kosovo’s international image, attract
international investments, work on accepting Kosovo in Internet through digital diplomacy,
and work with international media to report about the positive achievements in Kosovo. Over
the years we have managed to change the image of Kosovo from a post-conflict place to a
young European state with multi-ethnic society, with inter-faith dialogue and tolerance, with
attractive tourism landscape, and link Kosovo with the success of our diaspora in music, sports,
and other talents.
4. CONCLUSION
So, let me pull together these thoughts and conclude the following. Kosovo arose
internationally under extremely difficult conditions and circumstances, but now we are trying
to make the impossible possible, and our smart power is showing success in finding our place
in the family of peace-loving states.
A strong merit to Kosovo’s international recognition, membership in international organization,
and in Euro-Atlantic integration has our application of smart power – our ability to attract
international attention, generate support, and be in the map of states, and play a role as a small
state. Nevertheless, this would not be possible without the active support and generosity of the
democratic international community.
Let me sum up by mentioning that Kosovo’s smart power was made possible thanks to:
9 1. Clear vision of Kosovo political leadership for consolidating as soon as possible
Kosovo’s statehood;
2. Constructive engagement with the international democratic community;
3. Desire to be part of regional and international initiatives;
4. Commitment to undertake reforms, and improve our democratic governance; and
5. Utilization of our skilled people together with human-centred approach to building
international networks, strategic partnerships, and strengthening the relations with
influential international political personalities.
In the end, let me close by saying that we are well aware that a long and rocky road is ahead,
but we are ready as a young State to take on the upcoming challenges and do our best in
defending our statehood, our values, and political independence.
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