Primary Animal Health Care in the 21st Century: Shaping the Rules, Policies and Institutions
SCENE SETTING SESSION
Evolution of Animal Health Services in the Greater Horn of Africa
Trish Silkin1 and Florence N. M. Kasirye2
1
2
Mokoro Ltd., 87 London Rd., Headington, Oxford, OX3 9BE, UK.
Dairy Development Authority, Box 9806, Kampala, Uganda
Introduction
The paper is based on findings from a review and analysis of institutions and policies affecting veterinary
services in six countries of the Greater Horn of Africa (GHA). The study was commissioned and funded by the
CAPE unit of the AU/IBAR. The review was carried out by a team of a social scientist and veterinary surgeon,
and involved a review of the literature and interviews with senior staff in livestock sector in each of the
countries in the study. The team is greatly indebted to the staff in the CAPE Unit at AU/IBAR in Nairobi,
government officials and staff, the representatives of professional bodies and other private agencies in Eritrea,
Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda.
Livestock Development in its Social and Economic Context
Livestock services have historically been accorded a low priority in government, reflected in the frequent
reorganisation of the veterinary service and its comparatively low ranking within Ministry structures. In
Ethiopia, it is organised as a team, the lowest level in the Ministry structure and, with a staff of only seven,
which struggles to shoulder the policy-making and regulatory functions. In Tanzania, the livestock sub sector
has undergone 13 structural changes in the last 30 years. It is now located in the Ministry of Water and
Livestock where it falls under both the social sector (because of water) and the economic sector.
If this is true for livestock in general, it is even more the case for pastoralism. Pastoralists and agro-pastoralists
occupy a big chunk of the land mass in the Arid and Semi-arid lands (ASALs) of the Greater Horn of Africa and
hold a good portion of the livestock. They thus represent a significant social and economic resource but they
retain a marginal status in all societies. In almost every country in the study, where extensive livestock
production has been given attention at all, it has been identified as a ‘problem’ at some point which can best be
solved through sedentarisation.
The inability to comply with the Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement in ASALs denies poor livestock
producers access to more lucrative markets. If this is true, “how then can we integrate pro-poor animal health
service delivery into national development strategies?” The current global focus on poverty reduction, through
the Poverty Reduction Strategy Process (PRSP) and official commitments to the Millennium Development
Goals, present new opportunities to support pastoral livelihoods. Representation in a PRSP is also a way in
which the livestock sector can ensure that they receive appropriate levels of budgetary allocation from Treasury.
Government Veterinary Services
Veterinary services in the Greater Horn of Africa started in the first decade of the twentieth century (Kenya
1902, Eritrea 1903, Tanzania 1904, Uganda and Ethiopia 1908) by the colonial authorities out of a concern to
control epidemic disease, mainly rinderpest. By the middle of the century the demand for veterinary services
had greatly increased due to the exotic animals that were introduced. In several of these countries, nonprofessionals employed during the colonial period and after were called ‘guards’ and ‘scouts’, a reflection of the
fact that they sometimes served under a colonial military administration and also that their activities were
viewed as a kind of military campaign against disease. In Eritrea, during the independence struggle, they were
called paravets; elsewhere they have been called ‘barefoot vets’ mirroring the ‘barefoot doctor’ terminology of
the Chinese revolution. Today, the term ‘community based animal health worker’ is ubiquitous, sometimes
shortened to CAHW and sometimes to CbAHW or CBAHW.
Throughout the 1960s, 1970 and into the 1980s, veterinary services were wholly or mainly provided by
governments. In some cases private vets who served during the colonial times left at independence, leaving a
gap that needed to be filled. At the same time farmers acquired increasing numbers of improved cattle in form of
exotic breeds and upgraded local breeds that required higher levels of management and disease control. The
governments therefore greatly expanded the veterinary service to respond to this demand.
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Primary Animal Health Care in the 21st Century: Shaping the Rules, Policies and Institutions
SCENE SETTING SESSION
This period was associated with high level of investment in veterinary education. Professional veterinary
training in the region started with the setting up of training schools for Animal Health Assistants (AHAs) in the
late 1930s. Later, the Faculties of Veterinary Medicine (FVM) were established (Sudan 1958, Makerere 1962).
