Abstracts of the workshop: Baluchi Identity and Culture
Organizer: Behnaz Mirzai
The African Diaspora as Critical Epistemological Intervention
Michael A. Gomez
This presentation concerns the logic of the African diaspora; that is, the conceptual
framework, or set of frameworks, within which the notion of an African diaspora is often
articulated. Such an exercise (or arguably, apologetic) is both useful and necessary given
that there are a number of approaches to the global experience of Africans and/or their
descendants that reject critical aspects of the diasporic model, calling into question the
role of Africa, or the existence of any meaningful connections between communities of
African-descended persons. In such a context and debate, this presentation seeks to make
an argument for the African diaspora as a viable intellectual construct as well as lived
reality, calling upon the methods of historical inquiry to make the case.
The Baluchi of East Africa – dynamics of assimilation and integration
Abdulaziz Y. Lodhi
Baluchi (in Swahili Mbulushi, pl. Wabulushi) diasporic presence in the Gulf region and
the Middle East in general is well-documented, but little is known about Baluchi
settlement in Eastern Africa. The Wabulushi are a heterogeneous Baluchi-cum-Swahilispeaking Sunni Muslim community who have originally emigrated from coastal Iran and
settled in Kenya and Tanzania since 1821. They came as mercenaries in the Omani forces
in Zanzibar, and after 1890 they joined the German and British colonial forces in East
Africa. Since the 1960s when the East African countries became independent, the
Wabulushi are engaged in trade, mechanised agriculture, transport and the skilled
professions. New waves of Baluchi have arrived in East Africa at irregular intervals
because of various reasons, and the latest immigration wave was in 1979 after the Islamic
Revolution in Iran.
The present study focuses on the dynamics of assimilation and integration among the
Baluchi descendants of Kenya and Tanzania and the factors that positively influence
cultural and political integration of this immigrant group in a changing world where
ethnicity is otherwise negatively essentialized and minorities are more firmly defined
and/or marginalised.
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Baluchis and Baluchistan in the context of human trafficking network in the early
20th century
Hideaki Suzuki
This paper is a part of the project exploring the slave narratives collected by the British
authority in the early twentieth century Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman. Slave trade in
this region in the twentieth century had been largely ignored until recently. This project
will provide useful background for the studies of human trafficking in these regions
where government statistics or other reliable data sources on those bonded people were
not available since it analyses more than 1600 slave narratives and extract corrective
experience, such as transaction, sex ratio, place of origin, age etc., from these narratives.
Thus, firstly this paper addresses the features of these narratives and also methodological
approach to these narratives which is called quantitative approach. Then, it focuses on
cases of Baluchis and those related to Baluchistan with showing several results of
analysis. Through this process, this paper will locate the experience of Baluchis and also
the importance of Baluchistan on this regional network of human trafficking .
Baluchi and African ethnic groups in Iranian Baluchistan
Iraj Afshar
Iranian Baluchistan is located in the southern province of Sistan and Baluchistan. It is
part of the great Baluchistan, which was divided among Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan
in 1871.
According to historical and archaeological findings, prior to the arrival of Arians various
ethnic groups such as blacks, Dravids, Uritads, Sumers, Nordics and Kolis or gypsies
were living in Baluchistan. In the present day, various tribal groups such as Baluch,
Blacks, Barhoois, Dehvaris, Bulaidis, Kurds, Afghans, Sistanis, Ustas, Mukranis live in
Iranian Baluchistan.
Baluchistan is located at the intersection of trade routes from Africa to South Asia, so
many Africans from Zanzibar, Ethiopia, Somalia were brought to Makran by traders and
sold to khans and the heads of tribes. They were used as soldiers, sailors, labourers,
servants, fishermen, porters, and female slaves were employed as servants and
concubines. Gradually the number of slaves increased which led to the creation of distinct
African ethnic and sub-ethnic groups in Baluchistan.
This research, which focuses on black tribes in Baluchistan, is based on analytical
methodologies, documents and fieldworks.
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From Muscat to Sarhadd: Variations of a healing ritual
Vahe S. Boyajian
The presentation focuses on the gwātī healing ritual practiced in the region of Sarhadd in
Iranian Baluchistan. Though the gwātī ritual is widespread all over Baluchistan, its local
varieties are quite interesting from the anthropological perspective.
