Immigrants of the Heartland:
How Immigration Is Revitalizing America’s Midwest
Midwestern Immigration, 1990-1999
North Dakota
Minnesota
Wisconsin
South Dakota
Michigan
Nebraska
Iowa
Missouri
Kansas
Ohio
Illinois
Indiana
# of Immigrants
-114 to
99
100 to
249
250 to
499
500 to
999
1,000 to 302,257
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights
in collaboration with
Heartland Alliance for Human Needs and Human Rights
June 2000
We wish to thank the following organizations for their support and
assistance in producing this report:
American Friends Service Committee - Des Moines (Des Moines, Iowa)
Catholic Charities of Fort Wayne (Fort Wayne, Indiana)
Centro Pastoral Guadalupano (Madison, Wisconsin)
Diocese of Davenport (Davenport, Iowa)
Hispanic Center (Indianapolis, Indiana)
Institute for Education and Advocacy (Minneapolis, Minnesota)
Jewish Federation of Springfield (Springfield, Illinois)
Lincoln Land Community College (Springfield, Illinois)
Michigan Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Protection/ Archdiocese of
Detroit (Detroit, Michigan)
Minnesota Literacy Council (St. Paul, Minnesota)
Resource Center of the Americas (Minneapolis, Minnesota)
Rock Valley College (Rockford, Illinois)
St. Leonard's Church (Madison, Nebraska)
St. Louis Inter-Faith Committee for Latin America (St. Louis, Missouri)
Founded in 1986, the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant & Refugee Rights (ICIRR) is a coalition
of more than 90 public and private organization advocating on behalf of immigrants and
refugees throughout Illinois. Our mission is to promote the rights of immigrants and refugees to
full and equal participation in the civic, cultural, social, and political life of our diverse society.
In partnership with our member organizations, the Coalition educates and organizes immigrant
and refugee communities to assert their rights and responsibilities; promotes citizenship and
civic involvement; monitors and analyzes issues affecting immigrants; and informs the general
public about the contributions of immigrants and refugees.
This report was written by Rob Paral, a consultant to ICIRR. Michael Norkewicz processed
Census Bureau and other data sets to make this report possible. Maps in this report are the work
of Ruth Ann Tobias and colleagues at the Social Science Research Institute at Northern Illinois
University.
Immigrants of the Heartland
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
This report analyzes the extent and nature of current immigration to the 12-state
Midwestern region. Its findings include:
Immigrant Population Growth
759,000 immigrants came to the twelve Midwestern states in the 1990s.
Seven of twelve Midwestern states received at least 25,000 immigrants in the 1990s.
Even in North Dakota, where the number of immigrants was small, (5,305), the state’s
population decline would have been 103 percent greater if it were not for the arrival of
immigrants.
Immigrant settlement areas are arrayed across the entire Midwestern region. Almost ten
percent of the Midwest’s counties received at least 500 immigrants in the 1990s, and
these counties are homes to cities not typically associated with immigration, like Sioux
Falls, South Dakota; Garden City, Kansas; and Grand Rapids, Michigan.
In more than one-third of Midwestern counties, immigration represents either 75+ percent
of overall population growth or it represents positive population growth in counties where
the overall population declined.
By some measurements, most Midwestern states are experiencing greater immigration
than California. The ratio of 1990s immigrants to 1980s immigrants is 0.7 to 1 in
California. In North and South Dakota, it is nearly 2 to 1. In Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri,
Illinois and Michigan, the ratio is more than 1 to 1.
A New Midwestern Immigration
A “new immigration” of Latino and Asian immigrants is booming in a region of
otherwise modest population growth:
♦ Asian populations have grown in well over one-third of Midwestern counties at
the same time that the White population in those same counties has declined.
♦ Latino populations have grown in more than 40 percent of Midwestern counties at
the same time that the White population in those same counties has declined.
Immigrant contributions to the Midwestern society and economy include stabilizing
population loss, playing a key role in certain industries, opening small businesses, paying
their share of taxes and using low levels of welfare.
Factors contributing to Midwestern immigration growth include the creation of many
jobs in certain segments of the economy, the desire of some immigrants to live apart from
chaotic urban neighborhoods, and conditions in immigrants’ home countries that have
encouraged them to seek stability and economic opportunity in the U.S.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights
Immigrants of the Heartland
Obstacles to Successful Integration of Immigrants
Immigrants face some obstacles to successful integration into the Midwestern economy
and society:
Federal immigration policies are at odds with the labor markets governing the
Midwestern economy. Certain industries such as meatpacking have a high need for
immigrants workers, yet federal policy unduly restricts legal immigration and may have
the unintended consequence of fostering undocumented immigration.
Federal welfare policy is hindering the development of stable and healthy Midwestern
immigrant communities. While local elected officials -- including governors and U.S.
Senate candidates -- have called for policies to facilitate immigration, Congress has
prohibited new immigrants from receiving Medicaid, a major source of health care for
working poor immigrants drawn to jobs here that provide no health insurance.