The initial intake into the FVM was small, but increased in every decade so that today in Sudan alone a total of
550 undergraduates a year are admitted to five Faculties around the country. The decline in AHA training in this
country combined with the expansion in vet training created an inverted pyramid in which Sudan has over 4,000
vets and less than 400 AHAs. In the other countries there are many more AHAs than graduate vets.
The lower level cadres of veterinary profession, diploma and certificate holders have continued to be trained
from different Training Institutes with the exception of Ethiopia. The three- and two-year courses aim at
producing staff to act as extension agents and to help professional staff in disease diagnosis, treatment of simple
conditions and disease control.
Government staffing included vets, diploma and certificate holders and non-professionals such as Vet Scouts,
Field Assistants, and Field Officers. The last of these were ‘elite’ young boys picked from localities and mainly
trained on the job. As more graduates became available, the non-professionals were pushed closer to the
communities they served.
During this time and up to the 1970s, the governments were able to support a high level of public sector delivery
due to the prevailing healthy economy and the generosity of various donors. A number of veterinary centres
were set up throughout the countryside. By 1992, the number of centres in Kenya had risen to 297. These
centres were mainly located in the high potential areas and provided services either free of charge or at highly
subsidised levels, with farmers paying for the drugs but not for the consultation.
From the mid 1970s and early 1980s, there was a shift in thinking away from the concept of free public services
towards ideas of cost recovery within the public sector. These ideas came with the arrival of Structural
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) which were introduced in the 1980s on the insistence of donors but out of
necessity because of economic mismanagement and decline during the previous decade. With respect to animal
health, an obvious option was for governments to divest themselves of clinical services. As a first step,
governments ceased automatic employment of veterinary graduates (Sudan 1985, Kenya and Uganda 1988,
Tanzania 1990s) as a means of forcing the graduates from the universities to enter private practice. However,
Ethiopia and Eritrea differed as the two governments continued to provide veterinary services to the
communities.
Under Civil Service Reform in the early 1990s, retirement and voluntary retrenchment of various cadres of
veterinary staff further reduced the burden on the public purse. A number of vets lost their jobs but it was
mainly diploma- and certificate-holders and other lower cadres of veterinary staff who were greatly affected.
Some of them went “illegally” into private practice. In Kenya, however, this had no impact on the veterinarians
as the Directorate of Veterinary Services (DVS) did not even have enough staff to maintain its remaining public
sector responsibilities. The cessation of government employment left the veterinary service seriously understaffed. It also compromised the DVS’s capacity to comply with the World Trade Organization (WTO) Sanitary
and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement. The problems of compliance were particularly difficult in Arid and SemiArid Lands (ASALs) where veterinary services are often scarce.
The decentralisation process which devolved to local authorities many of the functions that had been performed
by sector ministries worsened the situation. The resulting dual accountability of veterinary staff at districts and
to DVSs created many problems. It meant, for example, that field-level veterinary staff have few options for
promotion and this contributed to demoralization and poor performance. Moreover, as district authorities are not
accountable to central government, they may choose to ignore advice from the central Ministry to give priority
to livestock disease control in their planning and budgeting. This situation common to Tanzania, Uganda,
Ethiopia and Sudan has greatly compromised DVS’s ability to comply with the SPS Agreement.
At the same time governments within the region embraced liberalization policies. Under liberalization, farmers
were expected to manage their own production and marketing and to be able to pay for veterinary services.
Farmers were resistant to charging, and the experience of community-managed dips was generally not positive
in all countries. With the liberalisation of the pharmaceutical industry in the 1990s veterinary drug stores sprung
up all across countries so that it was possible for livestock-owners to acquire drugs. The supply included black
market drugs of poor or unreliable quality, though the extent of this problem was never thoroughly assessed.
At about the same time, World Bank guidelines which advised that Unified Extension should be adopted were
followed by several countries in the area. Under this scheme, veterinary staff were required to provide advice on
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Primary Animal Health Care in the 21st Century: Shaping the Rules, Policies and Institutions
SCENE SETTING SESSION
crops and livestock. Unified Extension went along with the Training and Visit (T&V) approach to extension.
These new approaches were ill-adapted to the delivery of veterinary services and they were disliked by both the
livestock-keepers and veterinary staff.
