Frontiers, Inc.
Mexican American Women Grassroots Community Activists: "Mothers of East Los Angeles"
Author(s): Mary Pardo
Source: Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1, Las Chicanas (1990), pp. 1-7
Published by: University of Nebraska Press
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Mexican American Women GrassrootsCommunityActivists:
"Mothers of East Los Angeles"
Mary Pardo
The relativelyfew studiesof Chicanapoliticalactivismshow
a bias in the waypoliticalactivismis conceptualizedby social
scientists,who oftenuse a narrowdefinitionconfinedto electoralpolitics.' Most feministresearchuses an expandeddefinitionthatmoves acrossthe boundariesbetweenpublic, electoralpoliticsandprivate,familypolitics;but feministresearch
generallyfocuseson womenmobilizedaroundgender-specific
issues.2For some feminists,adherenceto "tradition"constitutes conservatismand submission to patriarchy.Both approachesexcludethe contributionsof working-classwomen,
particularlythose of Afro-Americanwomen and Latinas,thus
failing to capturethe full dynamic of social change.3
The followingcase studyof MexicanAmericanwomen activists in "Mothersof East Los Angeles" (MELA) contributes anotherdimensionto the conceptionof grassrootspolitics. It illustrates how these Mexican American women
transform"traditional"
networksandresourcesbasedon family andcultureintopoliticalassetsto defendthe qualityof urban
life. Far from unique,these patternsof activismare repeated
in LatinAmerica and elsewhere. Here as in other times and
places, the women'sactivismarises out of seemingly "traditional"roles, addresseswider social and politicalissues, and
capitalizeson informalassociationssanctionedby the community?.Religion, commonlyviewed as a conservativeforce,
is intertwinedwithpolitics.5Often,womenspeakof theircommunitiesand their activismas extensionsof their family and
householdresponsibility.The centralrole of women in grassroots strugglesaroundqualityof life, in the ThirdWorldand
in the UnitedStates,challengesconventionalassumptionsabout
the powerlessnessof women and static definitionsof culture
and tradition.
In general, the women in MELA are longtimeresidentsof
East Los Angeles; some are bilingualand nativeborn, others
Mexican born and Spanishdominant.All the core activists
are bilingualandhavelivedin the communityoverthirtyyears.
All have been active in parish-sponsoredgroups and activities; some havehad experienceworkingin community-based
groupsarisingfrom schools,neighborhoodwatchassociations,
and laborsupportgroups.To gain an appreciationof the group
and the core activists, I used ethnographicfield methods. I
interviewedsix women, using a life historyapproachfocused
on their first communityactivities, currentactivism, household and family responsibilities,and perceptionsof community issues. Also, fromDecember1987throughOctober1989,
I attendedhearingson the two currentlypendingprojectsof
contention-a proposed state prison and a toxic waste
incinerator-andparticipatedin communityandorganizational
meetingsand demonstrations.The followingdiscussionbriefly chroniclesan intense and significantfive-year segmentof
community history from which emerged MELA and the
women's transformationof "traditional"resources and experiences into political assets for communitymobilization7
The Community Context:
East Los Angeles Resisting Siege
Politicalscience theory often guides the political strategies
used by local governmentto select the sites for undesirable
projects.In 1984, the stateof Californiacommissioneda public relationsfirm to assess the political difficultiesfacing the
constructionof energy-producingwaste incinerators.The report provideda "personalityprofile"of those residentsmost
likely to organize effective opposition to projects:
middleanduppersocioeconomic
strata
possessbetterresources
Middleandhighersocioeconomic
toeffectuate
theiropposition.
strataneighborhoods
shouldnotfallwithintheone-mileand
olderpeople,
five-mileradiiof theproposedsite.Conversely,
peoplewitha highschooleducationor less are leastlikely
to opposea facility!.
Mary Pardo is currentlycompletingher Ph.D. in the Departmentof Sociology at UCLA.She also teaches courses on the
Mexicanfamily, the Chicanaand contemporaryissues, and the Chicano adolescent in the Departmentof Chicano Studies at
CaliforniaState University,Northridge.
FRONTIERS
Vol.XI,No.1 @ 1990FRONTIERS
Editorial
Collective
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2
FRONTIERS
The state accordinglyplaced the plant in Commerce,a predominantlyMexicanAmerican,low-incomecommunity.This
patternholds throughoutthe stateand the country:three out
of five Afro-Americansand Latinoslive neartoxic wastesites,
and three of the five largesthazardouswaste landfills are in
communitieswith at least 80 percentminoritypopulationsY
Similarly,in March 1985, when the state soughta site for
the first stateprisonin Los Angeles County,GovernorDeukmejian resolved to place the 1,700-inmateinstitutionin East
Los Angeles, within a mile of the long-establishedBoyle
Heights neighborhoodand within two miles of thirty-four
schools. Furthermore,violatingconvention,the statebid on
the expensiveparcel of industriallyzoned land withoutcompiling an environmentalimpact reportor providinga public
community hearing. According to James Vigil, Jr., a field
representativefor AssemblywomanGloria Molina, shortly
after the state announcedthe site selection, Molina'soffice
beganinformingthe communityand gaugingresidents'sentiments aboutit throughdirectmailingsand calls to leadersof
organizationsand business groups.
In spring 1986, after much pressurefrom the 56th assembly districtoffice andthe community,the Departmentof Correctionsagreedto hold a public informationmeeting, which
was attendedby over 700 Boyle Heightsresidents.From this
momenton, Vigil observed, "the tables turned,the community mobilized, and the residentsbegan calling the political
representativesand requestingtheir presenceat hearingsand
meetings."'1By summer1986,the communitywas well aware
of the prison site proposal.Over two thousandpeople, carrying placardsproclaiming"No Prisonin ELA,"marchedfrom
ResurrectionChurchin Boyle Heightsto the 3rd Streetbridge
linking East Los Angeles with the rapidlyexpandingdowntown Los Angeles." This marchmarkedthe beginningof one
of the largestgrassrootscoalitionsto emergefrom the Latino
communityin the last decade.
