International Journal of Sport Communication, 2011, 4, 50-69
© 2011 Human Kinetics, Inc.
“One of These Things Is Not Like
the Others”: Linguistic Representations
of Yao Ming in NBA Game Commentary
Katherine L. Lavelle
University of Northern Iowa, USA
The re/production of Chinese cultural identity is often fraught with contradictions. When China’s Yao Ming was drafted Number 1 in the National Basketball
Association (NBA) draft, he was supposed to reinforce and transcend Chinese/
Asian identity. Yao’s entrance into the NBA signaled a new understanding of Asian
identity in the United States. To study this phenomenon, the author examined
commentary from television broadcasts of U.S. NBA games featuring a prominent Asian athlete (Yao Ming) using critical discourse analysis. Analysis of 13
games from Yao Ming’s 2nd and 3rd seasons revealed that Yao is linguistically
constructed as a panethnic Asian/Chinese person. In addition, the analysis upholds
the stereotypes that Asian people are a “model minority” and unfit to play professional sports. Given the dearth of Asian players in the NBA, how do linguistic
representations of Yao Ming in game commentary reinforce Asian and Chinese
cultural stereotypes or create a new identity of China?
Keywords: Chinese identity, National Basketball Association, sports, rhetoric,
model minority
When 22-year-old Yao Ming was drafted Number 1 overall by the National
Basketball Association’s (NBA’s) Houston Rockets in 2002, representations of
his Chinese/Asian identity were simplified for American audiences (Leonard,
2003). Like other racial, ethnic, and national groups, Asians are marginalized in
the United States (Kawai, 2005; Lee, 2003; Lu, 2001). There are many reasons for
this trivialization, including the lack of proportional and diverse representation of
Asian people in American media texts (Hamamoto, 1994; National Asian Pacific
American Legal Consortium, 2005), the continued perpetuation of the “Yellow
Peril” myth (Shim, 1998), and the “model minority” myth (Ancheta, 1998; Wu,
2002). Given this context, would the presence of a high-profile non-American
Asian sports figure present a more individualized depiction, or would it entrench
previously held stereotypes of Asians in America?
Yao Ming is the most visible Asian athlete in the United States (Larmer,
2005). He is featured in several national product-endorsement campaigns and is a
The author is with the Dept. of Communication Studies, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, IA.
50
Representations of Yao Ming 51
perennial All-Star. How he is represented in sport media texts sets a precedent for
how Asian identity is constructed in the United States. Because sport media texts
contribute to the social construction of race, ethnicity, and nationality in the United
States (Carrington, 2002; Kassing et al., 2004), understanding how Yao Ming is
discussed in game commentary helps explain how Asian identity is articulated in
the United States. This essay explores the following research questions: How do
linguistic representations of Yao Ming in NBA game commentary reinforce Asian
and Chinese cultural stereotypes or create new identity for China? Do they do
both? To examine these linguistic constructions, I will outline sport commentary
and identity, review Asian representation scholarship, discuss critical discourse
analysis, explain the role of game commentary as a text, outline the parameters
of this particular study, analyze game commentary from Yao Ming’s second and
third seasons, and draw some conclusions about the re/production of his identity.
Sport Commentary and Identity
Evaluating sport commentary is a way to analyze how social constructions of
underprivileged groups are understood (Halone, 2008; Mean, 2001; Parker &
Fink, 2008). Fielding-Lloyd and Mean (2008) explain the importance of sport
talk: “Emerging discourses in sport have been either restricted or framed in ways
that re/produce traditional power relations and maintain the status quo” (p. 25). In
terms of racial and ethnic identity, the power structure in sports is unique. In the
United States, Black people are thought to have less power overall than their White
counterparts, but professional sports is a place where they have some power because
they are the majority population in basketball (Carrington, 2002). The percentage of
Black athletes in college and professional basketball is higher than the percentage
of Blacks represented in the U.S. population. In the 2004–05 season, there were
313 Black players in the NBA, which constituted 73% of the league (Lapchick,
2005b). During the same time period, 57.8% of Division 1 male athletes were Black
(Lapchick, 2005a), and about 12% of the U.S. population was identified as Black
(Central Intelligence Agency, 2006).
Although they constitute about 4% of the U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau,
2005), Asian people make up over 20% of the global population, with more than
1.3 billion in China alone. However, in 2004–05, 0.4% Division 1 male basketball
players were Asian (Lapchick, 2005a). In the same season, less than 1% of NBA
players were Asian (Lapchick, 2005b). Because they are rarely represented in basketball, Asian and Asian American athletes are subject to scrutiny and low expectations in regard to their athletic abilities (Lapchick, 2008; Leonard, 2005; Whang,
2005). In sport communication scholarship, there needs to be more examination
of how Asian and Asian American identities are re/produced because they are an
underrepresented minority in basketball.
