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Journal of Sport & Tourism
Vol. 11, No. 2, May 2006, pp. 109 – 127
Towards Social Leverage of Sport
Events
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Laurence Chalip
Despite the predominant policy focus on event economic impact, event organisers and host
community residents are calling for attention to be paid to the social value of events.
Anthropological work on events demonstrates that their celebratory nature engenders a
liminoid space that can foster social value, particularly through a sense of communitas. In
order to enable and amplify liminality and communitas, event organisers and host
community planners should foster social interaction and prompt a feeling of celebration by
enabling sociability among event visitors, creating event-related social events, facilitating
informal social opportunities, producing ancillary events, and theming widely. The
resulting narratives, symbols, meanings, and affect can then be leveraged to address social
issues, build networks, and empower community action. These may be furthered when the
arts are used to complement sport, and when commercial elements support social leverage.
Future research should explore and examine the strategic and tactical bases for social leverage.
Keywords: Events; Festival; Social Leverage; Liminality; Communities
Although rapid worldwide growth in the number of sports events has been driven
largely by the economic impact that events are expected to generate (Crompton,
1999; Mules & Faulkner, 1996), a number of researchers have argued for greater attention to the social value that events provide (e.g. Burbank et al., 2001; Fredline &
Faulkner, 2001; Roche, 2000). The argument that the social value of events warrants
concerted attention is bolstered by findings that event organisers (Kim & Uysal,
2003) and residents of host and neighbouring communities (Andersson et al., 2004;
Deccio & Baloglu, 2002; Kim et al., 2006) point to social impacts as a core source
of potential event value (and also a potential source of problems). Yet the social
impacts of events need not be mere happenstance. The nature and quality of event
social impacts depends on the planning that takes place to engender value (Bramwell,
1997; Burbank et al., 2001; Ritchie, 2000). Nevertheless, there is not yet a theoretical
Laurence Chalip is with the Sport Management Program, Bellmont Hall 222; D3700, University of Texas, Austin,
Texas 78712, USA. Email: [email protected]
ISSN 1477-5085 (print)/ISSN 1029-5399 (online) # 2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14775080601155126
110
L. Chalip
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framework for studying the social utility of events. Such a framework would foster
practical research that can inform event planning.
One of the best ways to identify a new direction for research, theory, or practice is to
consider the importance of serendipitous detail or outcomes (Mechanic, 2001;
Skinner, 1972). That is certainly true in the case of events. Events are temporary
and they happen quickly. If one wants to study the Summer Olympic Games, the
FIFA World Cup, or the Commonwealth Games in situ, then one has only a few
weeks every four years to collect data, and the location of those data changes each
time. What one collects depends on the research plan, and it is hard to follow-up.
Small incidents may represent significant phenomena, but the significance may not
be apparent at the time. To illustrate, consider the following stories told by
interviewees during my fieldwork at two different Olympic Games.
This is really fantastic! The crowds . . . the excitement. I’m so glad I came. I thought
I wouldn’t attend any [Olympic] events. I don’t like sport. I was even sorry that the
Olympics were going to be in LA. But there was so much energy . . . people were so
excited. I just had to be part of it. So here I am. It really doesn’t matter what is happening
down there [on the track]. There is just so much energy! People are so happy! It’s just fun!
(A Los Angeles resident attending an athletics event during the Los Angeles Olympic Games)
My [volunteer assignment] finished late. I was still in my [volunteer] uniform, and I had
to change trains at Cabramatta. I wouldn’t have been there if I didn’t have to be. It isn’t
safe. I was alone on the platform and [a teenager] walked up. He looked rough, and
I thought he was going to rob me. He said, ‘I want to thank you for what you are
doing for our country.’ Then he just walked away. (A female Sydney Olympic Volunteer
describing an incident the night before)
I knew the Olympics were going to be important for Australia, but it wasn’t until the torch
came [to my town] that I really understood. It was so moving. I had tears in my eyes. I just
realised how much it really means. (A resident of regional New South Wales explaining
why he bought tickets to Sydney Olympic events)
There are hundreds of stories like these at most mega-events. There is a sense that
something important is happening – a sense that is felt more than understood.
Indeed, what has struck me over the years is how incredibly emotional but inarticulate
respondents are when they try to describe it. They have felt something they have no
words to describe. Certainly, the event itself is not the explanation. If the occasion
is a sporting event, the sport may be the catalyst, vehicle, or rationale for the felt
sense of importance, but is neither the object nor the cause. The sporting outcomes
may matter to some, but there is a sense that something more important – something
that transcends the sport – is going on. It feels as if new energy has been injected into
the communal atmosphere – an energy that can be shared by all. Social rules and
social distinctions seem less important, and are sometimes suspended altogether.
There is a heightened sense of community among those who are present.