Prominentamongthe coalition'sgroupsis "Mothersof East
Los Angeles," a loosely knit group of over 400 Mexican
Americanwomen.12MELA initiallycoalesced to oppose the
state prison constructionbut has since organizedopposition
to severalother projectsdetrimentalto the qualityof life in
the centralcity."3Its second large targetis a toxic waste incineratorproposedfor Vernon,a small city adjacentto East
Los Angeles. This incineratorwould worsen the alreadydebilitatingair qualityof the entire county and set a precedent
dangerous for other communities throughoutCalifornia.14
When MELA took up the fightagainstthe toxicwasteincinerator,it becamemorethana single-issuegroupandbeganworkAs a result
ing with environmentalgroupsaroundthe state."5
of the communitystruggle,AB58 (Roybal-Allard),
whichprovides all Californianswith the minimumprotectionof an environmentalimpactreportbeforethe constructionof hazardous waste incinerators,was signed into law. But the law's
effectivenessrelies on a watchfulcommunitynetwork.Since
its emergence, "Mothersof East Los Angeles" has become
centrallyimportantto just such a networkof grassrootsactivists includinga select numberof Catholicpriests and two
MexicanAmericanpoliticalrepresentatives.
Furthermore,the
group'svery formation,and its continuedspiritand activism,
fly in the face of the conventionalpolitical science beliefs
regardingpolitical participation.
Predictionsby the "experts"attributethe low formalpolitical participation(i.e., voting) of Mexican Americanpeople
in the U.S. to a set of cultural"retardants"
includingprimary
kinshipsystems,fatalism,religioustraditionalism,traditional
culturalvalues,andmothercountryattachment.16
The core activists in MELA may appearto fit this description,as well
as the state-commissionedprofile of residentsleast likely to
oppose toxic waste incineratorprojects.All the women live
in a low-incomecommunity.Furthermore,
they identifythemselves as active and committedparticipantsin the Catholic
Church;they claim an ethnic identity-Mexican American;
their ages range from forty to sixty; and they have attained
at most high school educations.However,these women fail
to conformto the predictedpoliticalapathy.Instead,theyhave
transformedsocial identity-ethnic identity,class identity,and
genderidentity-into an impetusas well a basis for activism.
theirexistingsocial networksinto grassAnd, in transforming
rootspoliticalnetworks,theyhavealso transformed
themselves.
Transformation as a Dominant Theme
Fromthe life historiesof the group'score activistsandfrom
my own field notes, I have selected excerpts that tell two
representativestories.One is a narrativeof the eventsthatled
to communitymobilizationin East Los Angeles. The other
is a story of transformation,the process of creatingnew and
betterrelationshipsthatempowerpeople to uniteand achieve
common goals.7
First, womenhavetransformedorganizingexperiencesand
socialnetworksarisingfromgender-related
into
responsibilities
I
When
asked
the
women
the
first
resources.1"
about
political
community,not necessarily"political,"involvementtheycould
recall, they discussedexperiencesthatpredatedthe formation
of MELA. JuanaGuti6rrezexplained:
Well,it didn'tstartwiththeprison,youknow.It startedwhen
Club
mykidswentto school.I startedbyjoiningtheParents
andwe workedon differentproblemsherein the area.Like
the peoplewhocometo the parksto sell drugsto the kids.
I gottheneighbors
to havemeetings.I wouldgo knockatthe
doors,houseto house.AndI toldthemthatwe shouldstick
Watchforthecommunity
withtheNeighborhood
and
together
for the kids.19
ErlindaRobles similarly recalled:
I wantedmykidsto go to Catholicschoolandfromthetime
myoldestonewentthere,I wasthereeveryday.I usedto take
mytwo littleoneswithme andI helpedonewayor another.
I usedto question
would
thingstheydid.Andtheothermothers
just watchme. Later,theywouldaskme, "Whydo youdo
that?Theyaregoingto takeit outonyourkids."I'dsay,"They
betternot."Andbeforeyou knewit, we hada big groupof
mothersthatwereveryinvolved.20
Partof a mother's"traditional"responsibilityincludesoverseeing her child'sprogressin school, interactingwith school
staff, and supportingschool activities. In these processes,
women meet other mothersand begin developinga network
of acquaintanceships
and friendshipsbasedon mutualconcern
for the welfare of their children.
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Pardo
Althoughthe women in MELA carriedthe greatestburden
of participatingin school activities,ErlindaRoblesalso spoke
of strategiesthey used to draw men into the enterpriseand
into the networks:21
At the beginning,the priestsusedto say who the president
of the mothersguildwouldbe; theyusedto pick 'um.But,
we wantedelections,so we gotelections.Thenwe wantedthe
fathersto be involved,andthe nunssuggestedthata father
shouldbe presidentanda motherwouldbe secretaryor be
involvedthere[atthe schoolsite].22
Of course, this commentpiquedmy curiosity,so I askedhow
the mothersagreedon the nuns' suggestion.The answerwas
simple and instructive:
Atthetimewethought
it wasa "natural"
wayto getthefathers
it wasjustthemothers.
involved
becausetheyweren't
involved;
Everybody[thewomen]agreedon them[thefathers]being
presidentbecausetheyworkedall dayandtheycouldn'tbe
involvedin a lot of dailyactivitieslike foodsalesandwhatever.Duringtheweek,a steering
ofmothers
committee
planned
thegroup'sactivities.ButnowthatI thinkaboutit, a woman
couldhavedonethejob just as well!23
So women got men into the groupby giving them a position
theycouldmanage.The men mayhaveheld the title of "president," but they were not makingday-to-daydecisions about
work, nor were they dictating the direction of the group.
