Race and Gender Discourse Strategies: Creating Solidarity and Framing the Civil Rights
Movement
Author(s): Gerald M. Platt and Michael R. Fraser
Source: Social Problems, Vol. 45, No. 2 (May, 1998), pp. 160-179
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems
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Race and Gender Discourse Strategies:
Creating Solidarity and Framing
the Civil Rights Movement*
GERALD M. PLATT, University
Amherst
ofMassachusetts,
MICHAEL R. FRASER, NationalAssociation
and City
ofCounty
HealthOfficials,
D.C.
Washington,
senttoDr.Martin
Luther
thisessayexamines
letters
analysis
ofcorrespondence,
Usinga sociolinguistic
andparticipants
discourse
in theCivilRights
In theletters,
writers
movement.
employ
King,Jr.bysupporters
toconstruct
as supporters
andparticitheirexperiences
themselves
andformulate
ofthemovement
strategies
alsoformulate
andcirtheir
andframings
race,
Correspondents'
pants.They
solidarity
ofthemovement.
gender,
that
cumstances
thewaysthey
These
indicate
create
andframe
themovement.
with,
influence
solidarity
findings
movement
CivilRights
andparticipants
heldbothprivate
andsharedconceptions
supporters
ofthemovement.
Theimplications
arediscussed.
ofthese
findings
formovement
theory
This is a studyof supporters'and participants'experiencesof the Civil Rightsmovement.
These experiencesare expressedin discoursestrategiescorrespondentsused in letterssent to
Dr. MartinLutherKing,Jr.Studiesofdiscoursein socialmovementshave recentlyappearedin the
forexample Gamson's(1992) investigation
ofpoliticalattitudesand Ellingson's(1995)
literature,
archivalresearchon abolitionism.Similarto Ellingson,we investigatediscoursein writtenlanguage; however,in contrastto his inquiry,we attemptto understandmovementexperiences
fromthe point of view of ideologicalrecipientsratherthan its producers.Unlike most other
studiesof social movements,we conceive of participants'experiencesas multipleratherthan
singular(Fraser1996; Lilleyand Platt1994; Plattand Lilley1994; Robnett1997; Schutz 1962).
Sociolinguistsuse the term "discoursestrategies"to referto linguisticand socio-cultural
interactivepractices used by speakers to express and interpretmeanings in conversation
(Gumperz 1982). We employa sociolinguisticanalysisof the discoursestrategiesused by correspondentsto convey to Dr. King theirexperiencesof the movementin writtentexts.These
strategiesare observed in the letters'overall contentand within the socio-culturalcircumstances in which the letterswere written.Situated analyses of discourse strategiesgive us
confidence that correspondents'experiences of the movement are authenticallyrevealed
(Cicourel 1985, 1992).
Letterwritersdepictthese experiencesin the textstheywrote to King. In thispaper,we
focuson threetypesof participants'experienceswiththe movement:those partsof theircorrespondence that express identificationswith movement doctrine;descriptionsof the networks that influencedtheircommitmentto the movement;and messages they sent to King
about the conduct of the movement. Correspondents'racial and gender identitiesand their
* We want to thank the MartinLutherKing,Jr.CenterforNonviolentSocial Change forpermissionto quote the
correspondenceto Dr. King. Special appreciationfortheirhelp is extended to the formerDirectorof the King Library
and Archive,Dr. Broadus N. Butlerand to Mrs. CorettaScottKing. This studywas supportedwithfundsfromThe Albert
Einstein InstitutionforNonviolent Social Change, Cambridge,Massachusetts.Additionalfundswere provided by the
both of
Dean of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Glen Gordon and Bruce McCandless of the Officeof Research Affairs,
the Universityof Massachusetts.We want to thankRhysWilliams,Fred Weinstein,Aaron Cicourel,Hank Johnston,and
several anonymous reviewersfor theirhelpfulcommentson earlier versions of this paper. Direct correspondenceto
Gerald Platt, Sociology Department,Universityof Massachusetts,Thompson Hall, Amherst,Massachusetts 01003;
e-mail: [email protected]
160
SOCIALPROBLEMS,Vol.45, No.2, May 1998
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
circumstances
act as reference
movesimilar,
pointsfromwhichtheyconstruct
yetdistinct,
mentexperiences.
Theoretical Orientation
Smelser's(1963) conception
ofa structurally
influences
our forgroundedvoluntarism
ofparticipants'
mulations
tothemovement.
relations
Ellingson(1995) and Snowand Benford
oftheinteractive
relation
betweenmovement
(1988,1992)pointtothevitality
organizations,
and participants'
ideologicaldiscourse,
experiences.
Ellingsonnotesthat"Bothspeakersand
theiraudiencesengagein theworkofinterpreting
events..." (1995:110).Snowand Benford
thiswiththeobservation
thatthe"mobilization
ofpotential
is highly
constituents
supplement
dialectical. .. thereis no suchthingas a tabularasa. . . intowhichnew and perhapsalien
ideas can be poured"(1988:204,emphasisin original).Also relevant,
JoanScott(1988:53)
addsthatan analysisoflanguage:"offers
a wayofthinking
abouthowpeopleconstruct
mean... operatesin theconstruction
ofmeaning,and abouthow the
ing,abouthow difference
ofcontextual
complexities
usagesopenthewayto changesin meaning."
Our sociolinguistic
and the
analysisworkswithinthe contextof Smelser'svoluntarism
constructionist
betweenparticipants
and themoveapproaches.The interactive
relationship
mentcentersouranalysis.Consistent
withSnowand Benford's
that
(1988, 1992) observation
movements
are dialectical,
we focusupon participants'
of
the
as
movement
interpretations
theseare expressedin theirletters
to Dr.King(see also Larafia,Johnston
and Gusfield1994;
Marxand McAdam1994;Turner
andKillian1987).
Froma participant's
is interpreted
in accord
perspective,
everyaspectofthemovement
withhis or her relevantpersonaland structural
circumstances.
Snow and Benford(1992)
thispointbynotingthatmovement
doctrine
mustresonatewithparticipants'
highlight
experiencesand cultural
in orderforthemto employitin framealignment.
Huntand
backgrounds
Benford(1994) also indicatethatthe discourseof personalidentity
mustalignitselfwith
movement
frames
and theyadd thatmovement
thatculideologyrequiresno singleidentity
minatesin a consensual,
collective
Insteadtheypointto theagencyof
homogeneous
identity.
talkcan relyon a universeofdiscourse
thatallowsformulparticipants
notingthat:"identity
andexpressions
.... [a] diversity
ofdiscourse
... andmultipleidentity
alignment
interpretations
articulations
of
collective
identities
within
an
SMO
Movement
tiple
[Social
Organization]
...."
the variousattachments
thatare made
Theyconclude,"futureanalysescould investigate
withinan SMO" (Huntand Benford1994:496,511). Thisis sucha "future"
analysis.A socioanalysisof lettersprovidesinsightsinto correspondents'
linguistic
interpretive
processes,
in their"variousattachments"
to,and experiences
of,themovement.
resulting
In faceto faceconversational
areinferentially
achievedbyinterpreting
settings,
meanings
a variety
ofcues.In written
the
and
visual
in interpretation
cues
involved
language auditory
are unavailable.Meaningful
ofwritten
therefore
interpretation
language
requiresa modified
Suchan approachmakesfiveassumptions
aboutthecreationofmeaningin
sociolinguistics.
written
discourse.The firstoftheseis thatamongthemanyreasonsforwriting,
correspondentsare engagedin theconstruction
ofselveswhilesimultaneously
to Kingtheir
conveying
ofthemovement
and theirparticipation.
Second,thesemeaningsare explicitly
descriptions
and implicitly
in theircorrespondence.