This alteration of communal affect has been much studied and documented by
anthropologists who study public performances (Handelman, 1990; Lewis &
Dowsey-Magog, 1993), including sport events (Green & Chalip, 1998; Kemp, 1999;
MacAloon, 1982). If there is an overtly sacred aspect to what is going on, they call
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Journal of Sport & Tourism
111
it ‘liminal’; if the feeling occurs in a secular context, they call it ‘liminoid’. They call the
sense of community that is engendered ‘communitas’. Although hermeneutically
oriented anthropologists would not favour functional analyses of liminality or communitas, their own descriptions suggest that liminality and the associated communitas
foster social capital, and thereby strengthen the social fabric.
This has been demonstrated in a number of contexts, and with reference to several
social outcomes. Liminality can provide a safe place and time to explore otherwise
contentious social concerns. For example, the liminoid character of cricket festivals
in the Caribbean serves as an opportunity for symbolically exploring the political
economy of Caribbean life (Manning, 1981). The same has been demonstrated for carnivals in the Caribbean (Ho, 2000) and festivals in Latin America (Rasnake, 1986;
Mathews-Salazar, 2006). These symbolic explorations of the social order can
provide a context in which event attendees probe, test, and cultivate their identity
with reference to their social context. For example, rodeo events enable American
men to reconsider and transcend the sacrifices of individuality required by conventional modern life (Errington, 1990), and a traditional football festival in England
has become an occasion to reaffirm community by celebrating a sense of local identity
(McCabe, 2006). Similarly, commemorative festivals in locations as diverse as the
Virgin Islands (Cohen, 1998) and Sardinia (Azara & Crouch, 2006) are occasions
during which attendees explore their national identities and differences.
This characteristic of liminality has flow-on consequences for community life and
social relations. Hughes (1999) notes, for example, that the Hogmanay festival in
Edinburgh played a role in the ways that city officials and local residents re-imagined
their community and neighbourhoods, thus having a perceptible impact on the ways
that they conceive, design, and use their social and physical environment. The same
has been shown for Carnaval in Bolivia (Goldstein, 1997). In fact, it has been argued
that the liminality that events enable becomes an ongoing source of social imagination
and innovation because it is a basis for comparison with everyday life (Lewis, 1999).
Despite a lengthy history of work demonstrating the liminoid character of (some)
events, and the significant impacts that liminality can have, the creation or uses of
liminality are nowhere explored in the event management and marketing literatures
(cf. Getz, 1997; Van Der Wagen, 2002; Westerbeek et al., 2005). Rather, the outcomes
of liminality have been relegated to the realm of interesting anecdotes, like the ones
that began this paper. They are left to anthropological reports and journalists’
human interest stories, or they become the examples that those of us who study
and promote events tell each other over beers to convince ourselves that there is
more going on than bread and circuses.
But is there? Increasingly, sport event production is about spectacle rather than festival (Alomes, 2000; Archetti, 1999; Buschmann, 1996), crowd management rather
than crowd relations (Abbott & Geddie, 2001), and economic impact rather than
social value (Dwyer et al., 2000; Kim & Uysal, 2003). This should come as no surprise
insomuch as risks must be managed (Berlonghi, 1990), spectacle has media value that
festival cannot match (MacAloon, 1989), and public event provision must be justified
in politically expeditious terms (Emery, 2002; Larson & Wikstrom, 2001).
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112
L. Chalip
Yet maybe all this pragmatic wisdom is not so wise. Most events are not profitable,
so they must be justified by their aggregate economic impact, which is claimed to
offset any deficit in event earnings, thereby justifying public subsidy of events
(Mules & Faulkner, 1996). Yet, the fact is that even when events do render positive
economic impacts, they are nevertheless income transfers from those who do not
gain to those who do. This is the case whether the event is publicly subsidised or
not. It is true when the event is publicly subsidised because the subsidy is supported
by taxes that are paid by those who do not benefit as well as by those who do (Mules,
1998), with the result that tax revenues from businesses and individuals who do not
gain from the event become a benefit to those who do gain from the event. An
income transfer is also observed when the event is not subsidised because events
can redirect business from particular neighbourhoods, regions, or merchants to
other neighbourhoods, regions, or merchants (Putsis, 1998), causing some areas
and businesses to gain business at the expense of others.
But events offer more than mere economic value. Indeed, the energy, excitement,
and communitas associated with event liminality are among those things that make
it attractive to host (and to attend) events. More often than not, the economic rationales for hosting are mere legitimising rhetoric (Sack & Johnson, 1996; Whitson &
Macintosh, 1996) – sometimes for the agendas of political elites, but also because
the liminoid nature of many events, particularly mega sport events, makes them
fun. That is a key reason they are popular. So, if the economic rationale for hosting
may not withstand scrutiny, yet events are to be hosted because of the liminality
they enable, then the emergent question is: how do we enable, optimise, and then
use liminality to best effect?