ErlindaRobleslaughedas she recalledan occasion when the
president insisted, against the wishes of the women, on
scheduling a parents' group fundraiser-a breakfast-on
Mother'sDay. On that morning,only the presidentand his
wife were present to prepare breakfast. This should alert
researchersagainstmeasuringpower and influenceby looking solely at who holds titles.
Eachof the cofoundershada historyof workingwithgroups
arising out of the responsibilities usually assumed by
"mothers"-theeducationof childrenandthe safetyof the surroundingcommunity.From these groups, they gained valuable experiencesand networksthat facilitatedthe formation
of "Mothersof EastLos Angeles."JuanaGutierrezexplained
how preexistingnetworksprogressivelyexpandedcommunity
support:
Youknownobodyknewaboutthe planto builda prisonin
untilAssemblywoman
GloriaMolinatoldme.
thiscommunity
MarthaMolinacalledme andsaid,"Youknowwhatis happeningin yourarea?Thegovernorwantsto puta prisonin
Watchmeeting
BoyleHeights!"So, I calleda Neighborhood
at myhouseandwe gotfifteenpeopletogether.
Then,Father
Johnstartedinforminghis peopleat the Churchandthatis
whenthe groupof two to threehundredstartedshowingup
for everymarchon the bridge.24
MELA effectivelylinked up preexistingnetworksinto a viable grassrootscoalition.
Second, the processof activismalso transformed
previously
"invisible"women,makingthemnotonly visiblebutthe center
of publicattention.Froma conventionalperspective,political
activismassumesa kindof genderneutrality.This meansthat
anyonecan participate,but men are the expectedkey actors.
In accordancewith this pattern,in winter 1986 an informal
3
group of concerned businessmen in the community began
lobbying and testifying against the prison at hearings in
Sacramento.Workingin conjunctionwith Assemblywoman
Molina, they mademanytripsto Sacramentoat theirown expense. Residentswho did not have the income to travelwere
unableto join them. Finally, Molina, commonly recognized
as a forcefuladvocatefor Latinasand the community,asked
FrankVillalobos, an urbanplannerin the group, why there
were no women coming up to speak in Sacramentoagainst
the prison. As he phrasedit, "I was getting some heat from
her because no women were going up there.""25
In responseto this comment,VeronicaGuti6rrez,a law student who lived in the community,agreedto accompanyhim
on the next trip to Sacramento.26
He also mentionedthe comment to FatherJohnMorettaat ResurrectionCatholicParish.
Meanwhile,representativesof the business sectorof the communityand of the 56th assemblydistrictoffice were continuing to compile argumentsand supportivedataagainstthe East
Los Angeles prison site. FrankVillalobos stated one of the
pressing problems:
WefeltthattheSenators
whomwe prepared
allthisfordidn't
thatwe existed.Theykeptcallingit the
evenacknowledge
"downtown"
site,andtheyarguedthattherewas no oppositioninthecommunity.
whatwe have
So,I toldFatherMoretta,
to do is demonstrate
between
thatthereis a link(proximity)
the BoyleHeightscommunityandthe prison.27
The next juncture illustrateshow perceptionsof genderspecific behavior set in motion a sequence of events that
broughtwomen into the political limelight. FatherMoretta
decidedto ask all the womento meet aftermass. He told them
aboutthe prisonsite andcalledfor theirsupport.WhenI asked
him abouthis rationalefor selecting the women, he replied:
I feltso stronglyabouttheissue,andI knewin myheartwhat
a terribleoffensethiswasto thepeople.So, I wasafraidthat
we hadto be very
oncewe gotintoa demonstration
situation
careful.I thought
thewomenwouldbe coolerandcalmerthan
themen.Thebottomline is thatthe mencameanyway.The
firsttimesoutthemajoritywerewomen.Thentheybeganto
invitetheirhusbands
andtheirchildren,butoriginallyit was
just women.28
FatherMorettaalso namedthe group.Quitemovedby a film,
TheOfficialStory,aboutthe courageousArgentinewomenwho
demonstratedfor the returnof theirchildrenwho disappeared
duringa repressiveright-wingmilitarydictatorship,he transformed the name "Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo" into
"Mothersof East Los Angeles."29
However, Aurora Castillo, one of the cofoundersof the
group,modifiedmy emphasison the predominanceof women:
Of coursethefatherswork.Wealsohavemany,manygrandmothers.AndallthisIS withthesupportof thefathers.They
makethe placardsandthe posters;theydo the securityand
whentheycan.30
carrythesigns;andtheycometothemarches
Althoughwomen playeda key role in the mobilization,they
emphasizedthe group'sbroadbase of activesupportersas well
as the otherorganizations
in the "CoalitionAgainstthe Prison."
Their intentwas to counterany notion thatMELA was composed exclusivelyof women or mothersand to stress the "inclusiveness"of the group. All the women who assumedlead
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4
FRONTIERS
roles in the grouphad long historiesof volunteerwork in the
Boyle Heightscommunity;but formationof the groupbrought
them out of the "private"marginsand into "public"light.
Third, the women in "Mothersof East L.A." have transformedthe definitionof "mother"to includemilitantpolitical oppositionto state-proposedprojectsthey see as adverse
to the qualityof life in the community.Explaininghow she
discoveredthe issue, AuroraCastillo said,
Youknowif one of yourchildren's
the
safetyis jeopardized,
motherturnsintoa lioness.That'swhy FatherJohngot the
mothers.Wehaveto havea well-organized,
stronggroupof
mothersto protectthecommunity
andopposethingsthatare
detrimental
to us. Youknowthegovernor
is inthewrongand
the mothersare in the right.Afterall, the mothershaveto
be right.Mothersareforthechildren's
interest,notfor selfinterest;the governoris for his own politicalinterest?.