Yao Ming is a good case to study for how Asian or Chinese identity is re/
produced in a text, because when he was drafted, Yao was seen as a way to educate
the NBA and its fan base about China (Wang, 2004). Europeans have been playing
basketball in the United States for nearly 20 years, but there have been very few
players from China, the world’s most populous nation. Although there are many
texts available in English about Yao, sport commentary is the most consistent text
available that reaches a significant audience and provides opportunities to compare
52 Lavelle
and contrast him with other players. The average NBA telecast is 150 min long,
which is enough time to discuss a variety of issues (Parker & Fink, 2008). Commentary is synched with the game, which means that it is seen as more spontaneous
than other media texts and as a truthful depiction of the events of the game (Morris
& Nydahl, 1983). Commentary is different from a newspaper article or magazine
profile. It is a form of “highly naturalized discourse” of sport media (Mean, 2010).
Commentary tells a story that can be traced over the course of a season, a span of
a few years, or a player’s entire career (Fortunato, 2001). Examining how Yao is
constructed in a sample of games helps reveal how his identity is re/produced in
the NBA.
Asian Representation Scholarship
One of the consistent themes in Asian identity scholarship regarding Asians in
America is that they are often treated as a superficial identity in American culture
(Ang, 1998, 2001; Chow, 1998; Toyota, 2003). In the seminal book Orientalism, Said (1979) evaluated the view that Europeans held of the Middle East and
Central Asia in the 19th century, which continued in the 20th century. He defined
Orientalism as
a system of knowledge about the Orient, an accepted grid for filtering through
the Orient into Western consciousness, just as that same investment multiplied—indeed, made truly productive—the statements proliferating out from
Orientalism into the general culture. (p. 6)
Said’s analysis can be applied when a group of people is “otherized.” Asians and
Asian Americans are often otherized in the United States by application of stereotypical notions about language, physical traits, and taste in food (Shim, 1998;
Tuan, 1998).
These types of beliefs, generally referred to as panethnic or pan-Asian, are
common. For instance, the application of the “model minority” stereotype began
appearing in the 1960s (Wu, 2002). McGowan and Lindgren (2006) defined it
as “the belief that ‘Asian Americans, through their hard work, intelligence, and
emphasis on education and achievement, have been successful in American society’”
(p. 331). This myth is reinforced in various ways, including the belief that Asians
love technology (Paek & Shah, 2003), have no interest in sports (Lapchick, 2006),
and are expected to perform well academically, even if they are recent immigrants
assimilating to American culture (Lee, 1996).
Asian identity has been a well-covered topic in the educational system (Lee,
1996; Paek & Shah, 2003), general assimilation in America (Tuan, 1998; Wong &
Halgin, 2006), and cultural history (Shim, 1998), but scholarship on Asian athletes
has only recently emerged. It is a common belief in America that Asian athletes are
gymnasts or ping-pong players but not NBA stars (Entine, 2000). Mayeda (1999)
found in his analysis of two Japanese Major League Baseball (MLB) pitchers that
one player was portrayed as a model minority, and the other was portrayed as an
economic threat because of his salary. Golfer Michelle Wie’s ethnicity and gender
have been analyzed (Billings, Angelini, & Eastman, 2008), as well as other Asian
female golfers on the LPGA tour (Shin & Nam, 2004). In figure skating, Kristi
Representations of Yao Ming 53
Yamaguchi was characterized as “foreign” during the 1992 Olympics, despite the
fact that she was born and raised in the United States (Fabos, 2001).
Yao has been analyzed in academic scholarship focusing on his marketability
as a global product spokesperson for Chinese culture (Oates & Polumbaum, 2004;
Wang, 2004). In basketball, there have been studies of constructions of Black/White
dichotomies in college basketball commentary (Billings, Denham, & Halone, 2002;
Eastman & Billings, 2001) and representations of female athletes based on their sex/
gender roles in commentary (Billings, 2007; Denham, Billings, & Halone, 2002;
Eastman & Billings, 2001). These studies examine disenfranchised populations of
athletes, but they do not focus on the representation of Asians in American sports.
To examine how Asian identity has been re/produced in NBA game commentary,
in this essay I will use critical discourse analysis.
Critical Discourse Analysis
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) examines how ideology is present in everyday
speech (Blommaert & Bulcaen, 2001; Kress, 2002; Wodak & Matouschek, 1993).
Fairclough (2003) defines ideology as “representations of aspects of the world
which can be shown to contribute to establishing, maintaining, and changing social
relations of power, domination and exploitation” (p. 9). CDA provides a method
for researchers to examine articulations of power in society through what are considered “acceptable” practices in discourse (Wodak, 2001). One place where these
practices can be studied is sport media texts. According to Billings and Hundley
(2010), “Sport and media inscribe numerous implicit and explicit ideologies that
saturate our culture” (p. 3). Looking at how these texts re/produce ideologies through
everyday talk can shed light on how identities are constructed (Fielding-Lloyd &
Mean, 2008). One of the ways to uncover how this discourse of racial inequalities is
maintained is by understanding “textual structures and strategies” (van Dijk, 1991,
p. x). For van Dijk (1991), these strategies and structures illuminate “the structural
and ideological organizations of that form of group power” (p. 48). Mean (2010)
argues that everyday talk re/produces identities and, consequently, ideologies: “The
construction of identities, category boundaries, and discourses are therefore part of
the everyday, routine action (re/production) of all social texts, including language,
discursive practices, and interactions” (p. 68). In the case of game commentary,
these dialogues are considered normalized because they are part of every game
and help move along the narrative of basketball.