Third,thesemessagesare embeddedin,and
expressed
are cues to,revealing
constructed
are
correspondents'
meanings.Fourth,discoursestrategies
influenced
circumstances
thatare relevantto correby ideational,material,and structural
spondents.'In thisanalysistherelevantaspectsoftheirliveswe willinvestigate
are raceand
1. Our use ofrelevance is similarto Mills' conceptionof "vocabulariesofmotive" (1940) and Snow and Benford's
(1992:140-41; 1998:207-211) conceptionof "resonance."
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161
162
PLATTAND FRASER
basesinfluraceandgender
canbeusedas pragmatic
identities;
gender
(i.e.,extra-linguistic)
encingthe discoursestrategiesused by correspondentsto depictthe movementas meaningful
and resonantto themselves.
Our finalassumptionis that the socio-culturalcircumstancesrelevantto correspondents
also affecttheir constructionsof the movement. Socio-cultural,historical,and movement
eventsthatare relevantto correspondentsaffectthe meaningstheycreate.We do not assume
to know these contextsa priori:insteadtheyare discoveredin letters'texts.Thus,we ask how,
and in what ways, do circumstancesact as bases in the use of discoursestrategiesinfluencing
the constructionof meaningsin authors'letters?
conWe are engaged in discoveringcorrespondents'relevantpersonal and circumstantial
texts,and how these influencethe use of discoursestrategiesin order to shape movement
experiences(Schegloff1991:49-57). In particular,we examine the ways in whichparticipants'
framethe movementand createsolidaritywithit. Consistentwith our theoreticalorientation,
Gumperzand Cook-Gumperz(1982:3) suggestthat: "ideologyentersinto face-to-facespeaking practicesto createan interactionalspace in which the subconsciousand automaticsocioand inferencecan generatea varietyof outcomes ...."
linguisticprocessesof interpretation
Race, gender,and circumstancesare formulatedas correspondents'potentiallyrelevant
bases fromwhich theymay employpragmaticdiscoursestrategiesto constructtheirrelations
to the movement.It is the discoursestrategiesthatshape the characterof correspondents'solidarityand framingof the movement.Race, gender,and circumstancesalso influencestrategies used in lettersto justifywritingto King. We referto thisas the practiceof "legitimating"
writingto King. The practiceof legitimationsituatescorrespondentsin relationto King and
the movement.Legitimationis universallyused because the correspondentswere unknownto
King. Thus, the substance of legitimation,framing,and solidarityare the resultsof the discourse strategiesused by correspondents.
The Study: Selectinga Sample of LettersforAnalysis
Our sample of lettersare fromthe depositoryof correspondenceto Dr. King held at the
Libraryand Archivein the King CenterforNonviolentSocial Change in Atlanta.These letters
are organizedby the Centerin two categories:the MartinLutherKing,Jr.papers (MLK) and
the Southern ChristianLeadership Conference(SCLC) papers.2In both the MLK and SCLC
papers a "primary"series is devoted to correspondencefromnotable figures(frompersons
whose names the archivistrecognized)writingto Dr. King or to SCLC. The "secondary"series
contains lettersthat the archivistconsideredfromundistinguishedpersons (persons whose
names were unrecognizableto the archivist)and materialsof "lesser"importanceto the conduct ofthe movement.It is fromthe MLK and SCLC secondaryseriesthatthe correspondence
analyzed in thispaper were drawn.
When combined,the MLK and SCLC secondaryseries contain approximatelyfiftythousand pieces of correspondenceand relatedmaterials.In these seriesthereare lettersconcerning business,legal, and organizationalmatters.There are requeststo speak, write,visit;there
are requestsforsermonsand essays; and thereare personal requests,such as correspondents
The serieshold briefnotes sentwithmonetaryconaskingforfavors,help, or forinformation.
tributions.Theyalso maintainlettersregardingoutstandingexpenses and requestsforthepaymentofbills.
Amongthe correspondenceare lettersof supportforKing,frequentlydescribingauthors'
movementparticipation(these lettersconstituteabout seven per cent ofthe secondaryseries).
2. In an interviewthe archivistexplained that the MLK and the SCLC papers were indistinguishableexcept that
the correspondencein each were addressedto King or to SCLC.
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
Many of these were markedby the SCLC's staffas "kind"letters;meaning theyare lettersof
supportforDr. King and the movement.Not all the lettersexpressingthese sentimentsand
movementparticipationwere so marked. We used the "kind" letterreferenceas a starting
place from which to gather correspondencethat was supportive of the movement and
expressedcorrespondents'movementactivities.
As partofthisresearch,3,500 "kind"letterswrittento King between 1958 and 1968 were
photocopied.It took two researcherssix weeks to acquire the 3,500 letters.The researchers
skimmedall the documentsin the MLK and SCLC secondaryseries and copied every"kind"
letter,post card,telegram,etc.,thatappeared potentiallyrelevantto the research.This procedure was followedwith the intentionthat a sample of letterswould be selected foranalysis
which the researcherscould laterassess in detailfortheirappropriatenessto the study.
Of the 3,500 pieces of correspondence,1,800 were writtenduringthe five-yearperiod
between 1960 to 1965. It is fromthisimportantperiodof CivilRightsactivismthatthe correspondence forthis studywas selected. Among the 1,800 letters,many are lengthy(several
pages), othersare briefletters,post-cards,and telegrams.In selectinglettersforanalysiswe
requiredthat theybe legiblein orderto be interpretedand coded, theybe "kind,"explicitly
expressingthe author's supportfor the movement,they contain attributionalinformation
about correspondents,such as theirrace, gender,place of residence,etc., and they provide
substantiveinformationabout theirparticipationin the movement,such as involvementsin
movement activities,conceptionsof doctrine,depictionsof King's leadership,and so forth.
These criteriaresultedin a sample composed of a disproportionate
numberof lengthyletters
with considerableinformation
about each correspondentbut not always comparableinformationforall correspondents.
Usingthe above criteriawe generateda studysample of 508 letters.
Our codingscheme was builtto capturesystematically
basic informationabout the letters
such as the date on the letter'spostmark,how it was written(e.g., typed,handwritten,teleof the correspondent.Codes
gram), the race, gender,and other demographiccharacteristics
also were establishedforthe substantiveaspects of letterssuch as the sentence tokensabout
doctrineand networks,conceptionsof King's leadership,descriptionsof movementparticipation offeredby the correspondents,
and so forth.When informationwas missingit was sometimes possible to code substanceof interestto our analysis using inferentialtechniques.The
ways in which these techniques applied to the coding of race and gender are described in
the next section.
CodingRaceand Gender
Correspondents'self-identifying
expressionsprovide the most directinformationabout
race and gender. For example, one author wrote "As a Negro workingfor freedomin the
" Other examples of self-identifications
South.
include; "As the son of Negro sharecrop...
and
"I'm a youngwhitegirlfrom ."
pers,"
... however, were infrequent(see Tables 1 and 2).
Race and gender self-identifications,
Therefore,we did not limitour coding to such expressions.We also inferredidentitiesfrom
indirectexpressionsof gender and race. Inferenceswere also made frommore ambiguous
statementssuch as, "AlthoughI am not a colored person, I whole heartedlysupportyour
work in Birmingham."The race of this letterwriterwas coded as "probablyWhite." References to "my Negro kin" were also coded inferentially,
suggestingthat persons using such
phraseswere "probablyBlack."
Authorswho used directexpressionsof gendersuch as, "Women like me supportyou in
all thatyou do Dr. King," were coded "female."The inclusionof Mr. or Mrs., common references to "my husband and I", "as a daughter"or "as a son" also were used to code gender
Genderedoccupationscirca1960 wereused as cluesto infercorrespondents'
directly.
genderwhen
it was not explicitlystated.Letterslackingdirector indirectreferenceto gender were coded
i.e., usingtypicalfemaleand male names as an
using firstnames as proxiesto genderidentity,
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163
164
PLAIT AND FRASER
Table 1 * RacialIdentification
ofCorrespondents
Racial Category
Totaln
Black, self-referential
Black, inferential
White,self-referential
White,inferential
Otherrace
Not described
Total
22
81
120
211
4
70
508
% of
Category
21%
79%
36%
64%
% ofAll
Correspondents
4%
16%
24%
42%
1%
14%
101%
Notes:
ofAllCorrespondents
doesnotaddto 100% due torounding.
