International Journal of Korean History (Vol.18 No.1, Feb. 2013)
121
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the
Imperial Diet, and Korean Affairs Expert (Chōsentsu)
and Japanese Rule of Korea
Lee Hyoung-sik (Yi Hyŏngsik)*
Introduction
The Imperial Diet of Japan was a constitutional institution designed to
provide support for the Emperor’s lawmaking power. It exerted a
significance influence on Japanese rule of Korea, as it deliberated matters
related to the budget of the Japanese Governor-General’s Office in Korea
and the laws proposed by it. Once Imperial Japan gained control over
Korea as a colony, its rulers came to have not much interest in specific
details about how to rule it as before, unless there was a serious problem
in the colonial rule, as European countries did concerning their colonies.
Under such circumstances, the Japanese who continued to have a detailed
interest in the country’s colonial rule over Korea and exerted much
influence on the country’s colonial policy were the officials (including
ex-officials) of the Governor-General’s Office or government-run
financial institutions, capitalists who invested in the colony, and landlords.
It appears that the members of the House of Representatives were mostly
interested in obtaining egoistic goals related to Korea. In contrast, Korean
affairs experts (“Chōsentsu” in Japanese)1 in the House of Peers exerted
** Research Professor, Asian Cultural Studies Research Institute, Gachon University
122
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
considerable influence over their country’s rule of Korea by making
sober-minded criticisms about the activities carried out by the GovernorGeneral’s Office, in addition to providing support for it. Imperial Japan
did not give the people of its colonies substantial rights to take part in
political affairs. Civilians’ opinions were little reflected in the way Japan
ruled its colonies. Thus, appeals, petitions, and negotiation made through
unofficial channels came to have particular significance.
Yoshiro Sakatani (阪谷芳郎) was a person who exerted particularly
enormous influence on the country’s rule of Korea among Japanese
experts on Korean affairs. He was deeply involved in n Koseikai
(Fairness Society) of the House of Peers, and carried out brisk activities
as a senior member of Koseikai. Sakatani was an elder in Japanese
financial circles, including the Ministry of Finance. He had never worked
in Korea and had little personal stake in Korea, but the relationship with
his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa (渋沢栄一) made him involved in
Korean affairs early. As a bureaucrat at the Ministry of Finance, he was
involved in the construction of the Seoul-Pusan [Busan] Railroad and the
establishment of Daiichi Ginko Bank, and continued to have interest in
the rule of Korea following Korea’s independence movement, in 1919.
He served as Chairman of the Central Korea Association, a lobbying
organization for Japanese in Korea from 1927 until 1941, and it made him
involved in the rule of Korea deeply. However, no research has been
carried out in earnest about Satakani with a focus on Japanese rule of
Korea.2
This paper attempted to shed light on the correlation between the House
of Peers of Imperial Japan and Japan’s rule of Korea with a focus on
Yoshiro Sakatani, who was a leading Korean affairs expert in the House
of Peers. He was even called “the chairman of one hundred associations.”
He really headed many associations, including the Peace Association, the
Central Korea Association, the Japanese Rice Traders Association, and
the Pacific Problem Investigation Association. This paper checked to see
his activities as a member of the House of Peers, his relationship with
Korea, his influence and his philosophy on Korea, and Japan’s rule of
Lee Hyoung-sik
123
Korea. Relevant materials used for the study include stenographic records
of the Imperial Diet of Japan and Sakatani yoshiro kankei bunsho
(Yoshiro Sakatani-related Documents) kept at the National Diet Library
of Japan.
A Korean Affairs Expert in the House of Peers
Japanese-designated Korean peers were not given a seat in the House of
Peers of Japan under the Decree for the House of Peers. During the
colonial period (1910~1945), the following Koreans were appointed as
Chōkusen councilors: Pak Yŏnghyo [Pak Yeongho] (December
1932~September 1939), Yun Tŏkyŏng [Deokyeong] (December 1939~
October 1940), and Yi Chinho [Jinho] (October 1943~May 1947). There
were many Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers who had served as
bureaucrats at the Japanese Residency-General’s Office in Korea, the
Governor-General’s Office, Japanese government-run banks and
businesses, or who had invested in Korea.