Social Impact versus Social Leverage
The majority of work to date has focused on the economic (e.g. Crompton, 1999;
Daniels & Norman, 2003; Dwyer et al., 2000) and social (e.g. Fredline & Faulkner,
2001; Kim et al., 2006) impact of events. Although this provides useful post hoc information about an event’s outcomes, it does not tell us much about why those outcomes
occurred. Consequently, impact studies are inadequate for event planning and
management (Bramwell, 1997), even if the event is to be hosted again in the future.
The study of event leverage (Chalip, 2004) seeks to refocus event evaluation in a
manner that is particularly useful for subsequent event bidding, planning, and production. The purpose of studying event leverage is to identify and explore event
implementations that can optimise desired event outcomes. This represents a paradigm shift. Table 1 summarises the differences between an impact focus and a leveraging focus when studying events.
As examination of Table 1 shows, the study of leverage has a strategic and tactical
focus. The objective is to identify the strategies and tactics that can be implemented
prior to and during an event in order to generate particular outcomes. Thus, the outcomes themselves are not important in-and-of themselves (as in impact research), but
are instead pertinent to the degree that they provide information about which
Journal of Sport & Tourism
Table 1
Event Impact versus Event Leverage
Impact
Outcomes
Event treated in isolation
Event evaluation
ex post focus
Descriptive
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113
Leverage
Strategies (and tactics)
Event analysed with reference to
destination product and service mix
Organisational learning
ex ante focus
Analytic
particular strategies and tactics have been effective. Since leverage requires that the
host destination’s assets (tourism assets, media assets, complementary events, etc)
be brought to bear, the event is studied with reference to the efficacy with which the
host destination’s product and service mix was employed to enhance the event’s
impacts. The ultimate objective is not merely to evaluate what was done, but rather
to learn in order to improve future leveraging efforts.
Beyond the observation that events can be liminoid, there has been little work
exploring the means to enable liminality at events. Further, the means to leverage
liminality to render lasting social value have not been explored. In the analysis that
follows, the creation of social value via events is described. The uses of the resulting
social outcomes are then considered. Finally, potential challenges for effective strategic
application are discussed.
Creating Liminality
The literature suggests two key elements for the creation of liminality at events
(Green & Chalip, 1998; Handelman, 1990; Kemp, 1999; Lewis & Dowsey-Magog,
1993). The first is a sense of celebration. The event is an occasion for rejoicing.
The second is a sense of social camaraderie. Our celebrations are to be jointly appreciated, and possibly even shared together. Although the presence of strangers adds to the
sense of sharing, much of the celebration may be shared with those with whom we are
already acquainted (Green & Chalip, 1998; Jankowiak & White, 1999; Kemp, 1999).
That does not mitigate either liminality or communitas. At least five strategies might
be used to foster celebration and camaraderie: enabling sociability, creating eventrelated social events, facilitating informal social opportunities, producing ancillary
events, and theming. These are shown in Figure 1, and are discussed below. Although
the presentation highlights examples of effective application of each strategy, the
examples are intended merely as illustrations. There is still a great deal to be learned.
Enabling Sociability
The sine qua non of camaraderie is that there are ample opportunities for people to
share time, space, and activities with one another. This can be enabled in and
around the venue. It can also be enabled beyond the event site.
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114
L. Chalip
Figure 1
Objectives and means for generating and cultivating liminality (and communitas)
Venue-based Sociability
Melnick (1993) was the first to point out that event organizers can foster sociability.
Sociability outside the venue is enabled when attendees are encouraged to arrive
early or to stay late in order to picnic or tailgate (i.e. share food, drink, and camaraderie in the parking area before the event). Event organisers can prompt and facilitate
sociability outside the venue by the policies they choose and the facilities they provide.
Litter bins, portable toilets, picnic benches, food and drink vendors, and rules that
permit early arrival and late departure in parking and surrounding open spaces can
prompt and facilitate socialisation around the event venue.
Socialisation around the venue may include persons who do not attend the event.
At some events, there may be significant festivity outside the venue, particularly if the
security systems allow it and the physical space supports it. During the Los Angeles
Olympics, there were large crowds outside the stadium who were picnicking and
enjoying a back-stage view of the Closing Ceremonies. At the Sydney Olympics
many who did not have tickets to any event came to Darling Harbour and Homebush
Bay (the primary locations for Games events) to mix with the crowds, have a snack,
and enjoy the ongoing celebration.
Inside the venue, socialisation is enhanced by facility designs that include seats that
can turn or that otherwise allow room for people to turn and speak to one another.
Journal of Sport & Tourism
115
Tables for people to sit, eat, and talk also help to foster social interaction around food
vendors. If sight lines or televisions enable the event to be viewed from food service
areas, then the uses of those areas for interaction will be increased.