Game Commentary
CDA requires a scholar to identity patterns of re/production of discourse to look for
examples of inequalities in everyday talk. A rich source of this discourse is game
commentary, which defines the message of the league provided to the viewers. As
explained by Hansen (1999),
Because the broadcasters’ respective contributions to the partisan narrative
must be consistent both with the event itself and with their own previous talk,
their coordination in constructing a narrative of the action ultimately is consequential to what the narrative account ends up being. (p. 271)
54 Lavelle
How players are discussed helps the league personalize them to the audience and
positively promote itself (Fortunato, 2001). For instance, the commentary team
usually identifies a number of critical themes for the audience to observe in each
game. These themes might be as impersonal as the defensive strategy used, but
often they follow the storyline of an individual player. Perhaps a player has had a
good stretch of games? That might provide for an exciting storyline for the commentators. Or, a player may be injured or slumping. Another set of themes might
be a particular player matchup that is exciting, such as Kobe Bryant versus LeBron
James, two of the most famous players in the NBA. The league depends on the
marketability of its players (Fortunato, 2001; Wang, 2004), so discussion of them
is crucial to getting fans interested in the game.
To examine these instances in game commentary, CDA is helpful to examine
how discrete texts create meaning together (Fairclough, 2003; Titscher, Meyer,
Wodak, & Vetter, 2000). According to van Leeuwen (2002), “Text, it is necessary to
bring the various ways in which each category of social actor is represented under
a common denominator” (p. 311). Because CDA is concerned with how language
has an effect beyond its text (Hammersley, 1997; van Dijk, 1991, 1996, 2000), it
allows for an examination of how representation is used in sports (Mean, 2010).
In the case of Yao Ming, game commentary is a text to evaluate how his Chinese
or Asian identity is discussed during games. According to Wang (2004), “As a
‘Chinese’ player, Yao stands for China, Asian Americans, and the Chinese market
simultaneously. He is the symbol of the China Global coming into being” (p. 264).
Looking at how this symbol is articulated in sports is critical to understanding Yao
as a re/production of Asian or Chinese identity.
Design of the Study
Data were transcribed (all comments about or related to players during the game
time) from videocassette recordings of all national and local games featuring the
Houston Rockets from the 2003–04 and 2004–05 seasons. These games were culled
from six networks: Turner Network Television (TNT), UPN Detroit, Fox Sports
Detroit, the WB Detroit, the Entertainment Sports Programming Network (ESPN),
and the American Broadcast Company (ABC; which shares a set of broadcasters
and is part of Disney). Broadcast and basic cable have the largest viewership for
their games. In contrast, the specialty NBA channel NBA TV was only available
to 19 million homes as of November 2007 (Ourand & Lombardo, 2007).
Yao’s first season was excluded because during the first year, a player is often
in the spotlight. During his rookie season, Yao was the subject of several popularpress feature stories, the guest of honor at several Asian celebration nights at NBA
arenas, and featured in an MSNBC special and a feature film documentary, The
Year of Yao. A LexisNexis search of major U.S. and world publications between
September 1, 2002, and September 1, 2003, returned 584 stories for the search
terms Yao Ming China. Interest in him remained high for the same search terms in
2003–04, which generated 513 stories, and 2004–05, which generated 419 stories.
Despite the quantity of stories about Yao Ming, there was a decrease in outside
media interests as other players and storylines shared the news, such as Kobe Bryant’s pretrial for sexual assault charges and LeBron James’s entrance to the league.
Representations of Yao Ming 55
Sample
The sample population consisted of 58 games from Yao’s second and third seasons.
Thirteen games were chosen for the sample. Games were chosen featuring Yao
with a variety of players to look for patterns in how he was described in the commentary. Each game features an All-Star (chosen by fans and coaches for an annual
showcase featuring 12 players from each conference), a player who had playoff
experience (each conference advances eight teams to a playoff round), a player
who had won leaguewide awards (such as the MVP or Rookie of the Year), and/
or an international player who was a starter, including Dirk Nowitzki (Germany),
Steve Nash (Canada), Pau Gasol (Spain), and Manu Ginobli (Argentina). Although
this study is primarily a qualitative analysis, I calculated descriptive statistics to
support and contextualize the qualitative research. For coding of the quantitative
data, two connected studies of NCAA tournament games (Billings, Denham, &
Halone, 2002; Eastman & Billings, 2001) provided the foundation for five coding
categories. This study deviates from the previous coding categories because (a)
the current sample does not produce enough data to conduct a complex statistical analysis, (b) the Black/White dichotomy that those studies examined is not as
prominent in the NBA as it is in the NCAA games because the NBA has more
Black players and far fewer White players, (c) there are not female players in the
current sample, and (d) the current study is more concerned about an individual
player than a group of players. The characteristics that those studies coded for had
overlap with the current study in five different categories, including physicality (a
subset of a larger question about a player’s physical abilities such as speed, abilities,
movement on the court, etc.), physical body (size, height), people (how players
are described in terms of personality, disposition, attitude), personal life (what a
player does outside of basketball), and basketball background (years in the NBA,
college or international team).