Table 1 lists the names of the members the House of Peers who were
associated with Korean affairs. These names are from Gikaiseido
nanajunen shi kizokuin sangin gin meikan [The 70-year History of the
Parliamentary System, the List of the Members of the House of Peers]. It
does not list all Japanese who held important positions in businesses
operated by Japan in Korea or owned land in Korea,3 but it includes most
of those who were directly involved in the rule of Korea, i.e. exbureaucrats of either the Japanese Residency-General’s Office in Korea or
the Governor-General’s Office and chiefs of financial institutions in
Korea. Hence, it helps one have a glimpse of the list of Korean affairs
experts in the House of Peers. Of the 46 people listed in Table 1, those
who belonged to Kenkyūkai (mostly counts, viscounts, and Chōkusen
councilors) stood at 14; those who belonged to Koseikai (mostly barons)
stood at 8; Dowaikai4 9; Doseikai (affiliated with Kenseikai and Minseito
Party) 3; Friendship Club (affiliated with Seiyukai) 4; Sawakai
124
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
<Table 1> “Korean Affairs Experts” in the House of Peers
Name
“Duke”
Member
“Count”
Member
Chōkusen
(Imperially
Nominated)
Councilors
Term
July1908 ~
September 1927
August 1918 ~
Michimasa
July 1925
Kenkyūkai
Soejima
August 1936 ~
May 1947
Hideo
Kodama
“Baron”
Member
Faction
Isaburo
Yamagata
Kenkyūkai
Position
Superintendent of political
affairs
President, Kyŏngsŏng Ilbo
(Gyeongseong Ilbo)
July 1911 ~
Superintendent of political
July 1918
February 1919 ~ affairs
February 1946
Kazumasa
Koseikai
Usagawa
June 1917 ~
November 1927
President, Doyo Takushoku
Cho
Kuratomi
(倉富釣)
Koseikai
September 1941
~ May 1947
A son of Yuzaburo Kuratomi,
an official at President, Chosen
Ginko (the Bank of Korea)
Yoshiro
Sakatani
Koseikai
January 1917 ~
November 1941
Chairman of the Central Korea
Association
Yoshinori
Satake
Koseikai
August 1915 ~
April 1924
An official at the Japanese
Residency-General’s Office in
Korea
Koichiro
Koseikai
Tachibana
July 1915 ~
February 1929
Commander, Japanese Military
Police in Korea
Toshimaru
Koseikai
Fukuhara
March 1914 ~
July 1939
Director, Korean Railroad
Mitsunojo
Koseikai
Funakoshi
March 1916 ~
July 1932
An official at the Consular
Office in Pusan
Masayuki
Matsuda
Koseikai
Superintendent in charge of
December 1933 ~
monopoly, the GovernorMay 1947
General’s Office
Atsui
Akaike
Dowakai
August 1923 ~
September 1945
Police Chief Superintendent
Kentaro
Arai
Kenkyūkai
May 1917 ~
October 1926
Minister of Finance
Chuichi
Ariyoshi
Dowakai
April 1930 ~
June 1946
Superintendent of political
affairs
Mitsutoyo
July 1934 ~
Kenkyūkai
Aruga
March 1946
President, Chōsen Shokusan
Ginko Bank
Eizo
Ishizuka
President, Doyo Takushoku
Dowakai
October 1916 ~
April 1934
125
Lee Hyoung-sik
Name
Faction
Term
Position
Kiyonori
Imaida
September 1936 ~ Superintendent of political
Kenkyūkai
May 1940
affairs
Katsuo
Usami
Dowakai
July 1934 ~
December 1942
Minister of Interior
Ryusaku
Endo