At some events, locations are created specifically to encourage attendees to socialise.
For example, at the Asia-Pacific Masters Championships on the Gold Coast (of
Australia), a large tent has been provided near the Broadwater, where event participants can wander and encounter one another. The venue included food, drink, and
souvenir vendors. There is plenty of free space, including tables and chairs where
people can sit and talk. It has been a popular location for many event participants
and their supporters to meet, share food or drink, and talk.
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Sociability Beyond the Venue
The many social gathering points at the host destination are potential sites for people
to gather and socialise. The use of such sites can be encouraged. For example, during
the Asia-Pacific Masters Championships, several Gold Coast businesses (most
notably, the Southport RSL) provided incentives (usually discount coupons) for
attendees to visit. They welcomed visitors with event-related decorations and
special promotions. As a result, these venues became places that event attendees
would frequent to share food, drink, and dances with one another.
Event-related Social Events
It is not uncommon for events to create social ‘mixers’ for participants or attendees.
For example, the night before competition began at the first Asia-Pacific Masters
Championships, all competitors were given free admission to SeaWorld. Participants
were encouraged to attend, to see the shows, and to enjoy the rides. This was more
than a promotion for SeaWorld as an event sponsor; it was a means to enable event
participants to meet and to socialise.
It is now common for events to include social activities in the lead-up to the event
itself. For example, in the week leading up to the Preakness (the final event in horseracing’s Triple Crown) a number of activities were organised, including running
events, sailing events, ballooning events, parades, concerts, and pub crawls. Although
the initial intent was to lengthen the period of the Preakness in order to increase its
total economic impact, these events also enhance the celebratory atmosphere
leading up to the Preakness, and the consequent degree of social interaction that is
obtained.
Informal Social Opportunities
The opportunity for social engagement is not restricted to existing venues or formal
events of the kinds so far described. The mere creation of a celebratory space can be
sufficient to foster social interaction. For example, during the Sydney Olympics, Paramatta did not host any Olympic events. It was, however, a popular destination for
116
L. Chalip
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Sydneysiders and Olympic visitors during the Games. The attraction was the
ongoing street festivals themed to the Olympics – including food, pin trading, and
special entertainments. The ongoing festival provided substantial opportunity for
socialisation – a feature that made Paramatta an attractive location during the
Olympics despite the fact that it hosted no Olympic events.
Similarly, during the Olympics, Sydneysiders and Olympic visitors did not need
tickets to enjoy the Games. The LiveSites provided ongoing entertainment, telecasts
of the Games on large screen televisions, and opportunities to picnic. They were
conveniently located in Sydney, and were popular places to meet others. These were
so successful that they were provided throughout the Australian state of Victoria
during the 2006 Commonwealth Games, and were also offered under the name
‘FanFests’ during the 2006 FIFA World Cup in Germany.
Ancillary Events
Garcia (2001) has argued that arts events can be useful complements to sport events
because they can increase a sport event’s psychographic reach by adding to the array of
entertainment that is provided. This is an attractive idea not merely because it suggests
that sport and the arts are more complementary than normally perceived, but also
because the arts would seem to provide useful means to enhance the celebratory
atmosphere around an event. However, as Garcia notes, when the two have been
deliberately combined, as in the Olympic Arts Festival, the combination has not
been salutary.
Garcia attributes the feeble combination of sport and arts to failures of imagination,
organisation, and resources. Using the Sydney Olympic Games as her example, she
describes the organisers’ failure to envision a close link between the arts events and
sport events – either by theme or location. She notes that those responsible for organising the arts festival were not in close communication with those organising the
sports. Finally, she shows that the resources that were dedicated to the arts events
were insufficient to enable the kinds of public attention that would allow them to
complement the sport.
Garcia’s analysis is a telling one because it suggests that it is insufficient merely to
offer sport event patrons opportunities to enjoy music, theatre, dance, sculpture,
photography, or painting. She demonstrates that there must be a fit – both
conceptually and organisationally – between the arts that are offered and the sport
that is being contested. Music should be chosen to appeal to event attendees (as it
did at Sydney’s LiveSites); theatre and dance should reference sport, the event, or
issues that are salient through the event; visual arts should have some relevant tie to
the event. Further, these should be envisioned and then promoted by event organisers.
The problem is that it is not always clear when there is or is not a meaningful match
between sport events and accompanying arts events. It is reasonable to argue that the
arts should appeal to the same psychographic profile to which the sport appeals. It
could be argued that the arts could appeal to accompanying markets (e.g. family or
friends) who are not interested in the sport. It may seem reasonable for the art to
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Journal of Sport & Tourism
117
reference sport in some way. Each of these might be a basis for match-up. Whether
each is such a basis, and how it should be applied to render its intended effect, are
matters requiring further research. However, the anthropological study of events
and liminality suggests a more subtle basis for match-up. Recall that those studies typically find that the sport’s significance is furthered by the symbolic meanings it obtains
for those who watch (Errington, 1990; Manning, 1981) or who participate (Green &
Chalip, 1998; Kemp, 1999). Sport marketers have been slow to capitalise upon this
deeper symbolic aspect of sport. Yet, it is clearly a characteristic of sport that, when
present, strengthens and deepens the liminality that a sport event can engender.