Local institutions -- including hospitals, schools and police departments -- are often
failing to adequately respond to the linguistic and cultural needs of newcomers. These
institutions too often fail to hire bilingual staff, fail to provide culturally or linguistically
appropriate services, or provide substandard services such as overcrowded classes for
immigrant and refugee children.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights
Immigrants of the Heartland
Table of Contents
The New Midwestern Immigration ................................................................................. 1
Immigrant Contributions ................................................................................................. 2
Factors Contributing to Midwestern Immigration .......................................................... 3
Successfully Integrating Midwestern Immigrants........................................................... 4
The Demography of Midwestern Immigration .............................................................. 6
Impact on Population Change ......................................................................................... 6
Extent of 1990s Immigration .......................................................................................... 6
Countries of Origin.......................................................................................................... 7
Region-Wide Effect of Immigration ............................................................................... 8
Racial Change and Immigration in Midwestern Counties .............................................. 9
Voices of Midwestern Immigrants................................................................................. 11
Melissa Ruiz.................................................................................................................. 11
Abed Hammoud ............................................................................................................ 12
Sandra Sanchez ............................................................................................................. 12
Naly Yang ..................................................................................................................... 13
Luda Smikun ................................................................................................................. 14
Laura Huerta.................................................................................................................. 14
Francisco Valdez ........................................................................................................... 15
Alvaro Archundia.......................................................................................................... 16
Summary of Key Public Policy Needs of Midwestern Immigrants ............................ 17
Issues Involving Immigrants Without Legal Status ...................................................... 17
Welfare Reform............................................................................................................. 18
Linguistic and Cultural Issues ....................................................................................... 18
Community Organizing................................................................................................. 19
State Profiles of Immigration ......................................................................................... 20
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights
Immigrants of the Heartland
THE NEW MIDWESTERN IMMIGRATION
Like hundreds of thousands of his countrymen, Francisco Valdez emigrated from Mexico
to the United States to find work and a better life for his family. But there was something
different about the path Francisco took. Instead of settling in a large city or in the
agricultural regions of the western or southwestern United States, he found his home in
Madison, Nebraska, a town of 2,100 persons, 100 miles northwest of Omaha. In
Madison, Francisco owns a restaurant serving a growing Mexican work force in the local
meatpacking industry.
Simon Ko Tran fled the war in his native Vietnam and spent years in a refugee camp in
the Philippines. While the great majority of Asian immigrants and refugees in the U.S.
are in coastal U.S. cities, Simon has settled in Bettendorf, Iowa, on the Mississippi River.
Today Simon owns his own business designing and repairing jewelry and has 72 jewelry
stores as his clients.
These immigrants are part of a growing number of immigrants and refugees making their
home in the Midwestern region of the U.S.1 Some 759,000 immigrants came to these
twelve states in the 1990s.2
Large urban areas like Chicago and Minneapolis-St.Paul continue to receive the largest
numbers of the new immigrants. These areas have large and diverse economies with
many jobs, and they usually have existing immigrant neighborhoods that provide a
comforting place for new arrivals to adjust to the life in the United States.
But many of the new Midwestern immigrants are breaking old patterns of migration and
settling in smaller cities and towns scattered across the region. Some of this new
immigration responds to economic restructuring in the Midwest, which has seen
substantial growth in jobs in the meatpacking industry in rural areas. Numerous other
employers have opened new manufacturing plants or expanded their services outside of
the largest cities. The new immigrants also include refugees who have had their entry
into the U.S. sponsored by religious organizations located throughout the Midwest.
In some ways, immigration is an old story in the
Midwest. Immigrant farmers were the first to
break many of the fields here, as readers of Willa
Cather’s classic novels will recall. In Wisconsin,
German-speaking towns in the nineteenth century
kept official records in German, and practiced
public bilingual education. Irish immigrants to
Foreign-Born Percentage
of the Population: Midwest
Region
1890
1990
18.2%
3.6%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
1
In this report, “Midwestern Region” corresponds to the federal government’s definition of that region. It
includes the states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North
Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota and Wisconsin.
2
These immigrants entered between the April, 1990 census and July 1, 1999.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 1
Immigrants of the Heartland
Chicago in the last century founded an urban political machine that endures today. In
fact, the foreign-born population in the Midwest region was five times greater in 1890
(18.2 percent) than it was in 1990 (3.6 percent).
But as we enter a new millennium, the “new immigration” has a distinctly different racial
and ethnic character than the immigration of the 19th century. Most new Midwestern
immigrants come up from the south, from Mexico, not over from the east, from Europe.
Or, indeed, they come from the Far East, from Asian nations like Vietnam or China.
Unlike their European predecessors who broke untilled soil or founded new cities, the
new Midwest immigrants are often coming to counties, towns and cities whose nativeborn citizens are themselves migrating to the south and west of the United States. In
many Iowa counties, for example, the peak of population size happened many decades
ago. North Dakota actually lost population in the 1990s, even though it received 5,300
immigrants.
Immigrant Contributions
The new immigrants are contributing to Midwestern society and economy by stabilizing
population loss, playing a key role in certain industries, opening small businesses, paying
their share of taxes and using low levels of welfare. Immigration brought 759,000 new
residents to the Midwest in the 1990s while 640,000 Midwesterners out-migrated to other
areas.
Franklin County, Ohio, for example, where Columbus is located, has seen its Latino
population grow 36 percent in the 1990s.3 In Fairmont City, Illinois, across the
Mississippi River from St. Louis, the Mexican population is estimated to have grown to
70 percent of the town’s 2200 residents in recent years.4 Overall, the Asian and Latino
populations in the Midwest grew 42 and 39 percent, respectively in the 1990s. The
white, non-Latino population grew by 3 percent.