Using these five categories as a basis of initial inquiry, I expanded the coding
categories based on themes found in the literature review and NBA game commentaries not used in the sample. The transcripts in this study were coded for five categories of comments: basketball background, descriptive comments, performance,
personal life, and physical body (see the Appendix for more details on the coding
subcategories). Two coders coded the qualitative data from the games. Based on
the results of a pilot study, each coder received the game transcripts as an e-mail
attachment coded in a Word document and e-mailed these coded transcripts back
to me. The two coders, two White men in their 20s, are causal sport fans who do
not watch basketball. For coder training, they reviewed the codebook procedures
and read a transcript of 5 pages from a game not used in this study. Each coder
coded this game and discussed results with me. The coders were unaware of the
research question and literature review for this study. They had an intercoder reliability of 81%.
To examine these representations, the players in the games were divided into
four categories: Black, European/White, Latino/Hispanic, and Asian. Four players
in this study were coded as Black and are international players: Leonardo Barbosa
and Nenê of Brazil and Tony Parker and Mickael Pietrus of France. These are broad
categories, and there are complexities and contradictions within them (Gray, 1995;
Torres, 1998). However, given the focus of the research questions, these categories
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were used with the understanding that fixed racial and ethnic categories are simplifications of complex categories.
Analysis
CDA provides a way for scholars to assess identity construction by looking at
themes from a variety of texts. In a discussion of the purpose of discourse analysis,
Potter (1996) explains, “What we actually need to imagine is that the bricks are
soft and vague in outline, so that they only snap into shape as they are cemented
into place” (p. 103). To identify the discussion pieces that make up Yao Ming, in
the 13 games the comments about Yao were categorized into two major categories.
First, there are comments that support the pan-Asian/Chinese culture. Leonard
(2003) explains how this works in relation to Yao: “Asian identity and cultural
values now have a place at the NBA table and within the global marketplace, but
the visibility of Asianness comes through a homogenized and flat presentation of
cultural identity” (¶ 3). In game commentary, these comments dealt with Yao Ming’s
cultural identity, language skills, and Chinese basketball experience. The second
group of comments upholds stereotypes about Asian athletes, such as the “model
minority” myth and the belief that Asians aren’t physically capable of being effective on the court (Whang, 2005). These comments center on his lack of aggression,
the stress of the NBA season, and Yao’s disposition as a person.
In the sample, there are 78 Black players, 24 European/White players, 6
Hispanic/Latino players, and 1 Asian player. Yao represents a small fraction of the
players in the sample (0.9%), yet he is the focus of all of the games. He plays in
games with individuals involved in significant off-court stories, perennial All-Stars,
former NBA champions, and former MVPs. If there were equivalent comments
made about them, the numbers would be much higher for the other groups coded.
Despite the presence of these other players, there is a tremendous amount of focus
on what Yao is doing in games. Even where he is located in the game is noteworthy: There are 78 comments made on his court location (as opposed to 58 for all
Black players, 6 for European/White players, and 3 for Hispanic/Latino players).
Moreover, there is a noticeable focus on his height (25 comments) and his size
(16 comments). This is interesting, because these games are called on television,
not the radio. Although he is in every game, his teammates are also in all these
games, as well, including Tracy McGrady and Steve Francis, who were NBA stars
in their own right during the time frame of this sample. Although there are stories
about them in games, they do not receive the same focus and intensity in game
commentary that Yao does.
Yao’s Cultural Identity
Yao Ming Is Chinese. One of the first ways that Yao’s Chinese identity is discussed
is by stating his country of origin. There are eight instances where it is explicitly
stated. In contrast, there are three comments about country of origin for all Black
players and four for European/White players. There are four comments about
Yao’s school or country, as opposed to five about European/White players and
none about Black players. In addition to these clearly stated differences, there are
specific references made to his interaction with American holidays that distinguish
Representations of Yao Ming 57
him from other players. For instance, before the Christmas Day game in Los
Angeles, he was asked about his Christmas tradition. He cites having a day off as
his “American” Christmas Day tradition (Pearl, 2003). Even though Christmas is
a religious holiday, it is often treated as a secular holiday in American advertising
and television programming. Radio stations often devote the entirety of their music
programming to the holiday after Halloween. Another holiday is discussed in the
Indiana game. Commentator Bill Walton remarks, “Yao Ming is still on a high
from the Chinese New Year, the biggest holiday in the Chinese culture” (Pearl,
2004b, ¶ 6). Although celebrating holidays is only a small part of a person’s
cultural identity, in two separate games it is flagged that Yao doesn’t participate in
“American” holidays; these instances provide opportunities to separate Yao from
other players. As explained by Isaksen (2009), “Christmas, the inescapable of
festivities, is loaded with ideological implications” (p. 789). Similar comments are
not made about other international players; it is assumed that they are not relevant
to this discussion or care enough to talk about such issues. These comments are
examples of what Whannel (2000) refers to as “cultural mapping”; by emphasizing
Yao’s national identity, one separates him from his peers. These types of comments
remind the audience that Yao Ming does not share a Western cultural identity and
thus separate him from U.S. audiences.