The women also have expandedthe boundariesof "motherhood" to includesocial andpoliticalcommunityactivismand
redefinedthe word to include women who are not biological
"mothers."At one meeting a young Latina expressed her
solidaritywith the groupand, almostapologetically,qualified
herself as a "resident,"not a "mother,"of East Los Angeles.
ErlindaRobles replied:
Whenyouarefightingfora betterlifeforchildren
and"doing"
for them,isn'tthatwhatmothersdo?So we'reall mothers.
Youdon'thaveto havechildrento be a "mother."32
At criticalpoints, grassrootscommunityactivismrequires
attendingmany meetings, phone calling, and door-to-door
communications-all very labor-intensivework. In order to
keepharmonyin the "domestic"sphere,the coreactivistsmust
creativelyintegratefamilymembersinto theircommunityactivities. I asked ErlindaRobles how her husbandfelt about
her activism, and she replied quite openly:
doesn'tlikegettinginvolved,buthetakesmebeMyhusband
causehe knowsI like it. Sometimeswe wouldhavetwo or
threemeetingsa week. Andmy husbandwouldsay,"Why
areyoudoingso much?It is reallygettingoutof hand."But
he is verysupportive.
Oncehe getsthere,he enjoysit andhe
startsin arguingtoo! See, it'sjust thathe is not usedto it.
He couldn'tbelievethingshappened
thewaythattheydo. He
wasin theNavytwentyyearsandtheybrainwashed
himthat
noneof thepoliticians
coulddo wrong.So he hascomea long
way.Nowhe comeshomeandparksthecaroutfrontandasks
me, "Well,wherearewe goingtonight?"33
When women explain their activism, they link family and
communityas one entity.JuanaGutidrrez,a womanwith extensiveexperienceworkingon communityand neighborhood
issues, stated:
Yocomomadrede familia,y comoresidente
del Estede Los
luchando
sindescanso
Angeles,seguird
porquese nosrespete.
Y yo lo hagoconbastante
Digo
carifiohaciami comunidad.
"micomunidad,"
porqueme sientopartede ella,quieroa mi
razacomopartede mi familia,y si Diosme permiteseguir6
luchandocontratodoslos gobernadores
que quieranabusar
de nosotros.(Asa motheranda residentof EastL.A., I shall
continuefightingtirelessly,
so we willbe respected.
AndI will
dothiswithmuchaffection
formycommunity.
I say"mycommunity"becauseI am partof it. I lovemy "raza"[race]as
partof myfamily;andif Godallows,I will keepon fighting
thatwantto takeadvantage
of us.)34
againstall thegovernors
Like the otheractivists,she has expandedher responsibilities
and legitimatedmilitantoppositionto abuse of the community by representativesof the state.
womenactivistsseldomopt to separatethemWorking-class
selves from men and their families.In this particularstruggle
for communityqualityof life, they are fightingfor the family
unit and thus are not competitivewith men.35Of course, this
fact does not precludedifferentalignmentsin other contexts
and situations.36
Fourth,the story of MELA also shows the transformation
of class and ethnic identity.AuroraCastillo told of an incident that illustratedher growing knowledgeof the relationship of East Los Angeles to othercommunitiesand the basis
necessary for coalition building:
Anddo youknowwe havebeenapproached
byothergroups?
YouknowthatPacificPali[Shelowershervoiceinemphasis.]
sadesgroupaskedforourbacking.Butwhattheydid, they
senttheirpowerfullobbyistthattheypaythousands
of dollars
to getoursupportagainstthedrillingin PacificPalisades.
So
whatwe didwastellthemto sendtheirgrassroots
people,not
theirlobbyist.
We'resuspicious.
Wedon'twantto talktoa highsalariedlobbyist;we arehumblepeople.Wedidourownlobbying.In one weekwe wentto Sacramento
twice.37
The contrastbetween the often tedious and labor-intensive
work of mobilizingpeople at the "grassroots"level and the
paid work of a "high salariedlobbyist"representsa point of
pride and integrity,not a deficiencyor a source of shame. If
the two groupswere to constructa coalition, they mustcommunicateon equal terms.
The women of MELA combinea willingnessto assertopposition with a critical assessmentof their own weaknesses.
At one communitymeeting, for example, representativesof
severaloil companiesattemptedto gain supportfor placement
of an oil pipelinethroughthe centerof EastLos Angeles. The
exchange between the women in the audience and the oil
representativewas heated, as women alternatedaskingquestions about the chosen route for the pipeline:
"Isit goingthrough
CielitoLindo[Reagan's
Theoil
ranch]?"
answered,"No."Anotherwomanstoodupand
representative
Without
thinkasked,"Whynotplaceit alongthecoastline?"
therepresentative
ingof theimplications,
"Oh,no!
responded,
If it burst,it wouldendangerthe marinelife."The woman
"Youvaluethemarinelifemorethanhumanbeings?"
retorted,
Hisfacereddened
withangerandthehearing
into
disintegrated
angrychanting.38
The proposalwas quickly defeated.But AuroraCastillo acknowledgedthatit was not solely theiroppositionthatbrought
about the defeat:
Wewonbecausethewestsidewasopposedto it, so we united
withthem.Youknowtherearea lotof attorneys
wholivethere
andtheyalso questioned
the representative.
Believeme, no
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Pardo
way is justice blind. .
.