Kenkyūkai
April 1936 ~
February 1946
Superintendent of political
affairs
Heizaburo Friendship April 1928 ~
Okawa
Club
December 1936
President, Korea Forest
Railroad
Rokuichiro
Ono
Superintendent of political
affairs
Shintaro
Obashi
May 1942 ~
March 1946
Kenkyūkai
December 1926 ~
President, Kyŏngsŏng Electric
May 1944
Kishichiro Friendship March 1914 ~
Oka
Club
May 1946
Vice Minister of Interior
Keizaburo
Kenkykai
Kato
January 1938 ~
December 1939
President, Chōsen Ginko (the
Bank of Korea)
Jushiro
Kiuchi
August 1911 ~
January 1925
Minister of Agriculture,
Commerce, and Industry
February 1913 ~
December 1944
An official at the Japanese
Residency-General’s Office in
Korea
Sawakai
Chōkusen
(Imperially Tetsuyoshi
Dowakai
Nominated) Kurachi
Councilors
Zenzaburo
Doseikai
Shibata
Kazue
Shoda
Kenkyūkai
Michiyoshi
Doseikai
Sugawara
December 1932 ~ Chief, Educational Affairs
August 1943
Bureau
March 1914 ~
August 1946
President, Chōsen Ginko (the
Bank of Korea)
October 1916 ~
February 1938
President, Doyo Takushoku
Deizaburo
December 1933 ~ Chief, Educational Affairs
Kenkyūkai
Sekiya
April 1946
Bureau
Ichiro
Dowakai
Tokutomi
August 1911 ~
February 1946
Koreshige
Dowakai
Nio
December 1907 ~ Financial advisor to the Korean
April 1932
government
Eiichi
Baba
Kenkyūkai
An official at the Japanese
December 1922 ~
Residency-General’s Office in
December 1937
Korea
Koi
Huruichi
Sawakai
Director, Kŭmgangsan
September 1900 ~
(Geumgangsan) Electric
January 1924
Railroad
Advisor to Kyŏngsŏng Ilbo
126
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Name
Kyohei
Makoshi
Faction
Shigeru
Matsui
Shizujiro
Matsuura
Term
June 1924 ~
Kenkyūkai
April 1933
July 1934 ~
September 1945
Dowakai
Rendaro
Mizuno
Friendship
Club
Police Chief Superintendent
December 1912 ~ Superintendent of political
January 1946
affairs
Hoshio
Dowakai
Mitsunaga
December 1933 ~
President, Dentsu Inc.
February 1945
Shunji
Miyao
Kenkyūkai
July 1934 ~
April 1937
President, Doyo Takushoku
Tanetaro
Megata
Independent
August 1905 ~
October 1923
Financial advisor to the
Korean government
Kurahei
Yuasa
Doseikai
October 1916 ~
November 1929
Superintendent of political
affairs
January 1924 ~
May 1939
Chief of the appellate court
October 1925 ~
September 1932
Deputy Governor of North
Ch’ungch’ŏng (Chungcheong)
Province
Toro
Watanabe
Councilors
Selected
from Those
who Paid a
High
Amount of
Tax
Police Chief Superintendent
December 1930 ~
President, Keijo University
February 1938
Tsurukichi
April 1931 ~
Kenkyūkai
Maruyama
February 1946
Chōkusen
(Imperially
Nominated)
Councilors
Position
Large shareholder, Chōsen
Textile
Shigaji
Sasaki
Kenkyūkai
Kumeijiro Friendship
Taki
Club
Owner of a large farm (Taki
September 1939 ~
Farm) in North Chŏlla (Jeolla)
March 1942
Province
* The foregoing is based on: The Diet of Japan, Gikaiseido nanajunen shi kiizokuin sangin gin
meikan [The 70-year History of the Parliamentary System, the List of the Members of the
House of Peers] (The Printing Bureau of the Ministry of Finance of Japan, 1960).