The aim of the presentation is not the mere description of the ritual but rather is an
attempt to understand the changes it has undergone, and the social imperatives that
caused its adaptation to the Sarhaddi realities. According to local narratives originating
from Oman (Muscat), the gwātī ritual has entered the Makkuran (Makran) region of
Baluchistan with the migration waves from Persian Gulf and has been considered within
the domain of pagan practices, later, of course, rooted among the population of
Baluchistan professing Islam: "It has been inevitable, as gwāt (Balochi "wind") knows no
limits and boundaries".
Gwātī in Sarhadd is a relatively new phenomenon, and it is practiced "in harmony with
the Islamic traditions and faith". Meanwhile it is a constant source of income for the
healers, although there is only one well-known sheykh, who has inherited the healing
abilities and possesses a shajara that goes back to one of the most prominent Sufis, the
founder of the Qadiriyya order, Abd al-Qadir Gilani.
Ethnicity and Healing Rituals in Gwadar, Balochistan
Farhat Sultana
The focus of this discussion is healing rituals and identity among various ethnic groups in
Gwadar, an urban center on the Makran Coast of Balochistan. The word Gwadar is
comprised of two Balochi words: gwad and dar meaning "air" and "door" respectively.
This paper explores the various healing rituals practiced primarily, but not exclusively, by
the poorest of these ethnic categories in Gwadar (the Maids, Darzadegs, and Sheedis).
The main participants and beneficiaries of these healing rituals are women. Some
example of these rituals are: (1) gwati-lab or “wind-play” which is led by a gwati-mat
(“mother of the gwat,” who is usually a female healer); (2) halqa (sufi circle) led by
khalifa (male leader); and (3) hal led by a mullah (a shaman or a gwati-mat).
With recent socio-economic changes in Gwadar, and the influx of outsiders these rituals
are still well attended but are not being taken so seriously. They are being affected also
by the dying out of the older generation of healers, particularly the gwati-mats. As a
result, the rituals of today are undergoing transformation and consequently lack their
former depth and spirituality. They are becoming more symbolic of Baloch ethnic back
ground and religious affiliations.
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The Creation of Persian Baluchistan
Lawrence Potter
The process of drawing the frontier between Iran, India and Afghanistan in the late 19th
century was part of a long-term effort to settle Iran’s borders. Although Iranian
governments had long asserted their sovereignty in the east, the eastern borderlands were
the last major boundary to be delineated. The Baluch, who constituted the majority of
inhabitants living there, now found themselves divided politically into three states.
Starting in the 1850s, Nasir al-Din Shah had expressed an interest in asserting Iranian
claims in the east, and directed state officials to write reports (safarnamehs) on this littleknown province. The process of territorial definition was accelerated after the intrusion
into the region of the British, who built a telegraph line as far as Gwadar in 1863 and
planned to continue westward into territory claimed by Persia. In 1870 the Persian
government agreed to participate in an international boundary commission, which
determined a border the following year. In 1872, Persia retook Chabahar from Oman,
thus consolidating Persian control over the (Baluch majority) littoral from Jask to
Gwatar.
Baloch identity in regional context
Brian Spooner
We know the Baloch and the Pashtuns as neighboring but distinctively separate cultural
communities. Despite similarities in dress and codes of honor, they speak mutually
unintelligible Iranian languages and have very different social and political organization.
Yet we
know that the boundary between them is easily crossed: Pashtuns have become Baloch in
the north east (Barth 1964), and in the 19th century a branch of Barakzai Pashtuns
became fully assimilated Baloch leaders in the West (Spooner 1988). Analysis of these
and other examples provides interesting information about the historical development of
Baloch identity in relation to other identities in the region.
Baloch Identities - A matter of descent or mentality?