The contributions of Midwestern immigrants include new economic development in
many locales. In southwest Detroit, for example, immigrants are credited with
revitalizing a burned-out community. West Vernon Avenue in that area is burgeoning
with new immigrant-owned businesses, and skilled immigrant tradesmen are credited
with increasing home values as they purchase and rehab abandoned homes.5 Cherokee
Street in south St. Louis, described as a boarded-up “haven of crime” a few years ago, is
being transformed by Mexican immigrants opening up businesses.6
3
Mary Mogan Edwards and Jeff Ortega “The land of plenty: Latinos make strides in job-rich central
Ohio” Columbia Dispatch, March 19, 2000
4
Norm Parish and Robert Goodrich “New Arrivals Are Transforming A Neighborhood In St. Louis, and
Are Causing Friction In Fairmont City” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 7, 2000
5
“Mexican Immigrants Lead a Revival” New York Times, May 21, 2000
6
ibid., Parish and Goodrich
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 2
Immigrants of the Heartland
A 1995 study of immigrant tax contributions in Illinois showed that the foreign born in
that state were paying taxes commensurate with their share of the population. Three
quarters of their tax contributions went to the federal government, which has in recent
years been denying many of its public assistance benefits to immigrants.7 Another study
found that legal immigrants used lower public benefits than would be expected given
their population size.8
Factors Contributing to Midwestern Immigration
A variety of factors have combined in recent years to foster the new immigrant wave.
Foremost among these has been the creation of numerous jobs that often, by dint of being
dangerous, exhausting and/or relatively low paid, have been disdained by many native
born Americans.
The meatpacking industry, for example, has faced shortages of workers at plants in the
Midwest. In Perry, Iowa, near Des Moines, the meatpacking company IBP recruited
Latino workers in the 1990s and today Latinos are more than half of the plant’s 1,100
workers.9 At an April, 2000 forum for Republican Senatorial candidates in Nebraska,
three of four candidates called for loosening immigration laws to allow the entry of more
workers into that state’s meatpacking centers. One candidate criticized the Immigration
and Naturalization Service, saying that its raids were disrupting businesses and families.
Declining populations and low birth rates among the native born have reduced the size of
the available workforce and have lead to calls for more immigration. To attract
immigrant workers to his state, Iowa Governor Vilsack has developed plans to open a
string of immigrant welcoming centers -- “Centers for New Iowans” -- to make Iowa “an
inviting place for those coming to America,” according to the Governor.
While jobs and economic opportunity beckon immigrants to the Midwest, several of the
immigrants interviewed for this report stated that they made a strategic decision to avoid
larger U.S. cities plagued by crimes, drugs and violence. They chose to settle in smaller
Midwestern cities in which they and their families can live more safely. Francisco
Valdez, for example, went to Nebraska after becoming disenchanted with the lifestyles of
Los Angeles and Chicago. Perci Consiglieri, a Peruvian immigrant in Indianapolis,
Indiana, moved to that city after tiring of life in urban areas of Southern California.
Finally, conditions in many immigrants’ home countries have forced them to migrate to
the United States. In Mexico, legions of young men and women face dim prospects for
economic advancement in their own country. In Central America, countries like
7
Passel and Clark 1996, Taxes Paid by Illinois Immigrants published by the Illinois Immigrant Policy
Project
8
Paral 1996 Use of Public Assistance by Immigrants and the Native Born in Illinois published by the
Illinois Immigrant Policy Project
9
Sergio Bustos and Deborah Mathis “Small towns shaped by influx of Hispanics” Associated Press May
22, 2000
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 3
Immigrants of the Heartland
Guatemala and El Salvador endured civil war in recent decades, while Honduras has
suffered from devastating natural disasters. Young persons from China have fled an
authoritarian regime that penalizes women for having a second child, while innumerable
Southeast Asians have been displaced by wars in that region.
Successfully Integrating Midwestern Immigrants
Whatever the reason that immigrants are attracted to the Midwest, their presence will
have a long-term impact on the social and economic fabric of countless towns and cities
in the region. As the pioneering immigrants to places like Madison, Nebraska and Fort
Wayne, Indiana sink roots, the pace of immigration to these areas is likely to increase,
especially in the current economy with its thirst for new workers.
Serious challenges, however, face the ability of the growing Midwestern immigrant
population to successfully integrate into U.S. society. Some of the principal obstacles
spring from federal policies that are at odds with the labor markets governing the
Midwestern economy.
Aspects of federal immigration policy, for example, unduly restrict legal immigration.
While senatorial candidates in Nebraska call for increased immigration, for example,
Congress in 1996 passed laws restricting the entry of precisely the kind of workers that
make the IBP beef processing plant in Madison, Nebraska, hum.
The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA), passed in
1996, made it more difficult for legal immigrants to sponsor family members as new
immigrants. The IIRAIRA raised the level of income necessary to sponsor an immigrant,
but too many immigrants working at the kinds of jobs that are attracting them here do not
make sufficient income to meet the new sponsorship requirement.
Recent changes to immigration laws have made it exceedingly difficult for
undocumented immigrants, many of whom have U.S. citizen spouses and children, to
legalize their status. Under Section 245(i) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, an
undocumented immigrant who became eligible for a visa could obtain one without
leaving the U.S. However, Section 245(i) sunset in January 1998, forcing immigrants to
return to their country of origin to obtain an immigrant visa. At the same time, IIRAIRA
stipulates that many undocumented immigrants who leave the U.S. must wait ten years
before they can re-enter the country. This catch-22 situation has caused some
undocumented immigrants to remain in illegal status rather than leave the country and
risk a ten-year prohibition on re-entry.
Federal welfare policy is also hindering the development of stable and healthy
Midwestern immigrant communities. While the Iowa governor proposes a string of
immigrant welcoming centers, Congress in 1996 prohibited new immigrants from
receiving Medicaid, a major source of health care for the working poor. The 1996
legislation, part of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act,
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 4
Immigrants of the Heartland
also denies Supplemental Security Income disability assistance to immigrants arriving
after August 1996. These tax-paying, disabled immigrants can become major economic
burdens for their families.