The recent applications of ethnographic techniques elsewhere in market research
demonstrate the utility of identifying the meanings that products have for those
who purchase them (Arnould & Wallendorf, 1994; Elliot & Jankel-Elliot, 2003).
Those same techniques could be applied to explore the symbolisms of sport events
across market segments, and to use those symbolisms to inform the choices of arts
and arts events to complement the sport.
Garcia’s (2001) vision represents a profound challenge to event organisers and host
destination marketers. The challenge is to find appropriate complementarities
between sport and the arts. If appropriately used, the arts could enhance the liminoid
character of sport events, and, in so doing, would add a new level of sophistication to
event theming.
Theming
Religious institutions and religious rituals have long known the value of symbols,
decorations, and artefacts that instantiate those institutions’ and rituals’ underlying
themes and values. The same principles are appropriate for events, as they provide
the visual cues that there is a celebration taking place (Chalip, 1992). The use of
event symbols, colours, and decorations provides a visual statement that something
special is happening.
Theming is more than mere decorations. At its best, it tells stories and conveys a
sense of rejoicing. Consider, for example, the theming during one of the Gold Coast
IndyCar events (Chalip & Leyns, 2002). A precinct that neighboured the racing
circuit wanted to convey the sense that it was part of the ongoing celebration of the
IndyCar event, so it was themed to the event. There were banners proclaiming the
location as a place to celebrate the event, a bridge across the main street that was decorated in event colours, a float on which there was entertainment, and dancing girls
whose attire was themed to the event. Local restaurants put up event posters and
were decorated in black and white (to go with the chequered flag used in auto
racing). Televisions were placed in local businesses and tuned to the event. There
was a sense of ongoing celebration throughout the locale.
Theming does not mean sameness or repetitive motifs. Liminality is polysemic;
multiple interpretations and multiple meanings should be enabled. The techniques
for so doing have been described elsewhere (Chalip, 1992). To foster a sense of
meaning, symbolic elements (e.g. logos, flags, banners, displays) can be layered
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118
L. Chalip
throughout event spaces as well as the places event attendees congregate. Embedded
genres (e.g. rituals, ceremonies, festivities, performances, game, sport) add fascination
and reinforce the liminoid character of the event. Event publicity and announcing will
capture the widest interest and build meanings by creating as wide an array of narratives as possible. Narratives that portray fundamental existential issues that are significant to the audience (e.g. nature versus nurture, changing conditions, the negotiation
of multiple identities) are particularly useful. For example, Fijians who followed their
team during the 1984 Olympic Games were engaged by the ways the team’s performances were treated by the Fijian press as metaphors for their country’s emergence from
its colonial past (Chalip, 1987). Similarly, the presence of Puerto Rico (an American
protectorate) as a sovereign team in international sporting competitions occasions
narratives about the distinctive but dual national identity of Puerto Ricans
(MacAloon, 1984).
Thus, theming plays two complementary roles. It should signal and enhance the
celebratory atmosphere that surrounds the event. It should also foster and reinforce
the felt sense of meaningfulness that those who attend the event obtain. Ethnographic
market research (Arnould & Wallendorf, 1994; Elliot & Jankel-Elliot, 2003) could be a
useful tool for identification of symbols and narratives to best foster the desired celebrations and sense of meaning.
Using Liminality
The techniques for fostering celebration and socialisation are closely related to those
used to leverage events economically (cf. Chalip, 2004). Sociability is thought to attract
attendees, and to encourage their spending. Event-related events, informal social
opportunities, and ancillary events are typically used to increase economic impact
by lengthening or intensifying event spending. Theming is widely used to encourage
consumption (Gottdiener, 2001), and it has been argued that theming has become
an essential tool for attracting and retaining customers (Pine & Gilmore, 1999).
It might therefore seem that the techniques for social leverage are mere
commercialisation – tricks to get event attendees to spend their money. That is, in
fact, a risk. During the torch relay in the lead-up to the Sydney Olympics, the relay
sponsor (AMP) was so concerned about the value it would obtain from each place
the torch visited, that it produced a guide for each town to use when planning for its
part in the relay. In many instances, communities had planned extensive celebrations
that had to be curtailed or run separately because the commercial objectives of the
sponsor did not recognise any value in the locally planned celebrations. This was not
a new phenomenon. It had occurred as a consequence of Coca-Cola’s sponsorship of
the relay in the lead-up to the Atlanta Olympics, causing one winner of the Olympic
Order to opine, ‘The next great task for sport managers will be to learn to manage
the sport marketers’ (MacAloon, 1998). The issue recurred during the relay leading
into the Torino Olympics, with the result that some protesters sought to block the
relay, and some Italian city councils asked their citizens not to buy Coca-Cola products.