The privatization of professional practice
In some countries like Kenya, private veterinary services had always been available and private practice
continued to be permitted if not actively encouraged. However, during the 1960s and 1970s, competition from
free government services discouraged all but a few highly entrepreneurial individuals in the towns from
becoming private vets. This ended with the economic changes of the 1980s and the termination of automatic
public sector employment for vets.
Formal programmes to assist veterinary personnel into private practice were established by the Pan African
Rinderpest Campaign Programme (PARC) in all countries apart from Eritrea. In Sudan and Tanzania these
programmes are no longer operative. The scheme in Tanzania was closed in 1998 due to poor performance,
blamed on the failure of vets to get collateral and to unfair competition from the public sector. In Ethiopia and
Tanzania the privatisation promotion agencies were located inside the relevant Ministries, while in Kenya and
Uganda privatisation has been handled outside government by the Veterinary Associations. The overwhelming
majority of those who have been assisted into private practice have set up in high potential farming areas and
around the main towns, with very few examples of private practice in pastoral areas. The major obstacles to
privatisation of veterinary services in ASALs are seen as being:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Unconducive physical environment
High delivery costs due to poor infrastructure
Lack of appropriate support structures e.g. credit
Too many illegal operators
Difficult communication and long distances covered by pastoralists
Low cash economy
Lack of efficient control on drug supply and drug application
General insecurity
Where vets have been helped to set up a private practice in an ASAL area, this has mainly involved some form
of subsidy from NGOs. There is now an interest in privatized delivery systems where a vet or AHA will work
through a network of CAHWs, both supplying them with drugs and providing supervision. A recent study of the
economic viability of different types of private practice in ASALs in Kenya suggested that the AHA/CAHW
model of private practice with supervision provided by DVOs was likely to be the most financially feasible
model in the short run.
The major impetus behind formal privatisation programmes has been a concern to reduce the public expenditure
demands of veterinary services. Accordingly, privatisation has been conceived rather narrowly as assisting
professional vets into private practice, and promotion has been limited to providing credit to enable individual
practitioners to set up in business. Models of private practice have been based on public sector provision (and to
some extent also on European styles of private veterinary practice). However, the majority of veterinarians who
have gone in private practice are operating veterinary drug business. Programmes are assessed in terms of
outputs (numbers of loans, rates of repayment, and numbers still in practice after a given period). Little or no
attention has been given to assessing them in terms of outcomes (more effective delivery of clinical services)
and impact (improved animal health).
It is important to note that the scheme did not support the lower cadre veterinary staff, diploma and certificate
holders except in Ethiopia where AHAs and Animal Health Technicians (AHT) were included as well.
Efforts have been made to clarify public/private distinctions, and these discussions are ongoing. Decisions about
where the line falls between public and private are not seen as final but rather as emerging from a continuous
debate in which there are possibilities for further elaboration.
Animal health services in all counties operate under a number of legal Acts which until recently had not been
reviewed or amended in light of new challenges/changes. In many countries, the Veterinary Surgeons Act did
not address the issue of private veterinary practice. Furthermore the legal framework made no provision for
diploma- or certificate-holders or other types of animal health workers in the private sector. Enforcement of the
Acts continues to be a major problem. All the six countries have embarked on the review process of key policies
and legal framework supporting veterinary services.
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Primary Animal Health Care in the 21st Century: Shaping the Rules, Policies and Institutions
SCENE SETTING SESSION
The development of community-based delivery systems
There are various definitions of what a community based animal health worker (CAHW) is. Typically, he or she
(usually he) is a herder; lives and move with their community; have received short training courses to enable
them to treat other people’s animals and they supplement their income from livestock by selling drugs. There is
no consensus as to whether they are a short-term ‘stop-gap’ measure, until levels of development improve and
allow a fully professional service, or whether they are expected to play a more permanent role. There is also a
difference of view between NGOs and governments over definitions. Governments typically define
‘community-based’ largely on the physical location of the worker within the community, while for NGOs
community participation is key, including processes such as joint community-vet problem analysis, selection of
CAHWs and so on.
Veterinary services – state and private – have a poor record of providing services to pastoral communities. This
is mainly due to problems of distance, difficult logistics, physical hardship and negative attitudes towards
pastoralists. Notable exceptions have been Eritrea in the 1970s and 80s and South Sudan today where under
atypical war-time conditions pastoralists have received relatively high levels of service, from the independence
movement and from NGOs respectively. In both cases, services have largely depended on external funding.