(Yamagata Faction) 2; and independent 4. By the end of 1921, the
number of those who belonged to each faction were: Kenkyūkai 139
people; Sawakai 43; Friendship Club 41; Koseikai 63; Doseikai 27; and
Independent 25. Koseikai occupied a dominant position. Those holding
titles of nobility were 11, while there are 33 Chōkusen councilors. The
number of councilors selected from those who paid a high amount of tax
stood at 2. The large number of Chōkusen councilors was due to the
Lee Hyoung-sik
127
nomination of ex-superintendents or vice superintendents in charge of
political affairs to the House of Peers. As Hideo Kodama (児玉秀雄), who
was emerging as a next generation leader of the larges faction, Kenkyūkai,
and Sakatani, who was an influential figure in Koseikai, were included,
the Korean affairs experts’ were a force to be reckoned with in the House
of Peers. Korean affairs experts were widely distributed in factions in the
House of Peers and exerted enormous influence on Japan’s policies
formulated concerning the rule of Korea. They deliberated the budget of
the Governor-General’s Office and Korea-related bill. They expressed
diverse views on the government’s policy related to the rule of Korea and
activities carried out by the Governor-General’s Office. Let’s check
briefly what the House of Peers did about Japan’s colonial rule of Korea.
Following the outbreak of Korea’s independence movements in March
and ensuing months in 1919, the House of Peers launched the Special
Committee for Korean Issues and held a total of eight debate sessions at
the committee. Between the end of September and the beginning of
October 1919, Baron Toshimaru Fukuhara (福原俊丸) headed a team of
the committee members who paid a visit to Manchuria and Korea for onspot inspections. The committee members submitted a report on the result
of the on-spot inspection to Koseikai on November 19, 1919. The report
included a proposal on the following to the Governor-General’s Office: 1)
maintaining solid strength of the police, 2) watching movements of
Koreans overseas, 3) favorable treatment of pro-Japan Koreans, 4) having
Japanese officials learn Korean, 5) efforts to make western missionaries
in Korea have a pro-Japan attitude, 6) concretization of administrative
guidelines (no discrimination against Koreans and amendment to the rules
related to graves and census registration), and 7) explaining the purpose
of innovation of systems and disseminating the administrative guidelines.5
In June 1924, the Kiyoura Cabinet, comprised of members of the House
of Peers, collapsed due to the factions supporting political parties and
voices were raised against politicians not directly elected by people,
including the members of the House of Peers. They asked for innovation
of the House of Peers. In an effort to calm down such criticisms, the
128
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
House of Peers prepared proposals intended for its innovation. Amid such
movement, Koseikai proposed that Koreans with titles of nobility be
accepted as members of the House of Peers through amendment of the
relevant decree in July 1924.6 In the ensuing period, the issue of having
Korean aristocrats take part in the House of Peers was discussed at the
Imperial Diet in linkage with the planned amendment to the Decree for
the House of Peers. Amendment to the Decree for the House of Peers was
discussed at the 50th session of the Imperial Diet of Japan in March 1925.
A review was made of a proposal for election of the Governor-Generals
in Korea and Taiwan as members of the House of Peers with the aim of
having them speak for the colonies. At the plenary session of the 50st
session of the Imperial Diet, Junkuro Nakamura (中村純九郎), a member
of the House of Peers (an ex-official at the Japanese Governor-General’s
Office in Taiwan belonging to Friendship Club) asked, “Does the
government intend to accept Korean aristocrats as members of the House
of Peers? Or does the government intend to appoint the Japanese
Governor-General as a member of the House of Peers to represent the
interest of Korea? If the government does not have such an intention
concerning Korean aristocrats, how will we explain it to Koreans? Isn’t it
Imperial Japan’s general view that Koreans should be merged as part of
our country?”7 In answer, Interior Minister Rejiro Wakatsuki (若槻礼次
郎) said, “It is premature to accept selected ones of Korean and
Taiwanese with titles of nobility and those representing the Shinto and
Buddhism,”8 thus avoiding to disclose the government’s official position.
In any case, there were many Korean affairs experts who were directly
or indirectly involved in Japan’s rule of Korea in the House of Peers, and
they exerted influence on relevant important matters.
Yoshiro Sakatani and Japan’s Rule of Korea
Yoshiro Sakatani was born in 1863, in Okayama Prefecture, as the
fourth son of Roro Sakatani (阪谷朗廬), a Chinese classics scholar.