At the local level, major institutions often fail to adequately respond to the linguistic and
cultural needs of newcomers. Hospitals in areas with new immigrant populations, for
example, routinely violate Title VI of the Civil Rights Act by failing to provide
interpreters to sick patients, or by using unqualified interpreters such as maintenance staff
or even children.10
Numerous school districts place immigrant children in substandard conditions. In the
Affton School District near St. Louis, for example, Bosnian refugee children are not
taught in a classroom but in a foyer at the end of a hallway; in many schools in Des
Moines, Iowa, two different classes for immigrants are held simultaneously in the same
room because of overcrowding.11
Police departments in many locales have lagged in developing the ability to communicate
with immigrant populations. The Dearborn, Michigan police department, for example,
has only two Arab-speaking police officers to serve a huge Lebanese and Yemeni
community.
Nationally, a growing debate is developing about the negative effects of these kinds of
practices, as well as the promise of re-shaping our procedures to more successfully
incorporate our nation’s newcomers. The Midwest, with its numerous new immigrant
communities, is a proving ground for the decisions we make and will be making on how
best to settle immigrants.
Public policy makers must be made aware of the extent and nature of the boom in
immigrant settlement of the Midwest. To that end, this report provides statistical and
qualitative information on our growing immigrant communities, with the objective of
contributing to more thoughtful public policies in regards to our newest Midwestern
residents.
10
Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination on the basis of national origin, and
requires that recipients of federal aid (such as hospitals) take reasonable steps to provide services in
languages other than English.
11
Holly Hacker “Students With Little Or No English Present A Test For Schools Here: Scarce Resources
Force Districts To Scramble” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 21, 2000; Kathy A. Bolten, “Influx of
immigrants challenges schools” Des Moines Register, April 2, 2000
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 5
Immigrants of the Heartland
THE DEMOGRAPHY OF MIDWESTERN IMMIGRATION
Impact on Population Change
One out of ten immigrants to the United States came to the Midwestern states in the
1990s. While other areas of the country received more immigrants, immigration is an
important factor in Midwest population growth. The 759,000 immigrants that came to
the Midwest in the 1990 accounted for 21 percent of all population growth.
Illinois receives the largest number of
immigrants among the Midwestern states,
and the importance of immigration as a
demographic factor in Illinois is seen in
Congressional reapportionment based on
the census. After the 2000 census Illinois
is expected to lose a Congressional seat.
Without the 384,000 immigrants that came
in the 1990s (equaling about half of an
average Congressional district), Illinois
could possibly lose two Congressional
seats.
Seven Midwestern states received at least
25,000 immigrant newcomers in the 1990s.
Even in North Dakota, where the number
of immigrants was small (only 5,305) the
demographic effect was important. North
Dakota experienced a net loss of 5,134
persons in the 1990s. Without
immigration, the state’s population decline
would have been 103 percent greater.
International Migration to
the Midwestern States,
1990 to 1999
Iowa
21,151
Illinois
384,026
Indiana
29,053
Kansas
28,233
Michigan
99,735
Minnesota
55,173
Missouri
38,351
North Dakota
5,305
Nebraska
15,138
Ohio
52,922
South Dakota
4,890
Wisconsin
24,969
Total Midwest
758,946
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
Extent of 1990s Immigration
By some measurements, most Midwestern states are experiencing greater immigration
than California. The ratio of 1990s immigrants to 1980s immigrants is 0.7 to 1 in
California.12 In North and South Dakota, it is nearly 2 to 1. In Minnesota, Iowa,
Missouri, Illinois and Michigan, the ratio is more than 1 to 1.
12
In other words, the 1990s immigration to California was only 70 percent of the 1980s immigration.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 6
Immigrants of the Heartland
Countries of Origin
For the legal immigrant population we can
provide an idea of their countries of origin
by looking at data on legal immigration
between 1990 and 1996.13 As seen in the
accompanying table, not all of these groups
are concentrated in Illinois. The largest
number of Vietnamese immigrants (5,161)
is located in Minnesota. The largest
number of Iraqis (8,925) and Canadians
(5,403) are in Michigan.
Leading Sources of Immigration
to Midwest: 1990 to 1996
Mexico
56,796
Poland
50,732
India
41,703
Former USSR
40,125
Vietnam
32,719
Philippines
28,085
China
22,928
Canada
16,107
Korea
14,379
Iraq
13,235
Source: INS microdata files
13
More recent data on legal immigration by state is not available. The data in this table includes only those
immigrants arriving in the U.S. after April 1, 1990.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 7
Immigrants of the Heartland
Region-Wide Effect of Immigration
Immigrant settlement areas are arrayed across the entire Midwestern region. Almost ten
percent or 101 of the Midwest’s 1,055 counties received more than 500 immigrants
in the 1990s, and these counties are homes to cities not typically associated with
immigration, like Sioux Falls, South Dakota; Garden City, Kansas; and Grand Rapids,
Michigan. Some 64 counties (6.1 percent of all counties) received at least 1,000
immigrants.
Midwestern Immigration, 1990-1999
North Dakota
Minnesota
Wisconsin
South Dakota
Michigan
Nebraska
Iowa
Missouri
Kansas
Ohio
Illinois
Indiana
# of Immigrants
Map prepared by Center for Governmental Studies, NIU
-114 to
99
100 to
249
250 to
499
500 to
Even in counties where immigrants may be small in numbers, they are often arriving in
situations where native-born population growth is much smaller or where the native born
are leaving the area and creating a net loss of population. In more than one-third of
Midwestern counties, immigration represents either 75+ percent of overall population
growth or it represents positive population growth in counties where the overall
population declined.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 8
999
1,000 to 302,257
Immigrants of the Heartland
Let two examples demonstrate this phenomenon: In Jefferson County, Iowa, the overall
population grew by 452 in the 1990s. The 369 new immigrants in the county represented
81.6 percent of this change. In Delaware County, Indiana, meanwhile, the overall
population fell by 4,187 persons, but 381 new immigrants arrived in this county. More
than a third of Midwestern counties fall into one or the other of these categories.14
How Many Counties Have Immigration as Major Growth Factor?