. Wejust don't want all this garbage
andMexicanAmerithrownat usbecausewe arelow-income
can. We are luckynow thatwe havegood representatives,
whichwe didn'thavebefore.39
Throughouttheir life histories, the women refer to the disruptiveeffects of land use decisions made in the 1950s. As
longtimeresidents,all but one sharethe experienceof losing
a home and relocating to make way for a freeway. Juana
Gutierrezrefers to the communityresponse at that time:
Unade las cosasqueme caenmuymales la injusticia
y en
nuestracomunidadhemosvistomuchode eso. Sobretodo
antes,porquecreoquenuestra
genteestabamasdormida,nos
hicieronlos freewaysy
menos.Enlos cincuentas
atreviamos
asi, sin mis, nos dieronla noticiade que nos tenfamosque
mudar.Y eso pas6dosveces.Lagentese conformaba
porque
lo ordenoel gobierno.Recuerdo
queyo me enojabay queria
peronadiaqueriahacernada.
quelos demisme secundaran,
(Oneof the thingsthatreallyupsetsme is the injusticethat
Aboveeverything
we see so muchin ourcommunity.
else, I
believethatourpeoplewerelessaware;we werelesschallenging.In the 1950s-theymadethe freewaysandjust like that
twice.
theygaveusa noticethatwehadtomove.Thathappened
orderedit. I
Thepeopleacceptedit becausethe government
remember
thatI wasangryandwantedtheothersto backme
butnobodyelse wantedto do anything.)40
The freewaysthat cut throughcommunitiesand disrupted
arenow a concretereminderof sharedinjustice,
neighborhoods
of the vulnerabilityof the communityin the 1950s. The community'ssocial and politicalhistorythus informsperceptions
of its currentpredicament;however,today'sactivistsemphasize not the powerlessnessof the communitybut the change
in statusand progressiontowardpolitical empowerment.
Fifth, the core activiststypicallytell storiesillustratingpersonal changeand a new sense of entitlementto speak for the
community.They have transformedthe unspokensentiments
of individualsinto a collectivecommunityvoice. Lucy Ramos
relatedher initial apprehensions:
I was afraidto get involved.I didn'tknowwhatwas going
atfirst.Rightafterwe started,
tocomeoutofthisandI hesitated
FatherJohncameup to me andtoldme, "I wantyouto be
I said,"Ohno,I don'tknowwhatI amgoing
a spokesperson."
I didn'thavea nervous
to say."I wasnervous.I amsurprised
then.Everytimewe usedto get in frontof the
breakdown
likethis,I usedto sit there
TV camerasandeveninterviews
andI couldfeelmyselfshaking.Butastimewenton, I started
gettingusedto it.
Andthis is whatI havenoticedwitha lot of them.They
wereafraidto speakupandsayanything.
Now,withthisprison
andgiven
issue,a lotof themhavecomeoutandcomeforward
theiropinions.Everybody
usedto be real "quietlike."4'
She also relateda situationthatbroughtall her fearsto a climax, which she confrontedand resolved as follows:
WhenI firststartedworkingwiththe coalition,Channel13
calledme upandsaidtheywantedto interviewme andI said
OK.ThenI startedgettingnervous.So I calledFatherJohn
andtoldhim, "Youbettergetoverhererightaway."He said,
Then
"Don'tworry,don'tworry,youcanhandleitbyyourself."
5
Channel13calledmebackandsaidtheyweregoingto interviewanother
person,someoneI hadneverheardof, andasked
if it was OKif he cameto my house.AndI saidOKagain.
whatif thisguyis fortheprison?What
ThenI beganthinking,
amI goingto do?AndI wasso nervousandI thought,I know
whatI am goingto do!
Since the meetingwas takingplace in her home, she reasoned
that she was entitled to order any troublemakersout of her
domain:
If thismantells me anything,I amjust goingto chasehim
out of my house.Thatis whatI am goingto do! All these
weregoingthrough
myhead.ThenChannel13walk
thoughts
intomy housefollowedby six menI hadnevermet. And I
thought,Oh,myGod,whatdidI getmyselfinto?I keptsaying to myself,if theyget smartwithme I amthrowingthem
ALL out.42
At this point her tone expresseda sense of resolve. In fact,
the situation turned out to be neither confrontationalnor
threatening,as the "othermen"were also membersof the coalition. This woman confrontedan anxiety-ladensituationby
relyingon her sense of controlwithinher home and family-a
quite "traditional"sourceof authorityfor women-and transformingthatcontrolinto the courageto expressa politicalposition before a potentialaudienceall over one of the largest
metropolitanareas in the nation.
Peopleliving in ThirdWorldcountriesas well as in minority
communitiesin the UnitedStatesface an increasinglydegraded
environment.3Recognizingthe threatto the well-beingof their
families, residentshave mobilized at the neighborhoodlevel
to fight for "qualityof life" issues. The common notion that
environmentalwell-beingis of concernsolely to whitemiddleclass and upper-class residents ignores the specific way
working-classneighborhoodssufferfromthe falloutof the city
"growthmachine"geared for profit04
In Los Angeles, the culminationof postwarurbanrenewal
policies,the growingPacificRim tradesurplusandinvestment,
and low-wageinternationallabormigrationfromThirdWorld
countriesare creatingpotentiallyvolatileconditions.Literally
palatialfinancialbuildingsswallow up the space previously
occupiedby modest, low-costhousing.Increasingdensityand
developmentnot matchedby investmentin social programs,
services, and infrastructureerode the quality of life, beginning in the core of the city45 Latinos, the majorityof whom
live close to the centerof the city, must confrontthe distilled
social consequencesof developmentfocused solely on profit.