Lee Hyoung-sik
129
Yoshiro graduated from the University of Tokyo in 1884, and became a
Finance Ministry official. He climbed up the bureaucratic ladder by
assuming positions like Director General of the Budget Bureau and Vice
Minister of Finance. In January 1906, he became Finance Minister of the
first Saionji Kinmochi (西園寺公望) Cabinet. (The ministers of the first
Saionji Kinmochi Cabinet included Interior Minister, Hara Takashi (原敬),
and Army Minister, Masatake Terauchi (寺内正毅)—who served as the
first Governor-General in Korea)—Navy Minister, Makoto Saito (齋藤
実)—who served as the third and sixth Governor General in Korea, and
Minister of Correspondence, Isaburo Yamagata (山縣伊三郎)—who
served as the first Superintendent of political affairs of the GovernorGeneral’s Office.). In 1886, Yoshiro Sakatani married Kotoko (琴子), the
second daughter of Eiichi Shibusawa. He was involved in the construction
of the Seoul-Pusan Railroad, operation of Daiichi Ginko Bank in Korea,
and financial affairs of the Korean government.
Let’s check some details about the Shibusawa family. Eiichi
Shibusawa’s first daughter Utako married Nobushige Hozumi (穂積陳重),
a professor of law at the University of Tokyo. Their first son Shigeto (穂
積重遠), a professor of law at the University of Tokyo, married the third
daughter of Kentaro Kodama (児玉源太郎), four-star general in the army.
Their third son, Shinrokuro (穂積真六郎), served as Superintendent of
< Pedigree Chart of the Shibusawa Family >
130
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
increased production of the Governor-General’s Office during the pre-war
period and then as Chairman of Yoho Kyokai in the post-war period.
Thus, Shinrokuro is Sakatani’s nephew-in-law and Hideo Kodama
(Kentaro’s first son who served as Superintendent of political affairs of
the Governor General’s Office) is distantly related to Sakatani. Third
daughter Fumi married Jiro Otaka (尾高次郎), President of Tōyo Life
Insurance. Tomo- o (尾高朝雄), a son between Fumi Shibusawa and Jiro
Otaka, Tomo-o served as a professor at Keijo (Kyŏngsŏng) Imperial
University in Seoul. The fourth daughter, Teruko married Hira Saburo
Okawa (President, Fuji Paper), who had also served as President of
Amnok Paper and the Korean Railroad and as a director at Korea Land
Reform, and was an auditor at Korea Electricity.
The Shibusawa family owned Chōsen Kogyo Company9 (owning about
10,000 ha of land), a business specializing in agricultural management.
The foregoing shows that the family exerted enormous influence on
Japan’s rule of Korea based on a wide range of network of family
members in business and academic circles related to Korea.
<Table 2> Major Complaints or Appeals Submitted
Date
July 20,
1924
Those who Submitted a
Complaint or Appeal
Contents
Actions taken
Pak Sachin, Min
An appeal concerning
Sŏkhyŏn, Watanabe
a situation in Korea
Teiichiro, Yaozo Omura
February Lin Xiantang and three
26, 1925 others
An appeal concerning
the Taiwanese
Parliament
March 2,
Kantaro Fujii
1925
Irrigation in Korea
July 12,
1926
Features of railroad
sin Korea
Teiichiro Watanabe,
Yaozo Omura
August 2, Soichiro Asano,
1926
Tsuyoshi Seki
Construction of
Inch’ǒn Harbor
Delivered to GovernorGeneral Makoto Saitō
February
Cho Pyŏngsang
1, 1931
Delivered to the Ministry of
Treatment of Koreans
Foreign Affairs and the
in Kando
Ministry of Colonial Affairs
131
Lee Hyoung-sik
Date
Those who Submitted a
Complaint or Appeal
Contents
Expression of
Hidejiro Yoshida and three
February
opposition to
others at the Incheon
12, 1931
relocation of the
Chamber of Commerce
exchange to Seoul
Actions taken
Delivered to the
Governor- General’s
Office
March 11, Tojiro Kutimoto, Midori
1931
Narimatsu, Wŏn Jinsan,
Relocation of South
Ch’ungch’ŏng
Provincial Office
Delivered to the House of
Peers.