Yao’s Language. The second place where Yao’s cultural identity is reinforced
is through discussions of his struggles with English. His translator is mentioned
in the Christmas Day game, but other international players’ need or use of one
is not discussed. During a 2003 game in Dallas, Yao’s language difficulties are a
prominent theme in the game commentary. TNT commentator Marv Albert notes,
We’re told that Yao Ming continues to show great patience in terms of dealing with the media, post game sessions, has a pretty good understanding of
the English language. A reporter in Washington recently asked Yao what his
favorite English words, he shouted out, “Last question!” (Pitino, 2003a, ¶ 25)
Here, the commentators use humor to belittle Yao, a common strategy used against
Asian men (King, 2006). Although Yao is funny and is able to be funny in a different
language and culture, the way that the commentators emphasize these comments
underscores the difficulties of navigating a media environment when one is learning its primary language.
This area of criticism is significant as the game progresses because it becomes
the “narrative.” Hansen (1999) explains the significance of a narrative over the
course of a game:
The narrative—about players, the quality of the team(s) or the game in progress, trends over the season of years, and so forth—is developed and sustained
primarily in the color commentary, sometimes based on characterizations
provided in the description of the unfolding action. (p. 270)
Sideline reporter Craig Sager builds on the narrative by citing an anecdote from
Rockets head coach Jeff Van Gundy:
Van Gundy said he wished that he spoke Mandarin so he could get him to
understand how to post up near the basket. Well, tonight, he tried to break the
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language barrier and he held up this sign. It says, “kao yin lan ban” it says
basket, get your body, and he says Yao get it. (Pitino, 2003a, ¶ 30)
Later in the game, Yao is benched for an extended period. Commentator Steve Kerr
jokingly asks, “Hey Mike, how do you say ‘doghouse,’ in Chinese? Where is Yao
Ming?” (Pitino, 2003a, ¶ 81). Sagar reports,
Well, Marv, sorry it took so long, but my father speaks Mandarin so I had to
call him up on the phone. He was stationed in China for many years. He says
that Yao was in the “go fangy”? Dog house in Mandarin. (Pitino, 2003a, ¶ 94)
Again, these comments use humor to re/produce Yao’s situation. Sagar and Van
Gundy make a distinction between major Chinese languages, but Kerr refers to a
pan-Asian language. This conflation reinforces the stereotype that there is a universal Chinese language.
Through the sustained discussion, the TNT broadcast team builds this narrative
about Yao Ming’s relationship with English. This is an example of what Hansen
(1999) refers to as “an internally consistent game narrative in real time [that] is a
coordinated achievement by the broadcasters” (p. 297). There are several problems
with this approach in relationship to Yao Ming’s identification. First, his identity
is denigrated by ridiculing his grasp of English. As King (2006) explains, “Jokes
about Asians and Asian Americans in sports not only reinforce dominant ideas about
Asian (American) masculinity but also encourage the perpetuation of Black–White
understandings of male-centered sporting worlds” (p. 342). Not only is Yao’s
Asian identity ridiculed, but if Fortunato’s (2001) thesis is correct that the NBA
promotes its players as personalities, why would the commentators spend so much
time making fun of Yao? Kassing et al. (2004) argue that representations from the
commentary team in sports often operate as “truth” to the audience. In the case of
the discussion of language, the commentators want to discuss Yao but remind the
audience of his Chinese identity. These comments are significant because, as Wu
(2002) argues, popular culture has strong connections in situating Asian identity
for the understanding of Americans. In this case, the discussion of Yao’s language
skills reinforces the ideas that Asian people speak a universal Chinese language
and cannot connect with non-Asian people. Although there might be many reasons
why they chose to make these comments (ratings, drumming up interest in a dull
game), as King (2006) and Kassing et al. discuss, presenting Yao’s struggles with
English as a joke trivializes the difficulties he faces as he attempts to acclimate
himself to the NBA.
This re/production of Yao’s identity is further privileged because of how
language abilities of other figures in the commentary are discussed. If mentioned
at all, they are brief and not criticized. In 2003, the Dallas Mavericks had two
non-American starters: power forward Dirk Nowitzki and point guard Steve Nash.
Nowitzki spoke little English when he was drafted in 1998 (Ballard, 2007), which
is not discussed in context with Yao’s struggles. When the multilingual skills of
other NBA players were noted, comments were brief and positive, mentioning, for
example, Francisco Elson’s ability to fluently speak four languages (Pitino, 2003b)
and Mark Madsen’s bilingual abilities (Pearl, 2005b). Cleveland starter Zydrunas
Ilgauskus’s initial limited English skills are mentioned during the Cleveland game,
but there is no discussion of how it has affected his relationship with his coach
Representations of Yao Ming 59
(Pearl, 2004a). Focusing the language comments on Yao becomes a matter of
“agency.” Hansen (1999) argues that broadcasters are in the position of power to
determine what actions or characteristics are the responsibility of an athlete and
which are not. In this case, by praising certain players for their language aptitude
yet highlighting Yao’s slower fluency in English, they continually indicate that
Yao is inferior to other players and reinforce the idea that Chinese or Asian people
struggle with English (Tuan, 1998).
Yao’s Professional Experience. Finally, the discussion of Yao’s professional
experience in China is emphasized as part of a pan-Asian culture in China. There
are 10 comments made about his training and experience (33 for Black players, 7
about European/White players, and 1 about a Hispanic/Latino player). There are
13 comments made about his background (as opposed to 73 about Black players,
12 about European/White players, and 6 about Hispanic/Latino players). Prior
experience such as college, high school, and previous teams is often used as a
frame of reference for players in game commentary (Fortunato, 2001). Instead of
using Yao’s experience in China as a reference point, the commentators use it to
criticize his ability to compete against U.S. players.