The MexicanAmericancommunityin EastLos Angeles,much
like other minority working-classcommunities,has been a
repositoryfor prisons insteadof new schools, hazardousindustriesinsteadof safe work sites, and one of the largestconcentrationsof freewayinterchangesin the country,whichtransports much wealthpast the community.And the concernsof
residentsin East Los Angeles may providelessons for other
minorityas well as middle-classcommunities.Increasingenvironmentalpollutionresultingfrominadequatewastedisposal
plans and an out-of-control"need" for penal institutionsto
containthe casualtiescreatedby the growingbipolardistribution of wages may not be limited to the Southwest.6 These
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6
FRONTIERS
conditionsset the stagefor new conflicts and new opportunities, to transformold relationshipsintocoalitionsthatcan challenge state agendas and create new communityvisions47
MexicanAmericanwomenlivingeast of downtownLos Angeles exemplifythe tendencyof women to enterinto environmentalstrugglesin defenseof their community.Womenhave
a rich historicallegacyof communityactivism, partlyreconstructedoverthe last two decadesin social historiesof women
who contestedother "qualityof life issues," from the price
of breadto "DemonRum"(often representingdomesticviolence)48
But somethingnew is also happening.The issues "traditionally" addressedby women-health, housing, sanitation,
andthe urbanenvironment-havemovedto centerstageas capitalisturbanizationprogresses.Environmentalissues now fuel
the fires of many political campaignsand drive citizens beyond the ratherrestricted,perfunctorypoliticalact of voting.
Instancesof politicalmobilizationat the grassrootslevel, where
women often play a central role, allow us to "see" abstract
concepts like participatorydemocracyand social change as
dynamic processes.
The existence and activities of "Mothersof East Los Angeles" attestto the dynamicnatureof participatory
democracy,
as well as to the dynamicnatureof our gender,class, andethnic identity.The story of MELA reveals, on the one hand,
how individualsandgroupscan transforma seemingly"traditional"role such as "mother."On the otherhand,it illustrates
how such a role may also be a social agentdrawingmembers
of the communityintothe "political"arena.Studyingwomen's
contributionsas well as men's will shed greaterlight on the
networksdynamic of grassrootsmovements49
The work "Mothersof East Los Angeles" do to mobilize
the communitydemonstratesthat people's political involvementcannotbe predictedby theirculturalcharacteristics.
These
womenhavedefiedstereotypesof apathyand usedethnic,gender, and class identityas an impetus,a strength,a vehicle for
political activism. They have expanded their-and ourunderstandingof the complexitiesof a political system, and
they have reaffirmedthe possibility of "doing something."
They also generouslyshare the lessons they have learned.
One of the women in "Mothersof East Los Angeles" told
me, as I hesitatedto set up an interviewwith anotherwoman
I hadn'tyet met in person,
Youknow,nothing
ventured
nothinglost.Youshouldhaveseen
howtimidwe werethefirsttimewe wentto a publichearing.
Now, forgetit, I walkrightup andmakemyselfheardand
that'swhatyou haveto do.50
NOTES
On September15,1989,anotherversionof thispaperwas acceptedforpresentationat the 1990InternationalSociologicalAssociationmeetingsto be held
in Madrid, Spain, July 9, 1990.
1. See Vicky Randall, Womenand Politics, An InternationalPerspective
(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1987),fora reviewof the centralthemes
and debatesin the literature.For two of the few books on Chicanas,work,
and family, see Vicki L. Ruiz, Cannery Women,CanneryLives, Mexican
Women,Unionization,and the CaliforniaFoodProcessingIndustry,1930-1950
(Albuquerque:Universityof New Mexico Press, 1987),andPatriciaZavella,
Women'sWork& ChicanoFamilies(Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell UniversityPress,
1987).
2. For recentexceptionsto this approach,see Anne WitteGarland,Women
Activists:Challengingthe Abuse of Power (New York:The FeministPress,
1988); Ann Bookmanand SandraMorgan,eds., Womenand the Politics of
Empowerment(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress, 1987);KarenSacks,
Caringby the Hour (Chicago:Universityof Illinois Press, 1988). For a sociologicalanalysisof communityactivismamongAfro-Americanwomensee
CherylTownsendGilkes, "HoldingBackthe Oceanwitha Broom,"TheBlack
Woman(BeverlyHills, Calif.: Sage Publications,1980).
3. For two exceptionsto this criticism, see SaraEvans,Bornfor Liberty,
A Historyof Womenin America(New York:The Free Press, 1989),andBettina Aptheker,TapestriesofLife, Women'sWork,Women'sConsciousness,and
the Meaningof Daily Experience(Amherst:The Universityof Massachusetts
Press, 1989). For a critique, see Maxine Baca Zinn, LynnWeberCannon,
ElizabethHigginbotham,and Bonnie ThorntonDill, "The Costs of Exclusionary Practicesin Women'sStudies,"Signs 11, no. 2 (Winter1986).
4. For cases of grassrootsactivismamong women in Latin America, see
Sally W. Yudelman,Hopeful Openings,A Study of Five Women'sDevelopment Organizationsin Latin Americanand the Caribbean(West Hartford,
Conn.: KumarianPress, 1987). For an excellentcase analysisof how informal associationsenlargeand empowerwomen'sworldin ThirdWorldcountries, see KathrynS. Marchand RachelleL. Taqqu,Women'sInformalAssociations in DevelopingCountries,Catalystsfor Change?(Boulder,Colo.:
WestviewPress, 1986). Also, see CarmenFeijo6, "Womenin Neighbourhoods: From Local Issues to GenderProblems,"CanadianWomanStudies
6, no. 1 (Fall 1984) for a concise overview of the patternsof activism.
5. The relationshipbetweenCatholicismandpoliticalactivismis variedand
not unitary.In some MexicanAmericancommunities,grassrootsactivismrelies
on parishnetworks.See Isidro D. Ortiz, "ChicanoUrban Politics and the
Politics of Reformin the Seventies,"The WesternPolitical Quarterly37, no.