November
7, 1931
Provision of relief
supplies to Koreans
in Manchuria
Delivered to the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs and the
Ministry of Colonial
Affairs
January 58 people including Pak
15, 1932 Yŏnghyo
July 25,
1932
Yi Kyuwan, Min Taesik,
Rihei Kumamoto (in
Kunsan and others), Eicho
Mitsui (Senior managing
director of Funi Kogyo),
Choji Mitsumoto (Director,
Korean Rice Association),
Mitsuo Funakoshi (Director,
the Korean Agricultural
Association)
Turning the position
Delivered to the Minister
of the GovernorGeneral into a
of Colonial Affairs
permanent position
Control over
movement of
Korean-produced
rice
Delivered to the Ministry
of Colonial Affairs and
interpellation at the House
of Peers
March 12,
Han Sangryong
1933
Delivered to Prime
Selection as a
Minister Makoto Saitō,
member of the House Governor General Ugaki,
of Peers
Vice Minister of Colonial
Affairs Horikiri
December Eikichi Taga, Kantaro
22, 1933 Iijima
Delivered to the Ministry
Municipal ordinance
of Colonial Affairs and
on tenant farming
the Cabinet
January 9, Rihei Kumamoto, Eicho
1934
Mitsui, Kyosuke Ikari
Municipal ordinance
on tenant farming
January
16~17,
1934
Chairman of the Association
for Promotion of Municipal Enactment of
Ordinance for Tenant
municipal ordinance
Farming, the Taisho Friendly for Tenant Farming
Society, Kokumin Kyokai
132
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Date
Those who Submitted a
Complaint or Appeal
January Yi Hwan, Kim Chunyo,
26, 1934 Kim Talyong
Contents
Actions taken
Opposition to
establishment of the
Showa Irrigation
Association in Korea
Han Sangryong, Chang
February
Hŏnsik, Eicho Mitsui,
8, 1934
Husajiro Matsui
Opposition to grain
control
The Taegu Korean Rice
Salvation; President Kata,
Korean Chamber of
March 5,
Commerce; President,
1934
Pusan Chamber of
Commerce; Inch’ǒn
Chamber of Commerce
Opposition to grain
control
- Delivered to the Prime
Minister and the Vice
Minister of Colonial
Affairs.
- Questions at the House
of Peers
March 7, Korean members of nobility Opposition to grain
1934
(telegram)
control
February Taiwan Rice Protection
23, 1935 Association
Opposition to the bill
for voluntary control
of grains
Song Sangsŏk (pastor and
executive member of a
September
society established to urge
1, 1936
ban on minors’ smoking and
drinking)
Enactment of the law
prohibiting minors’ Submitted to the House of
smoking and
Peers.
drinking
February,
Chin Hakmun
1937
Lifting the
suspension of
Delivered to the Ministry
publication of Tonga of Colonial Affairs.
Ilbo
January,
Song Chinu
1940
Suppression on
Tonga llbo
The Governor-General’s
Office delivered it to the
Ministry of Colonial
Affairs.