Just Boedeker
As different authors pointed out – and also according to my own observances – Baloch
groups constantly incorporated members of foreign tribal groups into their tribal system
(Ivanov 1926: 146 FN §; Morgenstierne 1932: 8/9; Spooner 1969: 147; Barth 1981;
Boedeker 2009:361/362). For this reason, this form of cultural assimilation or
‘Balochisation’ seems to be a rather inclusive cultural pattern among Baloch groups to
gain influence in different local contexts through the quantity of their respective group
members. As the Baloch are usually regarded as a genealogical organised people an
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invented genealogy is to be expected, at least after a period of time. Accordingly, the
Afghan-Baloch Intellectual Abdurrahman Pahwal describes in an unpublished manuscript
(Pahwal 1379 (1999/2000): 44) in that he specifies more than nine hundred Baloch
groups, the cultural practice of Tou’āmīat, a kind of ritualised assimilation to a certain
tribe. Another possible way of genealogical inclusion could be the widely common
practice of political or strategic marital alliances (Waṣlat).
In contrast to this, during research among Baloch groups in the Iranian-Afghan
borderlands I realised that people are memorising their foreign descent even several
generations back. Based on this peculiarity I would like to discuss different aspects of the
affiliation with Baloch groups mainly characterized by the extremely flexible notion
kaum. Thus, to describe how boundaries of Baloch groups are maintained and negotiated,
certain cultural practices, mentalities or ‘Baloch ways of live’ have to be in embraced in
the discussion to understand the mechanisms of Balochisation. Mentalities like a sense of
honour, disobedience towards institutions of nation states or the cultivation of a certain
‘wildness’ might be even more decisive for being perceived as a ‘real’ Baloch than
genealogical descent.
Identity and History in Iranian Baluchistan
Philip Carl Salzman
Identity-the way in which people conceive of themselves, the way they define
themselves, the way they see the characteristics and qualities of their selves-is not
entirely stable and uniform through time. It is not a collective/individual essence that
invariably defines groups and individuals whatever the circumstances and social,
political, and economic conditions. Rather, collective and individual identity modifies
and shifts as events in history take place and conditions change. In Iranian Baluchistan,
changes in identity can be related to three distinct period: the tribal period, or the period
of independence (1800-1930); the period of the Crown, or the Pahlavi period (19301978); and the contemporary period, or the Islamic Republic period (1978-present).
Identity in Baluchistan changed from one period to another, because identity is defined
partly in relation to the "other," and as contact with others changed, so did Baluchi
identity.
Iranian Balochistan, a patchwork of languages
Carina Jahani
Balochistan is situated at the crossroad of history, along the southern route from West
Asia to South Asia, and in a location where peoples have met and merged over the
centuries. Even today, there are a number of languages spoken in Balochistan. This paper
will concentrate on Iranian Balochistan, and provide a description of the various Balochi
dialects spoken in Iran. Mention will also be made of two non-Iranian languages spoken
in Iranian Balochistan, Jadgali and Brahui, and of Bashkardi, a language from which we
so far have very limited data.
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The paper will also discuss variants of Balochi spoken in other parts of southern Iran, in
particular Koroshi, which is spoken in a number of provinces by scattered communities.
Mention will also be made of Balochi presence in Golestan and Khorasan.
Cultural Diversity and UNESCO’s World Heritage: the case of Balooch Intangible
Cultural Heritage
Mohammad Reza Saeidabadi
The intertwining of cultures through the centuries is manifested in diverse human
performances and varied cultural forms, some of which are registered on UNESCO’s
Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. This list, thus,
serves as a reservoir of oral traditions, social feats, performing arts and handicrafts, which
is passed on from generation to generation, guaranteeing vitality and continuity of
societies and defining their identities.
The cornerstone for the diversity of cultures and the basis of the beauty of this cultural
rainbow can be sought in three different models of cultural interactions:
Cultural borrowings;
Cultural transactions; and
Cultural impositions.
This paper is therefore an attempt to clarify and shed light on ‘cultural interaction’ and its
various aspects through a thorough explanation of the significance of the three abovementioned models of cultural interaction. It also seeks to explain the importance of
cultural diversity at national and international levels, while describing its impacts on the
strengthening of global peace.
At a later stage, the paper focuses on the diversity of intangible cultural heritage in Iran,
bringing examples of this diverse culture at the country level.
This paper will specifically focus on an analysis of Balooch intangible cultural heritage
(music, handicrafts, skills, traditions, etc.), exploring different methods for strengthening,
safeguarding and flourishing of this heritage in the framework of UNESCO world
cultural heritage.
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