Percent
Otherrace:Four(n = 4) correspondents
identified
as IndianorAsian.Becausethenumberofcasesin thiscategoryis so small,theyarenotincludedin theanalysis.
In thesecases
NotDescribed:
Theracialidentification
ofseventy
couldnotbe determined.
(n = 70) correspondents
eitherdidnotreport
theirraceoritcouldnotbe inferentially
determined
fromtheircorresponthecorrespondent
denceto Dr.King.
Table 2 * GenderIdentification
ofCorrespondents
Totaln
RacialCategory
Women, self-referential
Women, inferential
Men, self-referential
Men, inferential
Group letter,mixed gender
Not described
Total
9
205
3
245
39
7
508
% of
Category
4%
96%
1%
99%
% ofAll
Correspondents
2%
40%
1%
48%
8%
1%
100%
Notes:
oftenhuswerewritten
MixedGender:Thirty-nine
bygroupsofcorrespondents,
(n = 39) letters
Groupletter,
bandsandwives.Sincegenderinthesecasesis mixed,theyarenotincludedintheanalysis.
In thesecases
ofseven(n = 7) correspondents
couldnotbe determined.
NotDescribed:
Thegenderidentification
fromtheirletters.
theirgenderor itcouldnotbe inferentially
determined
eitherdidnotreport
thecorrespondent
Theyarenotincludedin theanlaysis.
index to gender.In cases where a letterwriter'sname applied to both women and men, such
as Pat, additional identifyinginformationincludingoccupation (when available) was combined with the name and used to code the correspondents'gender.3The categoricalcoding
scheme used forrace is "Black,""probablyBlack,""White,""probablyWhite,""otherrace,"and
"missing."A similarsix categorycoding scheme with one categoryformixed-gendergroups
was developed forgender.
to analyze sentence tokens because
Insofar as was possible, we used self-identification
is closestto our theoreticalconceptionof relevance.It was not posthisformof identification
sible, however, to analyze sentence tokens solely by self-identified
gender because too few
as
such.
identified
themselves
explicitly
correspondents
their gender in almost all the lettersis interThat correspondentsdid not self-identify
and
twocodersreadthelettertogether
was ambiguous,
ofa correspondent
3. Whentheraceorgenderidentity
raceorgenderwere
couldnotbe determined,
discussedthecodingissueuntila consensuswas reached.Iftheidentity
toraceorgenderincluding
textualreference
Iftherewas no directorinferential
codedas "missing."
genderappropriate
thesewerealsocodedas "missing."
oraddresstitles,
names,occupations,
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
theirracial identity.Reading the
esting,especiallyin lightof the factthatmany self-identified
letterswith modern eyes, having witnessed and studied the rise of the modern women's
movementand salient gender consciousness-raising
experiencesin the late 1960s and early
1970s, our initialexpectationwas thatwomen who wrote to King would make theirgender
identitysalient in their correspondenceto him. However, in reflectingon the findingthat
there were so few self-references
to gender,it began to make sense to us thatgenderwould
not be a salientfeatureof the correspondent'sself-or at least not an aspect of theirselfthat
in
theywould make known to King in theirletters.Instead,the lack of genderidentifications
the lettersmakes sense given thatwomen's organizingat the timewas just emergingout of a
"doldrumperiod" as a politicaland social force(Rupp and Taylor1987). That women defined
themselvesmostcommonlyin relationto theirhusbands or theirstatusas wives and mothers
is consistentwithprevailinggendernormsof the early 1960s. To expect thatgenderwould be
an expressed,salientfeatureof the correspondentsself,as it most likelywould be today,is to
assume thatcorrespondentshad a late 1990s take on gender,insteadof an early 1960s understandingof genderidentityand genderoppression.
Thus, only 4 percent (n = 9) of women and only 1 percent (n = 3) of men, or 3 percent ofall correspondents
self-identified
theirgender.Withregardsto race, 21 percent(n = 22)
of all Black correspondentsand 36 percent (n = 120) of all White letterwriters,or 28 percent of all correspondentsself-identified
theirrace. Self-identifications
were infrequentand
most likelyto be made in termsof race, however,we focus our analysis on race self-identifications,understandingthese to be the most accurate method of coding forrace as relevant
to the correspondents.Likewise, we would have wished to focus on gender self-identifications for the same reason. However, because so few correspondentsself-identifiedtheir
gender identities,and because gender was easily coded using names and titlessuch as Mr.
and Mrs. in the letters,we use inferentiallydeterminedgender in our analysis of networks.
AnalyzingCorrespondenceforDiscourse Strategies
In fundamentalways the letters'richtextsincorporateauthors'experiencesof the movement. The 508 lettersin the database contain sentences, combinationsof sentences, and
phrases that clearlyexpress these experiences.Complete sentences and sentence fragments
expressingthe same or similarcontentand appearingin a single letter,were combined and
coded as sentencetokens.Sentencetokensare substantiveunitsexpressinga varietyof issues.
They formthe units for coding and analyzingcorrespondents'movementexperiences. Our
analysisis based on the coding of substantiveportionsof the letters'textsand discerningthe
strategiescorrespondentsused in theseportionsof theirlettersto King. Thus,we use the term
"sentence token" to referto text statements(includingsentences and/orparagraphs) coded
into the database. The sentence tokens under studyin this analysisare the textsegmentsin
the correspondencein which:identifications
withmovement
doctrine
aremade;descriptions
ofthenetworksthatinfluence
theauthors'commitment
aredescribed;
and messages
senttoKingabouttheconduct
areprovided
ofthemovement
bycorrespondents.
Guidelinesforcodingthe textwere painstakinglydeveloped afterreadingand re-reading
the correspondenceto King. Afterextensivediscussions,a codebook was writtento document
coding decisions and standardizethe coding process. Although a discussion of the specific
ways in which sentence tokens were coded is beyond the scope of this article,a general
descriptionof the typeof statementsthatwere coded as doctrine,network,and message sentence tokensillustrateshow the correspondencewas analyzed. In sentencetokensabout doctrine,writersemploy discoursestrategiesinfluencedby the relevantpragmaticcircumstances
and these shape theirsolidarityand framesin relationto the movement.Descriptionsof networks that influencecommitmentreturnthe analysisto the personal experiencesand socioculturalcircumstancesrelevantto the correspondent;these personal experiencesand circum-
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165
166
PLATT AND FRASER
stances are used to interprettheirsolidaritywiththe movement.4Messages to King about the
conduct of the movementprovide insightinto the ways in which correspondentsformulate
theircircumstancesin relationto the movement'ssuccesses,failures,doctrine,and strategies.
Ultimatelythen our analysis providesinsightsinto correspondents'conceptionsand experiences of, and attachmentsto the movement; those they share with, and those that vary
among othermovementsupportersand participants.
In the 508 letters,a total of 408 identification
with doctrinesentencetokenswere coded.
Doctrinal sentence tokens include mentionsof instrumentalissues such as those discussing
economic, political,and social progressfor"Negroes,"as forexample, equal votingrightsor
withthe moveendingsegregation.Thereare also culturalissues noted,such as identifications
ment's principles,e.g., equality,justice, liberty,freedom,or the creation of a more humane
and harmonioussociety.For example, the followingstatementwas coded as an identification
with a principled
with movementdoctrinesentencetoken: the authorwritesof identification
aspect of the movement'sdoctrine-freedom:
was wonderful
Dr.KingtheFreedomRallywhichwas heldherein Montgomery
youandMrs.King
bothmade a beautiful
speech,yes,Dr. King,I was one out ofthosethousandsand thousandsof
marchers
thatyouled to thestatecapitolofAlabama.Dr.KingI was absentfromschool[thatday]
forone mainreasonand thatreasonwas FREEDOM!
with doctrineinclude referencesto religiousdoctrinesundergirding
Otheridentifications
the movement such as Christianbeliefsin brotherhood,brotherlylove, and peace. Finally,
with nonviolence such as those associated with Gandhian doctrine
there are identifications
and tactics.Letterssometimesexpressed more than one doctrinalsentence token; all were
coded.