Chinese basketball is not discussed in a positive light in this set of games.
Instead, the commentators talk about how players use it as a platform to reach
the NBA. First, in the Miami game (Pearl, 2005a), Udonis Haslem, an American
Black player, is provided as an example of a player who went to Europe to play
his way into the NBA. He did not stay in Europe; his experience is framed as an
opportunity to become ready for the NBA. In addition, in the San Antonio game
(Pearl, 2003b), Australian veteran Shane Heel is praised for his willingness to take
several lengthy international flights to have a chance to play in the NBA. Finally, in
the San Antonio game, Bill Walton points out that Yao is at a disadvantage because
he does not play basketball in the summer against other NBA players.
In contrast to the privilege of playing in the NBA, commentators discuss how
basketball is inferior in China. Steve Kerr states in the Memphis game in reference to China, “I imagine the speed and strength is not the same as it is here in
the NBA” (Pitino, 2004a, ¶ 81). During the Miami game, Hubie Brown criticizes
Yao’s professional experience in China under the international regulations of FIBA
(Federation International Basketball Association):
Well, [Yao’s] accustomed to playing FIBA basketball, where he only might
play 2 days a week. He’s also playing against people who are a major drop in
talent than the players in the United States. When you are playing the NBA,
you are playing against 50–60 guys who are over 7 foot that are up to 250–300
pounds. Well, you just don’t see this in FIBA basketball, especially in China.
That will only come with experience and playing against these people, and
building the body, especially the lower body strength. (Pearl, 2005a, ¶ 112)
This quote is problematic. Brown assumes that height and weight are criteria for
success, which is not completely true. Otherwise, tall and heavy players would
dominate the NBA. Brown is specific with U.S. numbers but not with Chinese
numbers. There are tall players in China; the 2008 Chinese national team had
three 7-ft or taller players (Yi Jianlian, Wang Zhi Zhi, and Yao Ming), who all have
FIBA and NBA experience. Although Brown’s comments could be dismissed as
60 Lavelle
isolated, he definitely provides the most specific indictment of Chinese basketball.
No one contradicts him, and there is not additional support for China to minimize
the impact of this statement.
These negative comments about FIBA and China reinforce what Hansen
(1999) explains as how “partisan narrative are shaped by broadcasters” (p. 270),
meaning that the hometown, in this case, the U.S. broadcasters, is more supportive
of American players than Chinese players. Making assumptions about China’s basketball power is an example of what Whannel (2000) explains as follows: “National
identities are constructed upon difference; upon oppositions between ‘our’ qualities
and ‘theirs’” (p. 27). All these comments re/produce the idea that U.S. basketball
is superior to that of other countries, without specific support of this assertion.
Physical Body on the Court
The second area of comments that build on the re/production of Yao’s identity are
stereotypes about Asian athletes. Several comments reinforce what Cheseboro and
Fuse (2001) describe as “alternate historical and cultural origins” of Asian men.
Based on this sample of games, Yao is a struggling athlete. There were 23 comments
about Yao being “worse” than other players, as opposed to 15 for Black players,
1 for European/White, and none for Hispanic/Latino players. Yao is criticized for
his lack of aggression and inability to handle the stress of the season but praised
for being classy.
Yao Is Not Aggressive. Yao is characterized as lacking aggression on the court.
In the Memphis game, the commentators are concerned that he is not meeting
expectations placed on him by NBA scouts. John Thompson explains, “That’s also
the big problem, because people got all of the scouting reports about how good he
was, and then they went and got physical with him. He’s gotta get physical also”
(Pitino, 2004a, ¶ 8). In the same game, Dick Stockton explains Yao’s inability to be
tough. “He really is a gentle giant; he is not an aggressive player” (Pitino, 2004a, ¶
7). The physicality of basketball is emphasized, as opposed to the ability to think
on the court. These comments are examples of what Wang (2004) refers to as
distinctive individualism in the spirit of teamwork, which values individualist creativity in scoring as much as a solid team defense. Unlike boxing or
wrestling, masculinity on the basketball court is not expressed by a knockout
punch, but by a will to dominate on both defensive and offensive ends. Therefore, Yao’s performance will not be judged merely by how much he scores,
but by his dominance in the paint to keep out strong offensive players such as
[Shaquille O’Neal]. (p. 266)
Instead of using a variety of criteria to evaluate Yao, there seems to be one singular
qualification for a successful player in the NBA—being physical on the court.
These comments continue in other games. When Yao faces O’Neal in Miami
in 2005, Mike Breen includes quotes from Yao’s coach that reinforce the perception that Yao lacks toughness. “Jeff Van Gundy was telling us yesterday that he
wants to find the best rotation to work with Yao Ming on the floor. He told us that
he wants pit bulls on the floor” (Pearl, 2005a, ¶ 129). In a country where pit bulls
are often constructed as dangerous and deadly animals, this is a damning indict-
Representations of Yao Ming 61
ment of Yao and his teammates. The idea that he cannot play without dangerous
help is not positive.