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Journal of Sport & Tourism
119
This example highlights the negative effect when commercial interests curtail or
seek to control celebration. It has been shown elsewhere that when commercial
objectives override event attendees’ own celebratory preferences, attendance and
support are eventually reduced (Giulianotti, 2005; Rubenstein, 1990). The irony is
that the commercial objectives would have been better served by paying closer
attention to celebration and camaraderie. There has been a great deal of work that
decries the commercialisation of sport and leisure (e.g. Budd, 2001; Lippke, 1974;
Walsh & Giulianotti, 2001). Yet not all commercial activities are necessarily antithetical
to celebration or camaraderie. Opportunities to buy food or souvenirs, enjoy ancillary
entertainments, or try a new product are all commercial, but they can also contribute
in a positive way to the celebrations and socialising that event attendees do, as the
many examples cited so far illustrate. Indeed, commercial interests and marketing
techniques can enhance event liminality, particularly if they foster a sense of tradition
(cf. Cameron, 1987).
This is nicely illustrated by the pre-Games basketball tournament organised in the
Australian city of Wollongong for the week immediately prior to the start of the
Sydney Olympics. Men’s and women’s teams from eight countries – Australia,
Brazil, Canada, France, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Yugoslavia – competed
over three days. The event was enabled, in part, by investments from 13 sponsors.
Local organisers discovered that there were active ethnic clubs made up of immigrants
and the children of immigrants from each of the five European countries in the tournament. They worked with those ethnic clubs to organise supporting activities and
half-time entertainment featuring traditional ethnic performances. During an interview, the head of the local organising committee said:
Until we started organising the tournament, we didn’t know those ethnic groups existed.
We didn’t even realise we had so many people from those countries in the Illawarra [the
region for which Wollongong is the largest city]. I don’t think the groups even knew about
each other. When we got them involved [in the tournament], they got to know each other,
and [through their performances] we all learned a lot. It’s been a really good thing. If we
hadn’t had the sponsors, we wouldn’t have had the teams; and if we didn’t have the teams,
we wouldn’t have had all that good feeling. I think this sets a great tone for the future.
From the standpoint of social leverage, then, the issue is not the mere presence of
commercial interests; it is the ways that commercial interests become represented
through event operations and theming. To decry commercialisation risks throwing
the baby out with the bathwater. Indeed, in this era of event sponsorships and spending, it is easy to imagine that any event element will be viewed as an opportunity by
one or more enterprising entrepreneurs. The measure is not the fact of commercial
presence or gain at an event; the measure is the end that is being served. Given the
nature of modern event marketing, it is encouraging that those things that foster
liminality and communitas can also add value to events. So, for the event organiser
and the host community, the standard for evaluating commercial activities during
an event is the degree to which those activities nurture or inhibit liminality.
Nevertheless, the question remains: is there any lasting social value to be retained
from the social leverage of events? In other words, beyond the fact that the liminoid
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character of events makes us feel good, does it generate social capital? And if so, how
can we use it?
Capitalising on Communitas and Event Liminality
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Although we know a great deal about social capital (Portes, 1998) and community
(Shinn & Toohey, 2003), we have yet to explore the means by which to capitalise on
celebration and camaraderie in order to build social capital and enhance community.
There are, however, some useful hints in the literature. Liminality enables discourse,
and it can bring together groups that might otherwise not come together. These outcomes enable formation of new networks, and can have both cognitive and affective
impacts.
Liminality
The anthropological work on events has paid a great deal of attention to the ways
that event liminality enables metaphoric discourse – conversations that are
seemingly about the event, but that also explore social, political, and existential
concerns (e.g. Cohen, 1998; Errington, 1990; Lewis, 1999; Manning, 1981). Liminality
seems to create a safe space for otherwise sensitive matters to be symbolised,
considered, and debated. This effect was well demonstrated by Cathy Freeman’s
participation and eventual victory in the 400 meters at the Sydney Olympics. Her
participation became symbolic of the effort that Australians are making to seek
reconciliation between Aboriginal and White Australia. The symbolism was used
and furthered by the Sydney organisers’ decision to have her light the flame
during the Opening Ceremonies. Her subsequent victory enabled extensive public
discourse about the past and future of relations between Aboriginal Australia and
White Australia. Describing the effect three years later, Kathy Marks (2003, p. 20)
wrote:
Freeman was, and is, much more than an exceptionally gifted runner. She was a national
hero and a symbol of the black-white reconciliation to which so many Australians aspired.