There are 142 networksentence tokens in the letters.Networksentence tokens include
mentionsof how respondentswere introducedand recruitedto participatein the movement.
Networksentence tokens remarkupon personal networks,such as familyand friendsinfluencingindividualsto join the movement.The influenceof externalnetworkssuch as solicitations by mail, readingarticlesabout the movement,and media broadcasts,was also noted as
ways in which participantswere recruited.Institutionalnetworkswere also influentialin
in relito the movement.These includeinfluencesfromparticipation
correspondents
recruiting
For
African-American
an
and
so
forth.
churches,
example
synagogues,
gious organizations,
ministerindicateshis ties to the movementby way of church:
shieldaroundyou
Dr. KingI am surethatyou willagreewithme thatGod has been a mighty
thedevilshoutedat youwithevery
throughthepastyearsthatwerefilledwitheverydescription
thingthatwas inhisarsenalandtheonlyreasonthatyouarealivetodayisbecauseyouwerein the
centeroftheDivine..... Dr.Kingthechurchis beingchallenged
todayas anytimein history.
...
tobecome.
Godneedsa manlikeyouandthekindI am trying
The 502 message sentencetokensincluded a varietyof issues correspondentswanted Dr.
King to know about or to address. Message sentence tokensinclude encouragementto King,
such as "don't give up!" or "keep strong."There were also practicaland strategicadvice messages that gave specificadvice to King such as "press for voter registrationin the South,"
"involvemore blacksin the movement,"or "onlypatronizeestablishmentsthathire us." Religious message sentencetokensinclude statementssuch as "God is on your side," "I praydaily
foryou and forvictory"or "I know God is watchingover you." There are message sentence
4. In the social movementliteraturemuch has been made ofthe influencesof networksin committingpersonsto
movements(Tilly1978:62-69; Snow, Zurcherand Ekland-Olson 1980; McAdam and Paulsen 1993). Analyzingthe texts
forinfluentialnetworksprovides us with correspondents'constructionsof the personal and structuralcircumstances
thatinfluencetheircreatingsolidaritywiththe movement.
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
tokens focused upon the agenda correspondentswould like King to emphasize. One correspondentwrotethismessage of advice to King; it was coded as an advice sentencetoken:
in NewYorkaboutthethingsyou are doingin theSouthto helptheNegro
... we are so uplifted
foran
raceand othersin general.Thepeoplein NewYorkareveryproudofyouand I am praying
to meetyou.Although
we arelivingin NewYorktherearemanythingsthatshouldbe
opportunity
changedhere.Allthebigstoresin Harlemshouldbe ownedbyus (theNegroes).A mancannotget
knownfigures
likeyourself
Nationally
veryfarwitha job only,he needtohavebusinessenterprise.
as theyearnmoneytoputitinto
arein ourraceandshouldespecially
encouragetheyoungcitizens
a businessso thattheywillbe ableto givejobsto ourpeople.
lettersinto coded sets of substantivestatements
Assemblingsentence tokens transforms
about the movement'sdoctrine,messages to King, and networksthat influencedcorrespondents' relationsto the movement.When we quote fromour sample of 508 lettersto illustrate
correspondents'formulationsof issues and theirvariation,we draw fromall coded sentence
tokens,notjust those aspectsof a letterthatserve our analyticintentions.
Discourse strategiesare linguisticinterpretivepracticesembedded in spoken sentences
used by speakers to express and understandmeaningsin conversation.They also are extralinguisticpracticesembedded in facial and tonal expressions,cultural,situational,and backgroundinformationused to expressand understandmeaningsin speech (Gumperz 1982). In
our codingand analyses of writtentextswe interpretboth formsof discoursestrategies,however,we emphasizein our analysisextra-linguistic
practicesused to constructaccountsof correlations
to
the
movement.
respondents'
Contextualizingand InterpretingDiscourse Strategies
in Correspondence
In an extended illustrationpresentedbelow we discussthe strategiesused by one correand framethe movement.We also illustrate
spondentto legitimatewriting,create solidarity,
how decipheringthe letter'smeaningsdepend upon understandingitsentirenarrativeand the
relevantpersonaland socio-culturalcircumstancesexpressedin it by the correspondent.5
This
examination focuses upon a letter from an African-Americanministerwho is actively
involved in the movementas Presidentof the Wilmington,Delaware NAACP.His race, position,and the circumstanceshe is facing,both locallyand in relationto the movement'sactions
in Birmingham,act as the basis forthe discoursestrategieshe uses in his letter.The analysis
beginsby theoreticallysituatinglegitimating
strategies.
to legitimateculturally
Promptedby Williams'(1995) descriptionof organizationalefforts
sanctionedformsof commitmentto the "publicgood," we analogize correspondents'efforts
to
constructsuch conceptions of commitments.These include commitmentsto public goods
which the author suggestshe and King share. Cultural,social, and personal attributesconstructthese commonalties.Correspondentswho referto cultureemphasize shared religious,
moral, and value commitments.Also, consistentwith Williams' conception of "contract"
(1995:133-37) the movement'sgoals, doctrine,and actions,are formulatedas bases forshared
commitments.Finally,shared personal historiesand experiences are used as strategiesby
which the correspondentalludes to sharedcommitmentsand justifieswriting.
These threedomains are used by correspondentsin ways similarto Swidler's(1986) conception of the use of cultureas a "tool kit."Authors' agenticwherewithalpermitsthem to
search theircultural,social, and personal worlds to findand employ strategiesthat construct
common commitmentsto justifywriting.These effortsare not unlike creatingsolidarityand
5. Our coding was influencedby Cicourel's (1985; 1992) conception of contextualizingdiscoursestrategiesused
by speakersto interpretintendedmeanings.
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PLATT AND FRASER
framingthe movement,and indeed theywill oftensegue over to the conductof these other
strategies.Legitimatingwriting,however,is focusedupon gainingKing's attention,accessing
his time,and justifying
a stranger'sinvasioninto his privacy.Consistentwiththe construction
of theirmovement experiences,authors offera soliloquy about theirrelationto the movement and to King,theydo not seek to initiatea dialogue withhim.
The African-American
ministerbeginshis letterwitha sentencetoken thatembeds a discourse strategywhich legitimateshis writing.Followingthe salutationhe writes:"Please continue to restfullyassured thatmillionsof people of everynation and race are watchingwith
deep interestthe gallant fightwhich you and your valiant associates are waging against discriminationand its counterpart,segregation."