4 (December1984): 565-77.Also, see Joseph D. Sekul, "CommunitiesOrganizedfor PublicService:CitizenPowerand PublicPowerin SanAntonio,"
in Latinosand the PoliticalSystem,editedby F ChrisGarcia(NotreDame,
Ind.: Universityof Notre Dame Press, 1988). Sekul tells how COPS members challengedprevailingpatternsof power by workingfor the well-being
of families and cites four formerpresidentswho were Mexican American
women, but he makes no special point of gender.
6. I also interviewedother membersof the CoalitionAgainst the Prison
and local politicaloffice representatives.For a generalreference,see James
P. Spradley,TheEthnographicInterview(New York:Holt, RinehartandWinston, 1979). For a review essay focused on the relevancyof the methodfor
examiningthe diversityof women's experiences, see Susan N. G. Geiger,
"Women'sLife Histories:MethodandContent,"Signs 11,no. 2 (Winter1982):
334-51.
7. Duringthe last five years, over 300 newspaperarticleshave appeared
on the issue. FrankVillalobosgenerouslysharedhis extensivenewspaperarchiveswith me. See Leo C. Wolinsky,"L.A. PrisonBill 'LockedUp' in New
Clash," Los Angeles limes, 16 July 1987, sec. 1, p. 3; Rudy Acufia, "The
Fate of East L.A.: One Big Jail,"Los Angeles Herald Examiner,28 April
1989, A15; CarolinaSerna, "EastsideResidentsOppose Prison,"La Gente
UCLAStudentNewspaper17,no. 1 (October1986):5; Daniel M. Weintraub,
"10,000Fee Paidto LawmakerWho Left Sickbedto CastVote,"Los Angeles
Times, 13 March 1988, sec. 1, p. 3.
8. CerrellAssociates, Inc., "PoliticalDifficultiesFacingWaste-to-Energy
ConversionPlantSiting,"ReportPreparedfor CaliforniaWasteManagement
Board, Stateof California(Los Angeles, 1984): 43.
9. JesusSanchez,"TheEnvironment:
WhoseMovement?"
CaliforniaTomorrow 3, nos. 3 & 4 (Fall 1988): 13.Also see RudyAcufia,A CommunityUnder
Siege (Los Angeles: ChicanoStudiesResearchCenterPublications,UCLA,
1984). The book and its title capturethe sentimentsandthe historyof a community that bears an unfairburdenof city projectsdeemed undesirableby
all residents.
10. JamesVigil, Jr., field representativefor AssemblywomanGloriaMolina, 1984-1986,PersonalInterview,Whittier,Calif., 27 September1989.Vigil
statedthatthe Departmentof Correctionsused a threefoldstrategy:political
pressurein the legislature,the promise of jobs for residents,and contracts
for local businesses.
11.EdwardJ. Boyerand MaritaHernandez,"EastsideSeethesover Prison
Plan," Los Angeles limes, 13 August 1986, sec. 2, p. 1.
12. MarthaMolina-Aviles,currentlyadministrativeassistantfor AssemblywomanLucilleRoybal-Allard,
56thassemblydistrict,andformerfieldrepresentative for Gloria Molina when she held this assembly seat, PersonalInterview, Los Angeles, 5 June 1989. Molina-Aviles,who grew up in East Los
Angeles, used her experiencesand insightsto help forgestronglinks among
the womenin MELA, othermembersof the coalition,andthe assemblyoffice.
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Pardo
13. MELAhas also opposedthe expansionof a countyprisonliterallyacross
the streetfromWilliamMeadHousingProjects,hometo 2,000 Latinos,Asians,
and Afro-Americans,and a chemical treatmentplant for toxic wastes.
14. The firstof its kindin a metropolitan
area,it wouldburn125,000pounds
per day of hazardouswastes. For an excellentarticle that links recentstruggles againsthazardouswaste dumps and incineratorsin minoritycommunities and featureswomen in MELA, see Dick Russell, "EnvironmentalRacism: MinorityCommunitiesand Their BattleagainstToxics,"TheAmicus
Journal 11, no. 2 (Spring 1989): 22-32.
15. Miguel G. Mendivil, field representativefor AssemblywomanLucille
Roybal-Allard,56th assembly district,PersonalInterview,Los Angeles, 25
April 1989.
16. John Garcia and Rudolfode la Garza, "Mobilizingthe Mexican Immigrant:The Role of MexicanAmericanOrganizations,"The WesternPolitical Quarterly38, no. 4 (December 1985): 551-64.
17. This concept is discussed in relationto Latino communitiesin David
T. Abalos, Latinos in the US., The Sacredand the Political (Indiana:Uniof tradiversityof Notre Dame Press, 1986). The notion of transformation
tionalculturein strugglesagainstoppressionis certainlynot a new one. For
a brief essay on a longer work, see FrantzFanon, "AlgeriaUnveiled,"The
New LeftReader,editedby CarlOglesby(New York:GrovePress, Inc, 1969):
161-85.
18. KarenSacks, Caringby the Hour.
19. JuanaGutierrez,PersonalInterview,Boyle Heights,East Los Angeles,
15 January1988.
20. ErlindaRobles,PersonalInterview,Boyle Heights,Los Angeles, 14September 1989.
21. Mina Davis Caulfield, "Imperialism,the Family,and Culturesof Resistance,"Socialist Revolution29 (1974):67-85.
22. ErlindaRobles, PersonalInterview.
23. Ibid.
24. JuanaGutierrez,PersonalInterview.
25. FrankVillalobos,architectand urbanplanner,PersonalInterview,Los
Angeles, 2 May 1989.