When Freeman lit the Olympic flame in Sydney, it was an iconic moment of national
unity.
The public discourse around Freeman was furthered by the narratives that could be
created – not merely about her victories, but about her. She was the first Aboriginal
athlete to represent Australia at an Olympic Games (in 1992); during victory laps, she
would drape herself in both Aboriginal and Australian flags; she publicly criticised the
Australian Football League (in 1994) for advertising that showcased African-American
athletes rather than Aboriginal footballers; she publicly rebuked the government (in
2000) for its position on ‘the stolen generation’ – Aboriginal children who had
been taken from their families – and recalled that her own grandmother had been
among those the government had forcibly abducted. The liminality of the Olympic
setting enabled ongoing narratives that were comparatively safe and acceptable grist
for public discourse about an otherwise sensitive subject.
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Although discourse about Cathy Freeman was ongoing, it never became a strategic
tool to cultivate national reconciliation. Its effects were incidental, not leveraged.
However, the discourse was leverageable. The potential is illustrated by Nelson
Mandela’s strategic use of the Rugby World Cup when it was hosted in South Africa
in 1995 (Steenveld & Strelitz, 1998). The Rugby World Cup came to South Africa as
it was endeavouring to create national unity in the aftermath of its apartheid
history. Rugby had historically been associated with (White) Afrikaaner South
Africa, and the team’s springbok mascot had been widely viewed as a symbol of
White South Africa. Mandela’s government recognised that the liminoid character
of the event could be used to alter public perceptions of relations between White
and Black South Africa. As the event approached, the government promoted the
event’s ‘One Team, One Nation’ theme. Then, in an act designed to drive home the
new narrative, Mandela appeared at the event wearing a replica of the (White)
South African team captain’s uniform. The effect was palpable, fostering extensive
discourse about a new national unity.
These examples are telling because they so clearly illustrate the potential utility of
the narratives that events enable. They are clear because the situations are so striking.
However, comparable (albeit less striking) narrative outcomes have been widely
demonstrated for other events (e.g. Cohen, 1998; Errington, 1990; Lewis, 1999;
Manning, 1981). Yet, symbols, metaphors, and meaning have been less emphasised
in the literature on event management and marketing than have traditional public
relations tools having to do with mere reporting. If we seek social leverage from
sport events, then we need to become more expert at the creation and use of metaphors, meanings, and the symbols from which they are constructed (cf. Chalip, 1992).
The uses of liminality are not limited to narratives that are enabled. The liminal
character of sport events can bring together groups that might otherwise never
confer. It can therefore serve as a basis for creating relationships where none might
otherwise be possible. The effect was famously demonstrated when President Richard
Nixon used table tennis competitions to open the door for a relationship between
the Peoples’ Republic of China and the United States at the beginning of the 1970s
(Hong & Sun, 2000). Similarly, distance running events have been used in Sri Lanka
to initiate dialogue between warring Sinhalese and Tamil groups (Schulenkorf, 2005).
As with any strategic activity, leverage is not ethically neutral. Public discourse
about social, political, or existential issues could become a substitute for social leverage, rather than a stimulus for it. Australians struggle with their country’s heritage of
ethnic division (Attwood, 2005; Cook & Powell, 2003), but narratives about Cathy
Freeman were never treated as a resource to aid resolution of that struggle. Yet, in
other instances, event narratives have been used to enable social action that might
not otherwise have been possible (e.g. Goldstein, 1997; Hughes, 1999; Steenveld &
Strelitz, 1998). Indeed, events are not interventions in-and-of themselves; what
matters is whether they are used strategically, and how well the strategies are designed
and implemented. China and the United States formed a relationship because there
were well-orchestrated strategies to capitalise on the good feeling that table tennis
competitions engendered (Hong & Sun, 2000). What matters is not that there was
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an event, nor that a liminoid space was created; what matters is how the liminality is
used.
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Communitas
When event liminality engenders communitas, additional social capital is enabled as
new social relationships are forged or existing relationships are strengthened.
Although social networks are widely regarded as a pivotal component of social
capital (Portes, 1998), we know very little about how relationships are forged or
strengthened via events. We do know, however, that social networks play a significant
role in health (Poortinga, 2006), community development (Bull & Jones, 2006), and
entrepreneurial success (Jenssen & Koenig, 2002). The unique feature of event communitas is that it enables relationships to form across age, gender, and social class
categories that are not normally bridged outside the liminoid space of events
(Handelman, 1990). This would be particularly advantageous for entrepreneurs, as
it would bolster creation of the kinds of multifaceted social networks that enhance
the likelihood of entrepreneurial success (Anderson & Miller, 2003).
The vital role that networks play in business is well understood (Harrington, 2001).