At firstglance, thisopening sentencetoken appears a non-sequiturin relationto the rest
indicatesthat in this initial
of the letter'ssubstance. However,a more carefulinterpretation
sentence token the ministersignifieshis, and others,moral supportforthe movement.The
words gallantand valiantin the sentence are synonymsforbrave to be sure. But unlike the
word brave, which connotes mundane formsof courage, they imply courtly,chivalrous,or
braveryconjuringthe image thatmovementactivistsare on a moralcrusadeor errand.
knightly
The discoursestrategyimputedto the sentencetoken given the minister'simpliedmoral mismoral support."
sion is thatof "expressingand offering
Withinthe previous sentence token the ministerestablisheshis culturalcommitmentto
the movement. In another sentence token he furtherlegitimateshis writingby expressing
shared social commitmentsto commonlyheld goals, tactics,and doctrine,simultaneously
implyingthathe and King hold similarmovementframes:
in thewayofa victory
also havesomething
to celebrate
We hereinWilmington
againstdiscriminato admit
whichcontinuedto be theonlytheaterin Wilmington
tion.The RialtoTheater,
refusing
stulastweek.... Theclimaxcametwoweeksago whensixAfrican-American
Negroes,
capitulated
for"trespassing."
wereamongthosewhowerearrested
dentsat LincolnUniversity
[This]servedto
on theownertosucha degreethathe threwin thetowel.
increasepressure
By the Springof 1963, the date of the minister'sletter,the describedpatternof the campaign at the Rialto Theater had become routinized among SNCC and SCLC activists.It
involved young AfricanAmericans,nonviolentlyinvadingsegregatedspaces, initiatingwhat
King called a "creative tension," seeking to forceor negotiate desegregationby pressuring
White business and government elites. We do not wish to trivialize the courage of the
young people nor the potential violence against them in these circumstances.Instead we
wish to underline that the minister'sreport is for him a relevant circumstance that he
wants to share with King. In this sentence token he expresses to King their shared commitment to nonviolent doctrine and tactics. The legitimation strategyin this sentence
token is in the minister'ssubtextual expression, "in this movement we share a social contractto nonviolence." The ministerwill more profoundlyelaborate this expression when
he aligns his movement framewith King's in a message sentence token conveyingtactical
advice.
However,at thispoint in the letter'stextthe ministergoes on to elaborate relatedissues
by describinghis own involvementin the Wilmingtonintegrationcampaign. In doing so he
furtherequates himselfwith King by suggestingthat King's successes in Birmingham,occurringat the same time,are similarto his own in Wilmington,even ifhis are on a smallerscale.
the
to King's Birminghamcircumstances,and formulating
The author continuesby referring
inevitablesuccess of theirstruggle:
are boundto resultin
whichare beingcarriedout in Birmingham
The massivedemonstrations
crowdwillnot
whichGovernor
Wallace,"Bull"Connor,andtherestofthatreprobate
repercussions
Thetideis againstthem,theyknowit,becauseitis soundingthedeathknellof
be abletoovercome.
theiniquitous
whichtheyhavefoisted
people.
upona longsuffering
system
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
We inferthatthe legitimationdiscoursestrategiesembedded in the sentencetokenscited
in a covenant
minister-coworkers
may be summarizedas: he and King are African-American
forjustice;theyshare commitmentsto a morality,goals, actions,and doctrine(Williams1995:
130-38). Ultimatelytheir effortsmust result in an end to discriminationand segregation.
Given theirshared commitmentsto these "common goods," he surelyhas the rightto write,
makinga requestand providingadvice about the course of the movement.
In a message sentencetokenthe ministerfurthersignifieshis framingof,and his solidaritywith,the movement.He offersKing advice, the subtextofwhich identifieshim withKing's
and SCLC's ideologicalversionof the movement.His message counsels King to set up a bail
fundformovementparticipantsby appealing nation-wideforcontributionsas small as a doland the mutuality
lar.The correspondentcloses his letterby drivinghome theircomparability,
of theirsolidarityand framesby equating theirpersonal experiencesand circumstances.The
ministerwrites:"I have servedforeleven yearsas the Presidentof the WilmingtonBranch of
the NAACP,and am now a memberof itsExecutiveBoard. I am certainthatwe would be glad
to promotethisidea, which I trustyou will considerfavorably."
The many different
discoursestrategiesembedded in the lettermay be understood,as we
have attemptedto illustrate,by situatingthemwithinthe entirenarrativethe authorconveys.
However,the minister'sadvice, especiallyhis attemptto convince King to establisha nationally acquired bail fund,is interpretableby contextualizingit in relationto the socio-cultural
events occurringin Birmingham,which for the Wilmingtonministerare relevant circumstances.
The Birminghamcampaignof 1963, to which the authorrefers,was widelyunderstoodas
crucialto the survivalof SCLC and its ideologicaldoctrineof nonviolentdirectaction. Morris
(1993) demonstratedBirmingham'spivotal positionin the movement.Morriswrites:"King
and his colleagues wanted to set in motionmass movementsthroughoutthe South modeled
afterthe Birminghamcampaignto overthrowsouthernsegregation"(1993:623).
The BirminghamCommissionerof Public Safety,Eugene ("Bull") Connor, pursued a
course of repressiveviolence againstmovementactivists.Connor conductedmassivearrestsof
African-American
youthwho attemptedto desegregate"lunchcountersand otherpublicfacilities in the downtown stores"(Morris 1993:623). Their arrestsand jailing were part of Connor's strategyto break the spiritofthe youthinvolvedand thus,to destroythe movement.The
Wilmingtonleader was thereforecallingforthe establishmentof a bail fundforthose arrested
in confrontations
in orderto sustainthe movement'smomentum.
The Wilmingtonminister'sletterillustrateswell thatthe meaningsof the discoursestrategies used by correspondentsare contextuallydependent upon-relevantpersonal and socioculturalcircumstancesexpressedin letters.It is by contextualizingthe minister'sadvice as it
fitsto his letter'stotal narrative,immediateevents,and to SCLC's doctrineof nonviolence,
thathis frameand solidaritywiththe movementbecome visible.
Race, Gender and Correspondenceto King
In the remainderof the analysiswe no longerdiscuss legitimationsentence tokens and
the strategiesused to justifywritingto King; we are aware thatthese exist. Instead we focus
the investigationon how race, gender,and circumstancesinfluencethe discourse strategies
used in threetypesof sentence tokens,and in turnhow the variationsin creatingsolidarity
and framingthe movementare expressed.
Doctrine
Identificationwith doctrinesentence tokens are ways in which correspondentswriteof
theirinterpretations
of movementdoctrine.African-Americans
used theirrace to formulatea
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PLATT AND FRASER
discoursestrategyrelatingthem to the movementas ifrace and participationwere inherently
associated. Thus, Black correspondentsstressedtheirsolidaritywith the instrumentalaspects
(e.g., voting,jobs, etc.) of the movement'sdoctrinemore so than did White correspondents.
Many correspondentswho expressed this form of solidaritysympatheticallybut critically
framethe movement;they indicate that although they are supportersand participants,the
movement'sdoctrine,goals, or conductrequirespecificadjustmentsin orderto be more effective and to achieve widersocietalacceptance.
Black correspondentsalso identifiedwith the principledaspects of movementdoctrine,
such as achievingequality,justice,and freedom.TheyencouragedKing to workforracialintegration.One use of race as the basis fora discoursestrategyis depictedin the following:"I am
a Christiancolored woman .... I believe in fullcitizenshiprightsand integrationof all public
places forall Americans.I admireyour intelligence,your bravery,and your stand on integration." This woman identifiesher race and gender,and uses these to frameher supportof the
instrumentalaspects of the movement (fullcitizenshiprights)and of the movement'sprinciples regardingintegrationand equality.
White correspondentsused theirrace as the basis fordiscoursestrategiesto create relations to the movementbut theydid so indirectly;having identifiedthemselvesas White they
then describethemselvesin relationto the movementby way of mutuallyheld sentiments,
values, and beliefs.TheyseparatethemselvesfromotherWhiteswho do not share theirvalues
and who oppose integration.Whites frequentlyidentifiedwith the principledtenets of the
movement,and theyalso identifiedwith its religiousdoctrine.Occasionally,these correspondentsattemptto createan ascriptivesolidaritywiththe movementby depictingthemselvesas
brothersand sistersin the struggleforjustice. One such correspondentwhose race and religion are relevantto his identitywritesto King,"I am whiteand a Catholicpriest."He expresses
his abhorrenceof SouthernWhites' resistanceto desegregation.He identifieswith religious
movementdoctrinesuch as Christianbrotherhoodas well as withprinciplesofjustice and he
continues:"But we shall overcomein the end; justice always does, I shall continueto prayand
work foryou and our 19.2 millionNegro brothersin the United States-that justice may be
done to them."
withitsprinciWhite correspondentscreatesolidaritywiththe movementby identifying
such
as
"freedom"and
doctrine.