Immigration is 75%+ of
Overall Growth, or Is
Positive Growth in
Immigration is
Immigration is
County with Overall
Total
<0% of
Immigration is 1- 26-75% of
Population Decline
Counties
Growth
25% of Growth
Growth
Illinois
102
2.9%
52.9%
4.9%
39.2%
Indiana
92
2.2%
79.3%
5.4%
13.0%
Iowa
99
2.0%
36.4%
8.1%
53.5%
Kansas
105
7.6%
27.6%
6.7%
58.1%
Michigan
83
14.5%
68.7%
3.6%
13.3%
Minnesota
87
0.0%
57.5%
0.0%
42.5%
Missouri
115
5.2%
68.7%
4.3%
21.7%
Nebraska
93
11.8%
22.6%
7.5%
58.1%
North Dakota
53
28.3%
7.5%
0.0%
64.2%
Ohio
88
3.4%
77.3%
1.1%
18.2%
South Dakota
66
18.2%
34.8%
0.0%
47.0%
Wisconsin
72
12.5%
79.2%
2.8%
5.6%
All Midwest Counties
1,055
7.9%
52.2%
4.1%
35.8%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
How to Read This Table: Iowa has 99 counties. In 2.0% of Iowa counties, immigration accounts for <0% of
population growth. In 36.4% of Iowa counties, immigration accounts for 1-25% of population growth, etc.
Columns may not add to 100 due to rounding.
Racial Change and Immigration in Midwestern Counties
Immigration is a major factor in the growth of Asian and Latino communities in the
Midwest, and these communities are often growing in number where the White
population is decreasing. Asian populations have grown in well over one-third of
Midwestern counties at the same time that the White population in those same counties
has declined. Latino populations have grown in more than 40 percent of Midwestern
counties at the same time that the White population has declined.
14
In some counties immigration can represent <0% of population growth. This can happen when there is
net out-migration of immigrants during the period.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 9
Immigrants of the Heartland
How Many Counties Have Asian Growth, White Decrease? (1990-1998)
% with
% with
% with
% with
Asian
Asian
Asian
Asian
Growth,
Growth,
Decrease, Decrease,
White
Total
White
White
White
Counties Growth
Decrease
Growth
Decrease
Illinois
102
54.9%
0.0%
1.0%
44.1%
Indiana
92
84.8%
14.1%
1.1%
0.0%
Iowa
99
48.5%
51.5%
0.0%
0.0%
Kansas
105
29.5%
56.2%
1.9%
12.4%
Michigan
83
81.9%
18.1%
0.0%
0.0%
Minnesota
87
52.9%
47.1%
0.0%
0.0%
Missouri
115
68.7%
27.8%
1.7%
1.7%
Nebraska
93
30.1%
2.2%
16.1%
51.6%
North Dakota
53
7.5%
0.0%
26.4%
66.0%
Ohio
88
77.3%
22.7%
0.0%
0.0%
South Dakota
66
28.8%
45.5%
3.0%
22.7%
Wisconsin
72
94.4%
4.2%
1.4%
0.0%
All Midwest Counties
1,055
56.2%
37.2%
0.9%
5.7%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
Note: Columns may not add to 100 due to rounding.
How Many Counties Have Latino Growth, White Decrease? (1990-1998)
% with
% with
% with
% with
Latino
Latino
Latino
Latino
Growth, Growth, Decrease, Decrease,
White
White
White
White
Total
Decrease
Growth
Counties Growth Decrease
Illinois
102
54.9%
45.1%
0.0%
0.0%
Indiana
92
85.9%
14.1%
0.0%
0.0%
Iowa
99
48.5%
51.5%
0.0%
0.0%
Kansas
105
31.4%
68.6%
0.0%
0.0%
Michigan
83
81.9%
16.9%
0.0%
1.2%
Minnesota
87
52.9%
47.1%
0.0%
0.0%
Missouri
115
70.4%
27.8%
0.0%
1.7%
Nebraska
93
31.2%
63.4%
1.1%
4.3%
North Dakota
53
7.5%
71.7%
0.0%
20.8%
Ohio
88
77.3%
22.7%
0.0%
0.0%
South Dakota
66
30.3%
53.0%
1.5%
15.2%
Wisconsin
72
95.8%
4.2%
0.0%
0.0%
All Midwest Counties
1,055
57.0%
40.2%
0.2%
2.7%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
Note: Columns may not add to 100 due to rounding.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 10
Immigrants of the Heartland
VOICES OF MIDWESTERN IMMIGRANTS
The demographic data included in this report demonstrate the sheer growth of the
immigrant population, but they do not convey the human dimensions of local societies
where immigrants live. In this section we profile the experiences of U.S.-born citizens
and immigrants whose Midwestern lives have been deeply involved with the immigration
process.
Melissa Ruiz
Crete, Nebraska
(Melissa Ruiz was born in the U.S. Her husband does not have legal status, and is in
Mexico facing a ten-year prohibition on re-entering the U.S. She has two children by
her husband, and is pregnant with their third child.)
I was born in Iowa. My husband was born in Mexico. We have been together for seven
years, married for four. We’ve been trying to get his papers done since we’ve been
married. All the money and stuff they want.