Australian economic planners therefore put an array of strategies into place to help
Australian business-people capitalise on the Sydney Olympics by creating relationships
with business leaders from around the world. The effort was modestly successful in
building relationships that could subsequently be used to generate new opportunities
for trade (O’Brien, 2005).
This example from the Sydney Olympics represents the more common policy focus
on economic gain, rather than other social outcomes. Networking among business
people had an expected economic payoff. Other potential benefits from enhancement
of social networks, such as health or community development, did not motivate any
effort to leverage. Yet, it would seem that tactics similar to those used to create and
later leverage relations among business people could be adapted to enhance and leverage social networks more widely.
Derivative Social Leverage
What makes liminality and communitas attractive is that they are fun. There is a ‘feel
good’ outcome. That positive feeling is itself a leverageable resource, as it can sustain
agendas for social and community action (cf. Goldstein, 1997; Hughes, 1999). Much of
what was done to leverage the Rugby World Cup in South Africa represents an effective
effort to capture and use the positive affect that an event can engender (cf. Steenveld &
Strelitz, 1998). However, positive effects resulting from events have more commonly
been used to shore up the status of political elites, rather than to create or sustain
meaningful community development (cf. Sack & Johnson, 1996; Whitson &
Macintosh, 1996). Consequently, the tactics and techniques to socially leverage the
‘feel good’ character of events have been better developed as political tools, rather
than as tools to empower social action. More work is needed to explore the ways
Journal of Sport & Tourism
123
that post-event euphoria can be used to foster social initiatives and community
development.
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The Future
A number of directions for future work on the theory and practice of event social
leverage have been noted so far. We need to learn more about the means to foster celebration and camaraderie at events. This includes finding better ways to design spaces
so that they foster sociability, and more effective ways to build social activities into our
events. We need to become more adept at theming, particularly beyond event spaces.
This includes finding and using complementarities between arts and sports. Most
importantly, we need to identify means to capitalise upon and then use the social
effects that our events enable.
The most vital insight here is that events are more than mere entertainments;
they are social occasions with potential social value. Nevertheless, the dominant
trend has been to focus on the event as an entertainment, with attendant concerns
for event security and spectator safety (cf. Getz, 1997; Van Der Wagen, 2002;
Westerbeek et al., 2005). Although social activities that surround an event can add
value, they are not part of the event entertainment per se. From the event organizer’s
point of view, they are an uncontrolled form of activity that may seem antithetical to
risk management (cf. Abbott & Geddie, 2001; Berlonghi, 1990). If events are mere
entertainments, and audiences are crowds that need to be managed and controlled,
then social leverage is not possible. The simple response is that events must be seen
as more than mere entertainments, and event crowds must be recognised as social
resources. This realisation points to new and potentially more effective means for
crowd management, as liminality and communitas can reduce some risks.
Veno and Veno (1992) describe this effect in the case of the Australian Motorcycle
Grand Prix. Increasing efforts at crowd control using standard security techniques
were counterproductive as they fostered social tension and rebellious misbehaviour.
The problem became so severe that the event nearly died. New approaches to crowd
management were tried using techniques designed to enhance the range and quality
of celebrations, and to foster communitas among event attendees. Techniques
included opportunities for attendees to parade, share, and celebrate their identities
as bikers. These included a motorcycle rally for spectators, locations and support
for parties among event attendees, and implementation of systems via which motorcycle groups could self-police. Although the techniques were (and still are) a radical
departure from standard risk management methods, they created the social atmosphere that organisers sought. Pundits who had predicted disaster were proved
wrong as social disorder at the event was immediately reversed, and the event was
finally able to grow and flourish. If the lessons that Veno and Veno describe are
generalisable, then social leverage may also point to new means for crowd management
and event enhancement.
The challenges of commercialisation also need to be addressed. There is obvious
commercial value in social leverage, but there may not be social value in the
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L. Chalip
commercial activities that so often clutter our events. This suggests a new direction for
event marketing and event sponsorship. The challenge is to differentiate commercial
activity that supports social leverage from commercial activity that undermines it.
If social leverage and commercial activity can be made symbiotic, event marketing
and the host community will jointly benefit.
The means to capitalise on the narratives, networks, and positive feelings that
events engender also warrant further study. Liminality and communitas are the grist
of social leverage; they are not social leverage in-and-of themselves. The model presented in Figure 1 describes the means to generate that grist; using it requires strategic
planning. Although the potentials for event leverage are clear from the examples
above, a more complete set of strategies and tactics for leverage remain to be identified
and elaborated. Nevertheless, the examples we have so far suggest that there is some
potential for synergy between economic and social leverage. The bases and means
for that synergy also warrant examination.
Liminality and communitas make events fun. We sometimes forget that fun can
have social value. The good news is that by cultivating celebration and camaraderie
at our events, we can enrich the social lives of our communities.
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