Whites
use
its
and
nonviolent
and
with
slogans
religious
ples
such as,
of
moral
and
write
"we
overcome."
now"
or
shall
principles
political
They
"equality
"universalbrotherhood"and "universalsuffrage."White supportersand participantswriting
to King during this period framedthe movementin termsconsistentwith SCLC's integrawithmovementdoctrineby race.
tionistdoctrine.Table Three illustratesthe identifications
Table 3 * IdentificationswithMovementDoctrineby Racial Self-Identification
Doctrine
Instrumental
Principles
Religious
Non-violence
Total
Self
Identified
as Black(%In)
Identified
Self
as White(%/n)
Total
(%/n)
18% (3)
65% (11)
8% (3)
45% (18)
11% (6)
51% (29)
0% (0)
101% (17)
15% (0)
101% (40)
18% (3)
33% (13)
28% (16)
11% (6)
101% (57)
Notes:
Total percentagesdo not add to 100% due to rounding.
withthe movement'sdoctrinein theircorresponCorrespondentsmay have mentionedmorethan one identification
with the movementin all correspondence(n = 408)
dence. Table total is less than total numberof identifications
as eitherwhite or black and expressed
because thisanalysisincludesonly those correspondentswho self-identified
theirrace).
who self-identified
out of 143 correspondents
withmovementdoctrine(57 correspondents
identification
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
The strategicdifferences
by race in creatingsolidaritywith the movementare considerable; they are also substantialby gender.Women express commitmentsto the instrumental
issues facingBlack Americansand to the movement'sreligiousdoctrine;men stressthe movement'sprinciplesand nonviolence.For example,47 percentof women used religiousdoctrine
in creatingsolidaritywiththe movementwhile 36 percentofmen did so. However,33 percent
ofwomen employeddoctrinalprinciplessuch as freedomand equalitystrategieswhile 43 percent ofthe men did so.6
Black womens' concern with instrumentalmattersaffectingall African-Americans
was
also expressedby notingtheirgenderoppressionwhich theyassociate withracialsubjugation.
In a rare statementof gender consciousnessforthe time,a Black female activistwritingin
1962, explicitlyembeds strategiesin her letterthatequate the two:
Whenwe metin Chicago,at [name]'saffair,
I asked[name]foran appointment
to talksomethings
in myown cityand state,whereourvoterregistraover,whereinI couldbe ofservice,
particularly
tionis so low.I don'tknowwhether[name]was reluctant
tomeet,manytimesmenare,forfearof
I hope thisis nottrue.I am sincere,and wantto be ofservice.... I trustthatthe
repercussions.
ofthewomenofcolor,willnotbe minimized,
and thatwe belongin thefight
as wellas
strength
themen.I saythisbecausemanywomenhavebeenrelegated
to thebackground
insteadofbeing
allowedto exercisetheirabilitiesto do, in thisfight,
forequal opportunities.
I feelthatI voicethe
ofhundreds
sentiment
ofwomen....
Black and White correspondentscreated solidarityby aligningrelevantaspects of their
racial identitieswith different
movementdoctrine.Blacks noted instrumentaland principled
aspects of movementdoctrinein theirletters.Whitesfocused upon its religiousand nonviolent doctrine.White correspondentsalso stresseddemocraticprinciples.It makes sense that
these movement ideologies would be relevantto Whites who do not experience the effects
of racismfirsthand; therefore,theyuse theirrace strategicallyto identifywith more abstract
movementissues. For Blacks, principlesand to a lesser degree religiousdoctrinewere foundational; these doctrinesshaped theirinterpretationof the movement and moved them to
act in the name of what was right,fair,and just. However, instrumentalissues were also
deeply embedded in Black activists' correspondence as they constructed frames and
establishedsolidaritywith a movementreflectingtheireverydayencounterswith inequality
and oppression.
Networks
Networksentencetokensembed correspondents'accountsof constructing
solidaritywith
the movement by way of personal and other connections.Three discourse strategieswere
used by correspondentsto describetheirnetworkingwith the movement:externalconnections,thatare impersonal(mail solicitationsforfunds,newspaper,magazine,and journal articles thatmobilizedparticipation);institutionalties (church,business,school, affiliations
etc.);
and personalrelations(friends,family,personaltiesin church,workplace,etc.).
An examination of networksentence tokens by correspondents'gender indicateshow
strategiesderivedfromgenderidentitieswere influentialin mediatingthe way letterwriters'
constructedtheirties to the movement.Women describedtheirconnectionto the movement
throughpersonalrelationships,and men describetheirnetworkingby way ofinstitutionalties
and externalconnections (see table 4). Men also wrote of leadershippositionsthey held in
institutionsthat had relationswith the movement and how these became convertedinto
mobilizingties. Women wrote of personal relationships,such as friendshipsin groupssympatheticto the movement and of personal relationshipsin theirchurches and how these ties
acted to mobilizethem.
6. Because of space considerationsthistable is not presentedhere; it is available fromthe authors.
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171
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PLATTAND FRASER
An African-American
woman remarksupon her personal connectionto the movement
of
her
father
who
was
a friendof Booker T. Washington.By contrast,a male executive
by way
workingfora large insurancecompanypraisesKing and notes thatKing's visitto a company
dinner "awakened many people who heretoforewere sleeping through the revolution."
Anotherman, fromLos Angeles,remarksto King upon the way he originallyconnectedto the
movement, "I know that you would not rememberme but I met you here at Church, in
1947." A Black pastor fromNew York writesof his church's institutionalparticipation.He
remarksupon his church'snetworkwiththe movementby declaringto King:
We hereat [BaptistChurch]heardof yourprogramforhelpingdestitute
Negrofamiliesin the
andraisedtheamountofthechecksenttoyou... as a result
south.Wejoinedin thedayoffasting
we might. . do to assistyouin
ofthateffort
.... Pleasedo nothesitateto callon me foranything
yourprogram.
White male and female correspondentsdescribetheirnetworkssimilarlyto Black correspondents-White women express networkingwith the movementby way of personal ties
and men by way of externaland institutionalties. A White woman wishes to raise her children with Christianvalues and writesof her family'sties to the movement;she is introduced
to the movementthroughthe workofher daughter.She describesher daughter'sparticipation
in MississippiFreedom Summerin her letterto King:
in ourparish... [we are]trying
tolivewith
We areCatholics
involvedin theworkoftheapostalate
to God'sWill.Bringing
faitheachdayaccording
up ourfivegirlsclosetoOurLord,andwe pray,not
SummerProjectand
prejudiced.... Ouroldestgirlhas alreadydonesomeworkfortheMississippi
termsaboutthisbeinga
a littlemartyrdom-a
readherout in no uncertain
has suffered
neighbor
scheme.Butshekeptsilentandwonhercase.
communist
A White male college chaplain notes his school's support (institutionalnetwork) for
the movementand remarksabout the networksamong activiststudents,himself,faculty,the
church,and the movement.Many male ministersand other clergy,both Black and White,
wrote of the ways that they were drawn to the movement throughreligiousconventions
where King spoke, as well as throughthe movement'sappeals in theirown congregations.A
rabbi whose given name is conventionallymale writesof his connectionto the movement
throughhis congregation.He goes on to commenton his participationin the Selma to Montgomery March, therebyexpressinghis religiouslygrounded integrationistframingof the
movement:
I have neverbeenmoredeeplystirred
In morethanthirty
bythepervading
yearsin therabbinate
in everyonewho marchedwithyouand
and overriding
spirityoucreatedand inculcated
religious
to
To havebeena partofthatmajesticassemblage,
in Montgomery.
heardyouspeaklastThursday
and
almostpalpable,unityofpurposewhichboundus together-Christian
havefeltthethrobbing,
ofmylife....
moments
Jew,Whiteand Negro,youngand old-was one ofthehighest
Gender relatednetworksexpressedin the correspondencereflectthe relevantstructural
arrangementsof the 1960s. Male correspondentsin discoursestressinstitutionaland imperTable 4 * NetworkIdentificationsby Correspondent'sGender
All Women(%/n)
Network
Type
Externalnetworks
Institutionalnetworks
Personalnetworks
Total
11%
23%
66%
100%
(6)
(12)
(35)
(53)
All Men (%/n)
21%
55%
24%
100%
(14)
(37)
(16)
(67)
Note:
*Does not add to 100% due to rounding.