* The foregoing is based on Sakatani Yoshiro nikki [Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary]. The part for 1928
through 1930 is missing
Yoshiro Sakatani collided with Minister of Correspondence, Isaburo
Yamagata, concerning the issue of railroad nationalization, and the two
resigned in January 1908. In November 1907, Yoshiro Sakatani received
Lee Hyoung-sik
133
the title of baron in recognition of his conspicuous role in securing the
funds the country needed for the war against Russia. Given his past
records, he deserved to be selected as a Chōkusen councilor, but did not
become one. It is said that this was because Sakatani got on Taro
Katsura’s nerves when he did not accept Katsura’s arbitration in the
conflict over the issue of railroad nationalization.10 Later, he served as the
Mayor of Tokyo and was designated as a baron member of the House of
Peers in 1917. He served until 1941. At that time, Chōkusen councilors at
the House of Peers rarely spoke during parliamentary sessions, and they
were called “silent” members. Despite such a practice, Sakatani
volunteered to speak and made interpellations to the government as a
first-term councilor, making other councilors raise their eyebrows.11 In
December 1918, Sakatani was inaugurated as an executive member of
Saiwai Club, which was opposed to Kenkyūkai, the largest faction in the
House of Peers. In June 1919, he played a leading role in the
establishment of Koseikai as a new faction against Kenkyūkai and
Sawakai (a pro-Yamagata faction) through reorganization of factions
inside the House of Peers. He became a leading member of Koseikai. In
the ensuing period, Sakatani took a path against Kenkyūkai, Sawakai, and
Seiyukai, taking a stance friendly to Kenseikai and the Minseito Party. As
a supporter for healthy finance, Sakatani was opposed to Seiyukai’s
positive policies and remained friendly to the Minseito Party led by
Reijiro Wakatsuki and Osachi Hamaguchi (浜口雄幸), who had been his
followers during his tenure in the Ministry of Finance.
Following Korea’s independence movement in March 1919, Sakatani
carried out activities in cooperation with the Peace Society to prevent the
spread of anti-Japanese sentiment in Europe and North America started
by American missionaries. At the time of the inauguration of Makoto
Saitō (斎藤実), his colleague during his days in the Saionji Cabinet, as the
Governor-General in Korea, he sent a long letter of opinion to Saito about
his opinion on the rule of Korea, showing that he had a deep interest in
Korean affairs. In the letter, Sakatani said that the most important thing
that Saitō should keep in mind was to win Koreans’ mind and that it was
134
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
necessary to bring drastic innovation to Japan’s rule of the colony. His
proposals included: 1) granting the freedom of expression and assembly
to Koreans, 2) revision of the law to simplify the wedding ceremony of
both Japanese and Koreans, 3) abolition of discrimination against
Koreans in terms of laws and systems, 4) designation of a Korean as the
Vice Governor-General, 5) revision of the school education system in a
way that could satisfy Koreans, 6) simplification of ordinary
administrative procedures through revision of the law and local
administration system, 7) transfer of the special account of the GovernorGeneral’s Office to a general account, if possible, 8) transfer of matters in
Korea similar to those of Japan, including those related to postal service,
telecommunications, voyage route/signals and the like, to the jurisdiction
of each ministry of the Japanese government, and 9) merger of the Bank
of Korea with the Bank of Japan.12 This shows that Sakatani consented
with Takashi Hara’s position for adoption of an assimilation policy
toward Korea, as he thought that the special account of the GovernorGeneral’s Office in Korea should be abolished and matters related to
postal service, banking, and telecommunications in Korea should be
transferred to each ministry, although he was opposed to Seiyukai led by
Takashi Hara.13 Sakatani shared a view held by Takashi Hara concerning
a need to reduce the rights of the Governor-General in Korea through the
transfer of the Governor-General’s administrative rights to each ministry
of the Japanese government. As a proponent for healthy finance, Sakatani
made a proposal to Naval Minister, Keisuke Okada (岡田啓介), that Korea
and Taiwan should be made to bear part of Japan’s defense expenses in
December 1932.14
Following the outbreak of the Great Kantō Earthquake in September
1923, during which many Koreans in Japan were massacred by Japanese
for no reason, Sakatani took part in a meeting held on September 24 to
discuss how to calm down the situation, with the following people
attending: Tanetaro Megata (目賀田種太郎)—ex-financial advisor to the
Korean government, Motosada Zumoto (頭本元貞)—ex-President of the
Seoul Press, and Mitsuie Abe (阿部充家)—ex-President of Kyŏngsŏng
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135
Ilbo. Megata recommended to Prime Minister, Gonbe-e Yamamoto (山本
権兵衛), that the government should disclose the truth about the massacre
of Koreans to the public immediately and take subsequent measures.