I don’t make enough money to be a sponsor. He’s got two children here and needs to be
here to support them. It’s hard for me to do it on my own.
I talk to (my husband in Mexico) on the phone. I can hardly afford it. My kids are sick
and stuff and they want to be with their dad as much as I do, especially the three year old.
They ask for him daily. What are you supposed to tell a two or three year old?
My kids aren’t eating because they want to be with their father. My son cries himself to
sleep. I can’t afford a lawyer. (A local Catholic priest) is handling the case. They (the
INS) make it sound like you don’t have money to support him but he needs to be here to
support us.
I don’t even know when I can tell my kids that he is gonna be back. He’ll miss our
anniversary, Easter, the kids’ birthdays… Hopefully he’ll be back by the time this one is
born…
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 11
Immigrants of the Heartland
Abed Hammoud
Dearborn, MI
(Mr. Hammoud is Assistant Prosecutor for Wayne County, Michigan.
He is a founder of the Arab-American Political Action Committee.)
Dearborn, Michigan, has approximately 20,000 Arab-Americans. The main issue we see
is that the schools are not getting to grips with the fact that 50 percent of their students
are Arab-American.
We hardly have any Arab-American employees in the city of Dearborn, only about two
percent. There are only four Arab-American police officers, with only two of them fluent
in Arabic -- for safety we should have more.
Our contributions to the local economy include many small business owners. When
everyone fled Detroit, Arab-Americans came in and invested. In Dearborn, Warren
Avenue was starting to look like a ghost town some time ago. Now its looking like an
Arab town.
There are a lot of myths about us. People think Arab-Americans get seven years of tax
breaks when they move here, or that the government gives us money to open stores. That
makes people hate us. We are highly educated and we contribute to the economy. Our
family values are strong. I am a county prosecutor but I still drop everything if I get a
call from my dad needing help.
Sandra Sanchez
Clibe, Iowa
(Sandra Sanchez works with the American Friends Service Committee in Des Moines)
I was born in Mexico. I came to Des Moines, Iowa, when I was 29 years old. I was afraid
to live in a bigger city because of the higher rates of crime and drug abuse. I decided to
come to Des Moines because it has a good school system and because there were jobs
here.
But also there are more instances of hardship here because of a lack of infrastructure in
the state to deal with immigrants. Once when walking with my child to his classroom a
nine-year-old boy said to us “I’m going to ask my dad for his rifle to kill all you damn
Mexicans.” I was afraid. I went to the principal’s office. I requested an interpreter. I
told them what I heard. I was terrified to leave my children in that school. So I decided
to volunteer at my child’s school to protect them, but many parents don’t have luck or
ability to do what I did.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 12
Immigrants of the Heartland
Q. For an immigrant, how is Iowa different from other parts of the U.S. with larger
immigrant populations?
The difference in Iowa is that we don’t have support. There is no organized community.
We are at the beginning.
When I first came I wasn’t feeling so much fear as now. After the new immigration laws
were passed, that has been significantly increased. After the 96 campaigns and then after
the 96 laws15, we are perceived as drug traffickers or criminals or illegal aliens. It makes
you feel you are not seen. It does a lot to your self esteem. We are becoming more
secluded and more fearful of participating in community activities.
Naly Yang
St. Paul, Minnesota
(Naly Yang was born in Laos, and came to the U.S. at age two with a group of refugees
sponsored by a Lutheran church in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. She is Executive Director of
the St. Paul-based Women’s Association of Hmong and Lao.)
Q. What are some of the needs of the Hmong and Laotian communities?
Within the Hmong community a lot of elders were soldiers (fighting alongside the U.S.),
but they don’t read or write. The requirement that they read to naturalize has been
overwhelming.
Another thing has been welfare reform. A lot of our clients are single heads of
households. They don’t read or write, or know how to take bus. They are taking jobs at
minimum wage with no room for advancement, but they need to still go to school. As the
five-year limit on welfare ends I just don’t know how it will impact the community.
Q. What does the average American need to know about your community?
They need to acknowledge that we are not a new immigrant community. We are a base
of Minnesota. We are here to stay. We can’t go back. We are trying as a community to
adjust to mainstream America, but we need the resources and assistance to make it.
15
The 1996 Presidential campaigns were marked by well-publicized anti-immigrant rhetoric from
candidate Patrick Buchanan. Congress also passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
Reconciliation Act and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act in 1996; these
laws have seriously reduced the ability of immigrants to receive welfare, and have restricted the ability of
many immigrants to legalize their status.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 13
Immigrants of the Heartland
Luda Smikun
Springfield, Illinois
(Luda Smikun was the first Russian-born president of the
Jewish Federation of Springfield, Illinois)
I came to this country on February 29, 1980, from the Ukraine. I used to be an
accountant. When I came the Springfield Jewish Federation was extremely supportive.
They gave us an apartment. My husband found a job in one month in the Governor’s
Office in the Bureau of the Budget. He is a computer programmer and is now an
independent computer consultant.
Our needs as immigrants and refugees are help with communication, English classes. We
also need a network of people who are capable to help immigrants adjust to a new life,
like how to use appliances, how to do shopping, how to write a check.
There are positive and negative aspects to life here. People don’t discriminate (against
us), but they are aloof sometimes. Most people are extremely helpful.
People who come from different countries appreciate what some Americans take for
granted. Most immigrants are extremely ambitious. They couldn’t succeed in Russia
because of anti-Semitism, but they do extremely well here because they have freedom to
do what they want to do and to excel.
Laura Huerta
Ft. Wayne, Indiana
(Laura Huerta currently works at St. Paul Catholic Church in Fort Wayne.)