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Total(%/n)
17% (20)
41% (49)
43% (51)
101%* (120)
Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
sonal ties because these were theirconnectionsto the social world. Male correspondentsalso
emphasize institutionalnetworksbecause theyheld positionsof power in institutionssuch as
churches,businesses,and schools;these are the relevantcircumstancesfromwhich theycould
interpretthe formsof movementsolidaritytheycreated.
Thatwomen authorsmentionpersonalnetworksratherthan institutionalones, especially
personal networksin the church,is also the resultof the gender constraintsof the historical
period. This should not imply that women were not active in the religious life of their
churches. Such an observationwould be contraryto the well recognized involvementof
women, especiallyAfrican-American
women, in the churches.Rather,both Black and White
women interpretedtheirrelationshipsto King fromtheirculturallyand circumstantially
relevant 1960s positionsas wives, mothers,churchhelpers,volunteers,and membersof church
committeesorientedto genderrelatedtasks (e.g., the women's "auxiliary"),ratherthan from
positionsof institutional
power thattheydid not occupy.7
Messages
sentmessagesto Kingabout themovement.Messagetokensprovideinsights
Correspondents
into how correspondentsframedthe movement.Embedded in theirmessages they express
how theywould ideallyformulateand pursue the movement.Race, more than gender,acts as
a basis forinterpreting
strategiesinfluencingmessages to King. Table 5 depictsmessages by
self-referential
racial identification.
Black correspondents
offeredKing theiradvice,help, and assistance.An African-American
woman writes:
and I criedthinking
ofall thebrutality
in theSouth,and
TodayI was viewingtelevision
happening
in Selma,Alabama,and dearSir,I listenedto yourspeech,whichas always,I believecomesfrom
theuttermost
depthsofyourheart... [however]youletfallsomewords,althoughmeantforthe
werenotquiteunderstood
as such,by thoseofour whitebrethren,
who are now
segregationists
side
side
with
us.
of
Some
them
mistookyourmeaningwhenyouutteredthesewords
by
tighting
'whenwe arein thelegislature
theywillbe in thecottonpatch.'ThesearewordsmeantforGovernorWallaceand hiskind... butletthoseofourwhitebrethren
knowdearReverend,
thatin our
heartswe love themmostdearly,
and letnota reporter
bythenameofEricSevereidor anyother
broadcast
to theworldthesewordsagain.
reporter,
Her message framesthe movementsimilarlyto the rabbiquoted above; she conceives an
integrated,holy communityof Blacks and Whitesworkingtogetherforjustice,however,she
takes the libertyof advisingKing to adjust doctrinalexpressionsso thattheymay not be misunderstoodby the public.This "holycommunity"message also demonstrateshow Blacks were
more likelyto send religiousmessagesto King. The strategiesin religiousmessageswere used
to frame the movement as a Christianimperative,the point being
by African-Americans
stressedthattruebrotherhoodcould onlybe obtainedwhen all were treatedequally.
White authorsalso offeredreligiousmessages,but were more likelyto convey messages
of encouragementand thanks,and demonstratethat theyshared common doctrinalground
with the movement.A Whitewoman notes her movementsolidaritythrougha message sentence token thatstrategically
expressesher commonground:
7. Carole Edelsky (1993:219-221) notes that when conversationsare organized in "floors"that are "collaborative,"ratherthan "singly"held, the playingfieldbetween women and men is leveled. Women participatein talkequally
with men. "Collaborativefloors"may personalizethe organizationof talkin a manner similarto personalizednetworks
and thus women's participation,in movementsand talk, is facilitatedby such social organization.Recent publications
women in the Civil Rightsmovementsuggestthe importanceto the
focusingon the contributionsof African-American
movement of women's personal ties, behind the scenes, grass roots,and collaborativeactivities.See Belinda Robnett
(1996; 1997) and VickiL. Crawford,Jacqueline Anne Rouse and Barbara Woods (1990). See also Mary King's (1987)
personal account of her movement participation.Review too Aldon Morris's (1984) characterizationof the roles of
Black women in the Civil Rightsmovement.
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173
174
PLATTAND FRASER
I am a whitecitizenfromDetroit.
I finditappallingthatoursocietyis suchthatone feelscompelled
to saythat'I am white'or 'I amblack'rather
thensimply'I am a citizen.'Somehowwe havegotten
I wantso verymuchDr.
mixedup and twistedto thepointwherewe mustmakethedistinction.
workyouare
toyouandtocongratulate
youon thewonderful
Kingtospeakmyheartfeltthoughts
thatthereis
doingforyourpeopleand forthenationto tryand bringthisnationto therealization
onlyone race-the humanrace!
That common ground was a frequentmessage in lettersfromWhites but less so from
Blacks is not surprising.White correspondentsemployed strategiesthat related them to the
movementand supporteditsgoals by viewingthe movementas occurringforthe benefitof all
races and not forBlacks alone. By demonstratingtheircommon bond with the movement,
Whitestold King how the movementwas relevantto them and theirlives. The large number
of Whitesthat offeredtheirencouragementand thanksin sentence tokens deliveredin their
lettersto King carriedin them a similarstrategy;throughtheirencouragementand thanks
they showed how theyabhorredthe segregationiststatusquo, and shared an interestin the
movement'ssuccess.
Messages sent to King reflectthe ways correspondentsframethe movementand themselves as supportersand participants.Black women and men involved themselveswith the
theirreligiouslygroundedsupport
advice and assistance,demonstrating
movementby offering
of King. White correspondentsportrayedthemselvesas activistsin a moral crusade forjustice
and equality forall humankindbased on a common understandingof these principles.They
formulatedtheirencouragementas importantto show King that not all Whiteswere against
the movementand theywere not sittingidlyby but ratherwere activelyinvolved.
Correspondents'Experiences in Lightof Discourse Strategies
We have argued that correspondentsconstructtheirparticipationby employinggender,
race, and circumstancesto createconceptionsof the movementand theirrelationto it. These
do not exhaust the ways in which participantsand supportersemploy strategiesto construct
theirmovement experiences.However, the uses of these strategiesdo provide insightsinto
ways in which letterwritersconstructthe movementforthemselves,how they attendto it,
how theycreatesolihow theymake it resonantto theirrelevantidentitiesand circumstances,
darityand framethe movement,and how theydepictthemselvesas supportersand participants.
People stimulatedby specificmovementdoctrineand activitiesare moved to offertheir
services,advice, practical,and moral support.Correspondentsattendingto the movementsee
Table 5 * Message Typeby Racial Self-Identification
Identified
Selfas
Black(%/n)
MessageType
18% (4)
Advice
Encouragement/thanks
Religious
Common ground
Total
28% (6)
32% (7)
23% (5)
101%* (22)
Self
Identified
as White(%/n)
4% (2)
41%
21%
34%
100%
(19)
(10)
(16)
(47)
Total
(%/n)
9% (6)
36%
25%
30%
100%
(25)
(17)
(21)
(69)
Notes:
Does not add to 100% due to rounding.