His opponent, O’Neal (who is identified as Black), does not need backup.
He has so much strength that he breaks Bobby Sura’s (White) hand at the end of
the game. Commentator Mike Breen warns, “You foul Shaquille O’Neal at your
own risk” (Pearl, 2005a, ¶ 274). This comment makes two racist comments about
O’Neal. First, it suggests that he is a physical player, as opposed to an intellectual
one, a view about Black athletes that is racist (Carrington, 2002; Hoberman, 1997).
Second, it suggests that O’Neal does not have self-control while playing. It negates
any role that O’Neal’s mind has in basketball; it’s a purely physical endeavor for him.
Yao Cannot Handle the Stress of the NBA Season. In addition to the in-game
aggression, the commentators argue that Yao is unable to handle the rigors of the
NBA season. There are 49 separate comments about Yao’s physical conditioning,
compared with 91 about Black players, 18 about European/White players, and 3
about Hispanic/Latino players.
There are several vivid comments that support this notion. In the game
against Detroit, commentator Bill Laimbeer states that Yao “looks like he is sick
or something” (Blaha, 2004, ¶ 53). If a player were sick, why would he be in the
game? During the NBA playoffs, commentator Mike Tirico describes Yao’s level
of exhaustion: “Yao Ming has said that he’s very tired here in the last couple
weeks of the regular season. He hasn’t done well over the stretch” (Pearl, 2004c, ¶
35). There is no discussion of other players’ exhaustion, and Tirico’s observation
reinforces the stereotype that Asian players cannot meet the demands of the NBA
season (Whang, 2005). Steve Kerr remarks during overtime in the Phoenix game,
“See Yao holding his shorts there, it’s a classic sign that an NBA player is tired.
Remember, this is a very difficult pace for Yao to play, this Phoenix team has been
scrambling all night” (Pitino, 2004b, ¶ 146). This comment makes two interesting
distinctions. First, it suggests that Yao’s teammates have no hand in the success
or failure of the team. Second, it suggests that Yao must be able to beat the entire
Phoenix Suns lineup, as opposed to fulfilling his individual role in the game. Yao
is expected to be better than everyone else on the court, yet he is criticized for
being tired and fatigued. This standard appears to be nonsensical. The Phoenix
team in 2004 had some talented players such as 2002 Rookie of the Year Amare
Stoudemire and All-Star Shawn Marion. Yao had outstanding teammates, as well,
such as All-Star Steve Francis and NBA veteran Jim Jackson. Yet their role is not
considered when it comes to assessing Yao’s progress.
In addition to individual comments, Yao’s exhaustion is labeled a syndrome.
In the Miami game, commentator Hubie Brown refers to the fatigue factor (Pearl,
2005a, ¶ 30). Mike Tirico elaborates,
I talked to Yao yesterday about the fatigue factor, and he says it’s not just a
question of conditioning. He thinks that it is to prepare better, to play every
single night. He says that some nights he plays well, but he needs to get more
rest. (Pearl, 2005a, ¶ 111)
These comments reinforce the “Asian American as outsider” theme (Ancheta,
1998). Here, Yao is unable to handle the rigors of a typical NBA season. Because
the commentators are quoting Yao, it lends credibility to their discussion of his
62 Lavelle
syndrome. It is not just that Yao is having a bad game or stretch—he seems unable
to keep pace with other NBA players.
Yao Is Classy. Instead of being praised for his style of play, Yao is praised for
his attitude (17 times, as opposed to 65 for Black players, 13 for European/White
players, and 3 for Hispanic/Latino players) and disposition (6 times for him, 28
for Black players and 8 for European/White players). In the Indiana game, Bill
Walton remarks,
You talk about a guy [Yao Ming] who did not attend training camp before his
rookie season, and then did not understand the NBA game or lifestyle at all,
he knew it would be a long and slow process . . . but you talk about one of
the classiest guys who has ever played in this league. (Pearl, 2004b, ¶ 265)
Not only is this a negative comment about his Chinese experience, it also embodies
the model minority myth that Asian people are docile and polite (Wu, 2002). Players
are not supposed to be classy; they are supposed to be champions. The NBA has
positioned itself as a “hip-hop” league, suggesting that the league and its players
adopt their own style that is not always accepted by mainstream America (Leonard,
2003). Calling Yao Ming classy reinforces the idea that Asians are “superintelligent”
instead of people capable of balancing athletic talent and intelligence (Lapchick,
2006). It is fine that people like him, but it works against the image of a typical
NBA player that he is nice instead of a fighter or a competitor.
Conclusions
In conclusion, the comments in these 13 game commentaries do not transcend
previous discussions about Asian athletes (King, 2006; Mayeda, 1999). There are
positive things said about Yao Ming: Commentators discuss his personhood, his
ability to deal with the complexity of his situation and be an ambassador, and that
he is generally a hard worker. Although Yao is considered a national hero in China,
the expectations were high when he entered the NBA as a Number 1 overall draft
pick, so he is complimented for his personality but not for his playing ability.