Q. What is it like to be an immigrant in Fort Wayne?
It has been very hard. Companies say in their manuals that (workers) have equal rights,
but when we read those manuals we see they are only words. When there are problems
with discrimination, if we speak out they fire us, they don’t solve the problem.
Q. What’s an example?
I worked in a laundry, most of the hard work was given to us because we are Hispanic.
The white supervisor does not distribute hard work to other people. When we
complained to the manager she said “you came here on your own and you can leave if
you want.”
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 14
Immigrants of the Heartland
Q. What do immigrant communities in the Midwest need?
We need to open doors. Many people can’t speak English well or if they speak they still
cannot read. We need to explain politics of the workplace better so people know their
rights.
Q. How many Mexican immigrants are coming to Fort Wayne?
The population of immigrants is growing every week in Fort Wayne. We see new faces
every week in church and in the places where we go to take our children to school.
Francisco Valdez
Madison, Nebraska
(Francisco Valdez owns a restaurant in Madison.)
My wife and I used to live in a small town in Mexico. Then we spent 10-12 years in
Chicago, then we decided to move to a small town to be able to watch the kids better, and
find someplace where there are no drugs. I came to Madison because I have relatives
here that work at a meat plant. There are about 1,200 workers at the IBP plant in
Madison, and about 80 percent are Mexican.
I work in a small restaurant. Fifty percent of my customers are Spanish people and lots
have physical problems like missing fingers, broken arms, back injuries. Some people
can’t work anymore because of their injuries. The meat packing companies are too
dangerous. I don’t think there are enough inspectors.
On my own experience I don’t find any discrimination here. (Regarding police) the
problem is to find someone who speaks Spanish. When someone gets into trouble it is
hard to find an official that speaks Spanish.
The biggest problems are that it is hard to find Spanish services, to get legal service or get
a good doctor. People when they get a problem with the landlord they don’t go to
complain, because no one speaks English, and the landlord doesn’t speak Spanish. They
don’t go to complain about landlords or bad car repairs because it is too difficult.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 15
Immigrants of the Heartland
Alvaro Archundia
Madison, Nebraska
(Alvaro received legal residence after qualifying for the 1986 legalization program. His
wife did not qualify for amnesty. In December, 1999, she returned to Mexico for an
interview with the U.S. consulate there. She faces a 10-year wait before being able to reenter the U.S. Mr. Archundia and his wife have three U.S.-citizen children. He works for
the IBP meatpacking company in Madison.)
Q. What do Midwestern immigrants need?
What I need is my wife. She has been here for 20 years. A house cannot function without
a husband and wife. My kids are asking for momma. I pay $10 a minute to let my kids
call their mother in Mexico. They (the INS) don’t realize how a family is. The last set of
letters (from INS) is asking us to prove that it is a hardship to be without mommy.
My kids are U.S. citizens, the oldest is in the Air Force. We had Christmas and New
Years without mommy. My son earns medals in basketball and wrestling in school.
I am the poorest man but I would be the happiest if my wife were here.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 16
Immigrants of the Heartland
SUMMARY OF KEY PUBLIC POLICY NEEDS OF MIDWESTERN IMMIGRANTS
Issues Involving Immigrants Without Legal Status
As discussed in this report, jobs created by the Midwest economy have proved a powerful
attraction for immigrants, with some employers so needy of workers that they have
recruited foreign-born workers. The “jobs magnet” has attracted some undocumented
workers along with the legal immigrants.
Many undocumented immigrants have resided in the Midwest for many years. They have
responsible jobs and lives and are raising families. Many of their families include U.S.
citizen spouses and children. As described in the case of Melissa Ruiz earlier in this
report, a deported immigrant can be separated from a pregnant U.S. citizen wife, alone
with two other children and no one else to care for them. What public policy goal is so
important that it should be achieved by subjecting those remaining family members to a
life without a father?
Two policy changes are needed in regards to undocumented immigrants:
Restore Section 245(i) of the Immigration and Nationality Act. Congress allowed this
provision to sunset in 1998, and ended a practice by which undocumented immigrants in
the process of getting legal status could apply for legal residence within the U.S. This
means that the immigrant seeking a green card must
See the above examples of
return to his or her home country and apply for U.S.
Melissa Ruiz and Alvaro
residence at a U.S. consulate office there. At the same
Archundia for examples of
time, legislation passed in 1996 stipulated that any
the effects of the termination
immigrant who has been in the U.S. for more than one
of Section 245(i)
year in an undocumented status cannot re-enter the
country for 10 years. As a result, undocumented immigrants, many of whom live with
legal residents or U.S. citizens, are forced to choose between returning to their home
country, applying for U.S. residence and waiting ten years to see their family, or
remaining in the U.S. in a permanent undocumented status.
Section 245(i) should be restored, and immigrants eligible for legal status should be able
to apply for their permanent residence without leaving the U.S.
Develop an amnesty for certain undocumented immigrants. Some type of immigration
amnesty has been called for by the Clinton Administration, national civil rights
organizations, and the AFL-CIO. Behind these calls is the undeniable fact that the
American economy continues to both need and attract more workers than can be admitted
under existing immigration laws. In this context of a worker-hungry, booming national
economy, it is justified to call for an amnesty for segments of the undocumented
immigrant population.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 17
Immigrants of the Heartland
Welfare Reform
In 1996 Congress passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), which dramatically altered the eligibility of many legal
immigrants to receive public assistance. Perhaps the most important affect of the
PRWORA on Midwestern immigrants is that it prohibits virtually all legal immigrants
arriving since August 1996 from receiving medical, nutrition or cash assistance. The bar
on medical assistance (Medicaid) is particularly serious. Many working immigrants do
not receive medical insurance from their employer, and run the risk of financial
catastrophe if they or a family member suffer a serious illness. Public health in general is
endangered by the denial of basic care to a growing number of Midwestern residents.