From the 1980s onwards, in all countries except Eritrea, NGOs began to fill the gap in public sector provision in
pastoral areas by training herders to deliver animal health care, using the term ‘community-based animal health
care’ or CAH to describe their work. These programmes varied considerably in terms of their expertise and
competence, and there was little uniformity in their methods. Inconsistency was seen in selection and training of
CAHWs, and in whether and how costs were recovered and CAHWs supervised. As CAH programmes have
become better established, NGOs have begun to give more attention to harmonising methodologies and
approaches. The OLS umbrella in Sudan and the Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG) in
Kenya are particularly good examples of NGO coordination. Impact assessment has often shown substantial
reductions in livestock mortality and morbidity due to CAHW activities, and associated benefits to pastoral
livelihoods.
In Uganda and Sudan, this cadre played a big role in bringing rinderpest under control. They were employed in
the massive vaccination campaigns and because they lived and were known within the communities, they were
able to cover larger numbers of animals during vaccinations.
The proliferation of NGO activities in animal health led to a parallel series of discussions on CAHWs in the
Veterinary Associations and Veterinary Boards during the 1990s. Vets were somewhat on the defensive at this
time as the ending of automatic government employment forced them into competition with all other categories
of provider, not just CAHWs but also diploma and certificate holders as well. Moreover, because the mandate of
the Veterinary Associations and Veterinary Boards is to promote the interests of the profession and ensure
compliance with professional standards, these bodies found it hard to accept NGO promotion of nonprofessional provision. The vets believed that promoting CAHWs would lead to widespread unnecessary use of
drugs and to drug abuse, and would result in drug resistance.
The debate between NGOs and the professional bodies was conflictive. It was not helped by the fact that NGOs
sometimes demonstrated a casual attitude towards legislation and official procedures. For example, NGOs did
not always employ qualified animal health care staff on their programmes or collaborate with the DVOs who
had overall responsibility for animal health in the districts where the NGOs worked.
Although the debate on use of CAHWs has not ended, growing acceptance is reflected in their legal recognition
in Eritrea, Ethiopia and Sudan. The Eritrean, Ethiopian and Tanzanian governments implement CAHW
programmes directly, and the relevant Ministry of Agriculture resource in Sudan collaborates closely with NGO
CAH programmes under Operation Lifeline Sudan.
The Ethiopian government is unusual – though not unique – in linking the development of a cadre of CAHWs
with the privatisation of veterinary services. This is reflected in the organisational set-up in the Federal Ministry
of Agriculture where both privatisation and CAHWs are handled by the same unit. In addition, the training of
diploma holders and graduate vets is done on the same campus.
Uniquely, NGOs have had almost no influence on CAH provision in Eritrea despite the wide use of this cadre in
this country. The only private animal health operators in Eritrea at present are CAHWs and drug dispensaries,
both of whom depend for their supplies on government. Sudanese vets in turn appear relatively open towards the
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Primary Animal Health Care in the 21st Century: Shaping the Rules, Policies and Institutions
SCENE SETTING SESSION
participation of para-professionals in service delivery, and the professional bodies themselves have had some
involvement with CAHWs. This interest in CAH work is explained by some vets as being related to the close
working relationships that previously existed between them and earlier generations of para-professionals.
In most countries in this study, the privatization of professional practice and the promotion of CAH are seen as
separate and unrelated initiates. There is need to link CAH and privatization of professional practice for
sustainability.
Conclusion
The historical case studies show that over the last 30 years, and particularly during the last decade, countries in
the GHA have been influenced by the same global events and trends and by similar internal pressures. Findings
show that all governments in the GHA are at various levels of reviewing policies, legislation and institutions
affecting animal health services. They are making distinctions between public and private sector provision; all
are involved in devolutionary processes; all are concerned to increase livestock exports, and all are under
pressure to reduce poverty. Findings also show that specific country histories have shaped different national
responses to global trends and internal pressures, with public sector provision predominant in some countries
(Ethiopia and Eritrea) while NGO and UN provision is predominant in other regions (e.g. South Sudan). The
other countries offer variants on these two patterns.
All governments in the study appeared in different ways and from different motives to have a shared concern to
encourage more service providers to operate in pastoral areas in order to deliver more effective services leading
to improved levels of animal health at the national levels.
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