26. The law student,VeronicaGutierrez,is the daughterof JuanaGutierrez,
one of the cofoundersof MELA. MartinGuti6rrez,one of her sons, was a
field representativefor AssemblywomanLucille Roybal-Allard
and also centralto communitymobilization.RicardoGutierrez,Juana'shusband,and almostall the otherfamilymembersarecommunityactivists.They are a microcosm of the family networksthat strengthenedcommunitymobilizationand
the CoalitionAgainstthe Prison. See RaymundoReynoso, "JuanaBeatrice
Gutierrez:La incansablelucha de una activistacomunitaria,"La Opinion,
6 Agosto de 1989, Acceso, p. 1, and Louis Sahagun, "The Mothersof East
L.A. TransformThemselvesand TheirCommunity,"Los Angeles Times, 13
August 1989, sec. 2, p. 1.
27. FrankVillalobos, PersonalInterview.
28. FatherJohn Moretta,ResurrectionParish, PersonalInterview,Boyle
Heights, Los Angeles, 24 May 1989.
29. The Plaza de Mayo mothersorganizedspontaneouslyto demandthe
returnof their missing children, in open defianceof the Argentinemilitary
dictatorship.For a brief overviewof the group and its relationshipto other
women'sorganizationsin Argentina,and a synopsis of the criticism of the
mothersthat reveals ideological camps, see Gloria Bonder, "Women'sOrganizationsin Argentina'sTransitionto Democracy,"in Womenand Counter
Power,editedby YolandaCohen (New York:Black Rose Books, 1989):6585. There is no direct relationshipbetween this group and MELA.
30. AuroraCastillo, PersonalInterview,Boyle Heights, Los Angeles, 15
January1988.
31. AuroraCastillo, PersonalInterview.
7
32. ErlindaRobles, PersonalInterview.
33. Ibid.
34. Reynoso, "JuanaBeatriz Gutierrez,"p. 1.
35. For historicalexamples, see Chris Marin, "La Asociaci6n HispanoAmericanade MadresY Esposas: Tucson'sMexican AmericanWomenin
WorldWarII," RenatoRosaldoLectureSeries 1: 1983-1984(Tucson, Ariz.:
MexicanAmericanStudiesCenter,Universityof Arizona,Tucson, 1985)and
Judy Auletteand TrudyMills, "SomethingOld, SomethingNew: Auxiliary
Workin the 1983-1986CopperStrike,"FeministStudies 14, no. 2 (Summer
1988): 251-69.
36. Mina Davis Caulfield, "Imperialism,the Family and Cultures of
Resistance."
37. AuroraCastillo, PersonalInterview.
38. As reconstructedby JuanaGutierrez,RicardoGutierrez,and Aurora
Castillo.
39. AuroraCastillo, PersonalInterview.
40. JuanaGutierrez,PersonalInterview.
41. Lucy Ramos, PersonalInterview,Boyle Heights, Los Angeles, 3 May
1989.
42. Ibid.
43. Foran overviewof contemporary
ThirdWorldstrugglesagainstenvironmentaldegradation,see Alan B. Durning,"Savingthe Planet,"TheProgressive 53, no. 4 (April 1989): 35-59.
44. John Loganand HarveyMolotch, UrbanFortunes(Berkeley:University of CaliforniaPress, 1988). Loganand Molotchuse the term in reference
to a coalition of business people, local politicians, and the media.
45. Mike Davis, "Chinatown,PartTwo?The Internationalization
of Downtown Los Angeles,"New Left Review,no. 164 (July/August1987): 64-86.
46. PaulOng, TheWideningDivide, IncomeInequalityand Povertyin Los
Angeles (Los Angeles: The ResearchGroupon the Los Angeles Economy,
1989). This UCLA-basedstudydocumentsthe growinggap between"haves"
and "havenots"in the midstof the economic boom in Los Angeles. According to economists,the studymirrorsa nationaltrendin which rising employment levels are failingto lift the poor out of povertyor boostthe middleclass;
see Jill Steward,"Two-TieredEconomyFearedas Dead End of Unskilled,"
Los Angeles 7imes,25 June1989,sec. 2, p. 1. At the same time, the California prisonpopulationwill climb to more than twice its designedcapacityby
1995. See Carl Ingram, "New ForecastSees a WorseJam in Prisons,"Los
Angeles limes, 27 June 1989, sec. 1, p. 23.
47. The pointthaturbanlanduse policiesarethe productsof class struggleboth cause and consequence-is made by Don Parson, "The Development
of Redevelopment:PublicHousingand UrbanRenewalin Los Angeles,"InternationalJournalof Urbanand RegionalResearch6, no. 4 (December1982):
392-413.Parsonprovidesan excellentdiscussionof the working-classstrugof urbanrenewalin the 1950s,
gle forhousingin the 1930s,the counterinitiative
and the inner city revoltsof the 1960s.
48. Louise Tilly, "Pathsof Proletarianization:
Organizationof Production,
Sexual Division of Labor,and Women'sCollective Action,"Signs 7, no. 2
(1981):400-17;Alice Kessler-Harris,"Women'sSocial Mission,"WomenHave
Always Worked(Old Westbury,N.Y.: The FeministPress, 1981):102-35.For
a literaturereviewof women'sactivismduringthe ProgressiveEra, see Marilyn Gittelland TeresaShtob, "ChangingWomen'sRoles in PoliticalVolunteerism'andReformof the City,"in Womenand the AmericanCity, edited
by CatharineStimpsonet al. (Chicago:Universityof Chicago Press, 1981):
64-75.
49. KarenSacks, Caringby the Hour, arguesthatoften the significanceof
women's contributionsis not "seen" because they take place in networks.
50. AuroraCastillo, PersonalInterview.
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