In the case of cash and food stamp assistance, caseload levels of immigrants on welfare
have hit historic lows in the state of Illinois. Noncitizen immigrants who arrived prior to
August 1996 are less than one percent of applicants for Temporary Assistance to Needy
Families in recent months. Very few of the post-August 1996 immigrants would likewise
be expected to seek benefits if they were eligible, but the social benefits of assisting those
few families in serious need are too great to ignore. The 1996 restrictions on immigrant
access to public benefits should be amended.
Linguistic and Cultural Issues
In cities like New York, Chicago and Los Angeles, public schools, police departments
and government agencies have years of experience interacting with persons born abroad
who may not speak English well and who may come from a culture very different from
that of the U.S. In many of the Midwestern towns and cities receiving the new
immigrants, these same institutions are ill-equipped to adequately serve the immigrant
population. Police agencies, for example, often have no staff that speak Spanish, even
though they are interacting with a large Latino immigrant population. This can lead to
immigrants facing arrests and or fines for incidents that could be explained. Court
systems frequently do not provide translators. Bilingual education classrooms are often
severely understaffed. In hospitals, children are asked to interpret for their parents
seeking medical care, or other untrained personnel are asked to interpret about sensitive
medical issues.
Steps in ensuring adequate linguistic and cultural services for immigrants include:
In police departments, schools, and other agencies that interact with the immigrant
population, increased hiring must be done of minority members that know the community
being served.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 18
Immigrants of the Heartland
In hospitals and schools receiving federal dollars, stepped up enforcement of Title VI of
the Civil Rights Act, to ensure that patients and students are given adequate interpretation
services.
State and local governments should formalize efforts to reach out to immigrant
communities. Promising practices in this regard include Iowa Governor Vilsack’s
immigrant welcoming centers. Another example is in Nebraska, where Governor
Johanns commissioned a group of citizens to advise him on the effects of INS
enforcement activities in that state.
State-level offices could be created to monitor and coordinate services to immigrants in
areas such as public assistance, education and public health. These offices could ensure
that all state agencies understand the effects of federal policies regarding immigrants, that
the agencies communicate with immigrant-serving non-profit groups, and that all state
agencies have up-to-date demographic information on immigrants.
Community Organizing
New immigrant communities often have not had the time to coalesce and create the kind
of immigrant organizations that could provide social services, educational services,
advocate when rights are abused, and provide opportunities for groups to celebrate their
heritage. Communities whose members are working continuously may not have the time
to create these groups, or they may lack funds. But the creation of immigrant community
organizations and projects is critical to the successful integration of immigrants. Such
groups provide a comfortable environment where immigrants can go for information,
advice and help with legal matters, with family issues, and other topics.
Local and state governments and the philanthropic sector should assist in the
establishment of immigrant-serving organizations. In Illinois, a half dozen organizations
such as the Vietnamese Association and the Cambodian Association have been created in
the last few decades with important assistance from government agencies and
philanthropic organizations. These organizations have been critical in educating
immigrants about their rights and responsibilities, in providing naturalization services,
and in expressing the needs of immigrants to governmental institutions. Similar
organizations need to be established in the nascent immigrant communities developing in
the Midwest.
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 19
Immigrants of the Heartland
STATE PROFILES OF IMMIGRATION
Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights -- page 20
Illinois Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99:
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
384,026
103.5
952,272
39.2%
6.1%
55.0%
0.8%
36.4%
34.6%
Indiana Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
29,053
95.2
94,263
13.0%
7.2%
7.3%
4.6%
43.2%
46.2%
Iowa Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
21,151
109.7
43,316
53.5%
3.3%
22.8%
1.6%
38.2%
73.5%
Kansas Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
28,233
91.4
62,840
58.1%
7.1%
16.0%
3.9%
39.6%
48.3%
Michigan Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
99,735
106.6
355,393
13.3%
6.1%
17.5%
3.9%
47.2%
30.0%
Minnesota Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
55,173
107.2
113,039
42.5%
9.1%
13.8%
5.2%
56.7%
60.1%
Missouri Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
38,351
129.7
83,633
21.7%
6.9%
10.9%
4.8%
42.3%
39.8%
North Dakota Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
*immigration was positive; overall population loss was negative
5,305
181.9
9,388
64.2%
-0.8%
n/a*
-1.3%
50.5%
50.8%
Nebraska Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
15,138
144.3
28,198
58.1%
5.6%
17.3%
2.1%
66.5%
94.9%
Ohio Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
52,922
74.9
259,673
18.2%
3.8%
12.9%
1.6%
38.3%
27.5%
South Dakota Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
4,890
196.6
7,731
47.0%
5.3%
13.2%
4.2%
48.6%
64.6%
Wisconsin Immigration Facts
4/90 - 7/99 Immigrants:
Ratio of 1990s Immigrants to 1980s Immigrants:
1990 Foreign-Born Population:
Percent of Counties Where Immigration is 75%+ of Overall Growth Or
Represents Positive Growth in County with Overall Population Decline:
Change in Total Population 4/90 - 7/99
Immigration as Percent of 4/90 - 7/99 Population Change:
Change in White, Non-Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
Change in Asian Population 4/90- 7/98:
Change in Latino Population 4/90 - 7/98:
24,969
61.0
121,547
5.6
7.3%
7.0%
4.8%
44.9%
42.7%