Positive comments about Yao Ming’s personality are overshadowed by criticisms of his abilities on the court. Yao’s physical condition, his lack of toughness,
and his ability to compete against other NBA players and stars are emphasized in
this set of games. His inferiority is reinforced by the fact that he has three showcase
games in this sample against Shaquille O’Neal. O’Neal operates as an outlier for
American Black players. He is bigger and taller than most NBA players. This rivalry
was emphasized during Yao’s first 3 years in the league. The comparisons that are
made in these games help reinforce stereotypes about Asian American athletes,
specifically, the model minority myth (Wu, 2002). In addition to his comparisons
to O’Neal, this sample of games includes two showcase games with first-year
sensations: Carmelo Anthony and LeBron James. LeBron James had been nationally tracked since high school, even dubbed “King James.” As a college freshman,
Carmelo Anthony helped Syracuse win their first championship under veteran
coach Jim Boeheim (Nance, 2004). Unlike Yao, they are characterized as “NBA
ready.” Anthony is praised by the commentary team as “strong” and capable of
“physical play” (Pitino, 2003b). This game took place early in his rookie season.
Representations of Yao Ming 63
In the game featuring LeBron James, James is repeatedly praised. As commentator
Sean Elliott summarized,
Well, I love this kid [LeBron James], at 6′8″, 250 pounds, he’s not even 20
years old and he already is a complete player. He knows how to use his body,
he plays with a lot of poise, and on top of all of that, and he has a strong athletic ability. His passing ability is otherworldly, he’s tremendous, I love this
kid. (Pearl, 2004a, ¶ 2)
Although it is problematic that Elliott repeatedly refers to James as a “kid,” these
players do not appear to have the same adjustment issues that Yao has. The other
international players that Yao faces are not talked about in the game commentary.
There is some discussion in the Memphis game of the abilities of Spain’s Pau Gasol,
but it is not discussed in relation to his experience in Spain. The commentators
are impressed with his athleticism for his size, but he is not compared with Yao.
Perhaps the other international players are not highlighted because Europeans who
have been playing in the United States seem more familiar. There is a history of
European players getting recognition for their play in the NBA that is not shared
by Chinese or Asian players.
I am concerned about the presence of positive Asian and Asian American media
figures in the United States. It is important to talk about Yao Ming as a good citizen,
because, frankly, and even in this sample of games, the NBA has been working to
establish players who are considered good citizens (Araton, 2005). In that respect,
Yao is successful as a likeable player, but he is not discussed as a player who has
the ability to dominate American players. Consequently, Yao does not represent the
transformative figure that it was hoped he would be when he entered the league.
Potter (1996) encourages scholars to find the bricks that work together to conduct
a CDA. In the case of Yao Ming, if one looks at the comments in the text, it seems
that he is more a novelty than a player.
As the professional leagues in the United States continue to open their doors to
players from around the world, it is important to analyze how international players’
identity is re/produced for their audience. It is about not just bringing players in but
also providing space for them to assimilate into the league. True globalization in
sports requires more assimilation. It may be that the NBA needs more Asian players
with sustained careers to change the perception of what constitutes a good Asian
athlete. In a world in which the United States is concerned with developing effective diplomatic and economic ties with China (Mobley, 2008), how the Chinese are
represented in the U.S. sport media texts is critical to developing that relationship.
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68 Lavelle
Appendix: Quantitative Coding—Data
78 African
American
26 European
and White
4 Hispanic
and Latino
1
Asian
14
1
4
26
33
19
23
20
73
3
0
1
10
7
3
7
6
12
0
0
1
1
5
0
2
0
6
0
0
3
1
10
5
0
0
13
58
11
48
55
4
79
91
6
65
28
65
39
15
11
0
6
1
18
11
3
4
18
6
13
8
5
11
2
1
0
3
0
1
3
0
0
3
0
2
0
3
0
0
0
0
78
5
57
34
10
10
49
5
17
6
57
39
11
11
0
10
20
9
4
3
23
51
57
26
0
2
0
0
0
5
7
13
0
1
1
0
0
0
1
3
3
3
9
8
3
1
3
13
31
8
1
Basketball background
college
high school
draft number
past teams
training and experience
new skills
foreign basketball
NBA business
history
Descriptive comment
player location
call reaction
playing time
shooting
rebounding
scoring
physical
intellectual
attitude
disposition
type of play
foul
made shots
missed shots
play (individual)
Performance
season
game
half
quarter
overtime
defense
offense
type of player
best
Representations of Yao Ming 69
78 African
American
26 European
and White
4 Hispanic
and Latino
1
Asian
1
27
15
0
6
1
0
1
0
0
19
23
0
3
14
0
1
9
40
13
7
1
0
15
0
4f
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
5
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
8
0
0
0
8
11
0
0
0
4
4
18
7
8
14
7
6
0
0
0
10
0
5
8
4
68
1
1
0
6
2
2
2
1
1
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
7
0
0
1
1
0
2
4
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
25
4
1
9
27
15
0
1
0
2
4
0
16
0
6
1
0
4
Performance (continued)
worst
better
worse
Personal life
home
origin
interests
businesses
charity
family
reputation
crime record
comments
hobbies
school or country
age
Physical body
height
weight
muscle build
agility
stamina
size
change in condition
= inanimate object
skin color
body good
body bad
quick
big
small
injury
slow
appearance
physical condition