Correspondentsmay have mentionedmore than one message typein theircorrespondence.Table totalis less than
total numberof message statementsall correspondence(n = 502) because thisanalysisincludes only those correas eitherwhite or black and expressed identificationwith movement doctrine(57
spondentswho self-identified
theirrace).
correspondentsout of 143 correspondentswho self-identified
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Race and GenderDiscourseStrategies
aspects in it that are relevantto theiridentitiesand theircircumstances;thus theyformulate
the movementin these terms.They are moved to contributeto the movement;theirimmediate responseis to do so by writinga letter.In the letterstheydescribeaspectsofthe movement
theyfindrelevantto theirrace, gender,and circumstances,and theyemploythese to formulate theirsolidaritywithand framingof it. They use strategiesbased in personalattributesand
socio-culturalcircumstancesrelevantto them to constructforthemselves,and forKing their
movementexperiences.
This interpretive
processconstitutesthe movement.Fromthe perspectivesofparticipants'
and supporters'the movementis a vitalshifting,
developing,and evolvingorganizationaland
culturalobject.It involvescorrespondentsas activeagentsin creatingit as such. Thus, the letter writersas participantsand supporterscreate,recreate,and elaborate the movementas a
multidimensionalobjectby makingdifferent
aspectsof it salientand resonantto themselves.
This constructiveprocess is recursiveand inseparable for the correspondentsand the
movement. The multidimensionalcharacterof the movement and supporters'and participants' experientialframesare inseparable;theyrecursivelycreate,recreate,and elaborateone
another.The processis well describedby Hunt,Benfordand Snow when theynote thatframing:
a keyrecursive
whichthencondition
... suggests
relationship:
framing
processesproduceframes
the dynamicqualityof movement
ensuingframing
processes.Framingconceptsthusunderscore
beliefsystems
attention
on thedialectical
betweeninterpretive
participants'
byfixing
interplay
processesand cognitive
structures.
Personaland collective
identities
are,in part,a productor outcome
ofthisdialectical
and identity
construction
in a
interplay....framing
processesare interconnected
almostrecursive
fashion.(1994:192,203-204)
dynamic,
We suggestthatviewingmovementsas multidimensionalmandates a focuson the interactive processesbetween supportersand participantsand the aspects of movementorganization and doctrinethey find relevantto their identitiesand circumstances.This interaction
createssolidarityas participantsconstructtheirown framingof the movement.As theydo so
of the movement,
they perpetuate,recreate,expand, and change the multidimensionality
making it ever so complex, includingthe splinteringof organizationsunder an ideological
umbrella.8
Persons who exist in common statuses and circumstancesand share relevancies can
exhibitinterpretive
commonalities.It is Black women and men, White women and men that
existin sharedand yet separatedsocial situationsthathave the potentialforsharedand separaterelevancies.Ultimately,
however,it is the existenceof sharedrelevantpersonaland socioculturalcircumstances,and not the structuresalone, thatare employedby correspondentsas
the bases forthe discoursestrategiesused to constructthe movementand theirrelationsto it.
ImplicationsforTheory
Benford(1993b:210) pointsout that,"... interpretive
scholarshave tendedto neglectthe
historical,cultural,and structuralcontextin which movementconstructionsof realityoccur."
Benford'sinsightis similarto those of Geertz(1983), Rosaldo (1989), and Schutz (1962) who
insistthatsocial analysisbe "situationspecific"or fitto participants'"local knowledge."Citing
C. WrightMills, Benfordcontinues,".. . Mills (1940) contendedthat motivesare 'situated.'
That is they 'vary in contentand characterwith historicalepochs and societal structures'"
(1993b:210).
8. Benforddescribeshow thissplinteringoccurredin the nuclear disarmamentmovementand how it resultedin
doctrinalconflictamong social movementorganizationsin a SMI (Benford1993a). A similarprocess caused the breach
between SNCC and SCLC in 1966 which resultedin the withdrawalof public supportwhen Dr. King spoke out against
the Vietnamwar and when he criticizedthe UnitedStatesforBlacks' and Whites' conditionsofpoverty(King 1967).
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175
176
PLAIT AND FRASER
Benford'sremarksimplicitlyreferto a dominantsociologicalformulationwith which he
and his co-workersare now struggling.
This is an assumptionthat the explanationof coordinated action requires an ahistoricaland universallyshared unity of participants'subjective
perspectivesand motivations.At theirroot,such explanationsconceive coordinatedaction as
dependentupon persons' invariantlysharedinterests,ideas, motivations,and outlooks.These
approaches assume it is by way of such sharedperspectives,eitherpreviouslyextantor situationallyconstructed,that individualscoordinatetheiractions and orientthemselvesto com-
mongoals.
We concur with Benford'sremarks,adding that our sociolinguisticanalysisof the correspondence to Dr. King suggeststhatmovementparticipantsare multivocal.They are committed to, and they construct,variegatedconceptionsof movements.We conceive of activistsas
reflexivelyconstructingthe movementby aligningrelevantfeaturesof theirpersonal identities and socio-culturalcircumstanceswith it. Their agency influencesthe constructionof
movementframesby fittingits structuraland culturalfeaturesto theirrelevantpersonal and
social circumstances,
makingthe movementforthemselvesa resonantpersonal,social,and culturalobject,simultaneouslyreproducingthe movementas a collectiveand public object.
A movementtherefore,is not a singleentity;ratherit is a layeredobject thatis privatized
and shared. Johnston,Larafia and Gusfieldsuggestthat movementidentityexists at several
levels; forthem it is individual,collective,and public (1994:12-20). Benfordadds that what
existsas sharedin movementidentitiesis the resultof constructive"processesin a never-ending recursivechain" (1993b:210).
Consistentwith these remarkswe inferfromour analysis that correspondents'private
identitiesare the outcome of two processes.Identitiesare historicallydeveloped,the resultof
the acquisitionof the language of selfin the Meadian sense, and in which,forportionsof our
sample, race and gender are centered.These selves are elaboratedthroughinteractionwith
the doctrine,events, and social circumstancesof the movement;interactionsthat resonate
with correspondents'personaland socio-culturalcircumstances(Mills 1940; Platt1980:83-88;
Smelser 1963:16, 79-130).
Collectiveidentityis the agreed upon dimensionsofthisprocess;it is aspectsofthe movement that are shared (Johnston,Larafiaand Gusfield1994:15). This shared definition,however, is not entirelyderived fromorganizationalmovementframesnor frompreestablished
ideological positions that movement leadershipattemptsto superimposeupon participants.
Instead the shared aspects of movementidentitiesare as Melucci proposes,the "outcome of
more than a given ." (citedin Johnston,Larafiaand Gusfield1994:17).
self-reflection
... evidence to supportsuch claims. The lettersdemonstrate
The lettersto Dr. King provide
that movement activistsengage in definingthe movement for themselves,simultaneously
constructingprivateand collectivemovementframes.Correspondentscreateda privateconception of theirmovement experienceswhile constructinga collectiveidentity.The coordinated collectiveaction occurringin these circumstancesis only partiallythe resultof shared
interestsor ideas imposedupon participantsby a movement'sorganization.Coordinatedactivitiesare the outcome of the interpretive
processesbased in discoursestrategiessituatedin relevant personal and socio-culturalcircumstances,and these are fashionedto activists'private
and collectiveidentities.Withinthe contextof these privatizedand shared identitiesparticipants committheirpersonalenergiesto the movementand orienttheiractivitiesto the moveare
ment on the basis of their own conceptionsof it. Only insofaras their interpretations
influencedby similarrelevantpersonal and social-culturalcircumstancesdo they construct
shared movementframes.
In theircorrespondenceactivistswere multivocal,sometimesspeakingas individualsand
at other times in harmony with other movement participants.They were experientially
diversewhile simultaneouslycommittedto a collectiveidentity.They accomplishboth by way
of the discoursestrategieswe found in these letters.Their diverseand similarcommitments
and culturallymultidimensionalmovement.Diverse and shared commitare to a structurally
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Race and Gender Discourse Strategies
ments tie supporters and participants to the movement by way of separate and overlapping
frames and conceptions of solidarity. Participants contribute to collective activities by simultaneously attending to their own and to shared interests and ideas, and while doing so they construct and reconstruct a multidimensional movement. And by engaging in movement
activities they make its public identity visible.
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