Later, Sakatani took a part in the Korean Affairs Experts Association,
established to discuss measures concerning Korea-related problems that
occurred during the great earthquake and issues about the rule of Korea at
the suggestion made by Mekata.
In January 1926, the Central Korean Society was established in Tokyo
by those who had been involved in the rule of Korea in response to the
crisis situation in the rule of Korea following the massacre of Koreans
following the Great Kanto Earthquake and pending issues, such as the
plan for an increase in rice production and the 12-year railroad plan. At
first Sakatani took part in the society as a senior advisor and then took the
place of Chairman Isaburo Yamagata who died in September 1927. While
serving as Chairman until 1941, Sakatani involved himself deeply in the
rule of Korea.
The foregoing Table 2 is about the people and their complaints or
appeals submitted to Sakatani as stated in his diary. It shows that Koreans,
Taiwanese, and Japanese in Korea submitted complaints and appeals
related to major issues that happened in Korea and Taiwan in the 1920s
and 1930s, such as the plans for an increase in rice production,
construction of railroads, grain control, relocation of the Inch’ŏn
(Incheon) Stock Exchange, provision of relief supplies to Koreans in
Manchuria, the Municipal Ordinance concerning tenant farming in Korea,
the suspension of the publication of Tonga Ilbo, and the establishment of
the Taiwanese Parliament,. Such complaints and appeals were addressed
to the Chairman of the Central Korea Association rather than personally
to Sakatani. While playing the role of a channel for handling such
complaints and appeals, Sakatani exerted enormous influence on Korean
society and Japan’s rule of Korea. Let us check to see the relationship
between Sakatani and Japan’s rule of Korea in detail with a focus on the
issue of relocation of the Provincial office of South Ch’ungch’ŏng
Province and Koreans’ participation in political affairs out of the
136
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
complaints and appeals contained in his diary.
Yoshiro Sakatani and Japan’s Rule of Korea
Relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office
At the 59th session of the Imperial Diet of Japan, the members were
engaged in a heated discussion about the budget required for relocation of
the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office from Kongju (Gongju) to
Taejŏn (Daejeon). The request for the relevant budget from the GovernorGeneral’s Office was cancelled by the Minseito Party, which was the
majority party in the House of Representatives. Thereon, the House of
Peers voted to revive it. With the withdrawal of further action by the
House of Representatives, the budget was finally revived. Concerning this,
Chi Sugŏl (Ji Sugeol) 15 and Makiko Okamoto (岡本真希子) 16 have
accomplished a nice work of research. However, the studies carried out
by the two scholars left something to be desired, as they failed to consider
the political topography concerning the House of Peers. This paper
intends to check what discussions were made at the House of Peers based
on Okamoto’s research, with a focus on the position taken by Korean
affairs experts at the House of Peers and what impact they made on the
said subject.
In 1931, the House of Representatives killed the said budget requested
by the Governor-General’s Office and approved by the Cabinet. The
action for cancellation of the budget was taken by the ruling Minseito
Party as orchestrated by Kojo Makiyama (牧山耕蔵), Naval Vice Minister
in charge of political affairs. At that time, ex-Superintendent of political
affairs, Kurahei Yuasa (湯淺 倉 平), said to Governor-General Saitō
Makoto: “There are not many people well versed about the situation in
Korea and many people appear to follow Makiyama’s opposition to the
budget. The situation is not favorable to us.”17 This refers to a situation in
which the ruling Minseito Party interfered with the rule of Korea on the
Lee Hyoung-sik
137
basis of its right for budget deliberation in connection with its plan to
have Superintendent of political affairs, Hideo Kodama, resign after
appointment made by the Seiyukai Cabinet. It shows a clear example of
conflict between party-based politics and the Governor-General. A
Korean affairs expert and part of the leadership of the Minseito Party in
the House of Representative, Makiyama tried to interfere with the
business of the Governor-General’s Office, asking Saitō Makoto to
replace Superintendent of Internal Affairs, Kiyosaburo Ikuda (生田清三
郎), who had controlled personnel affairs during the tenure of GovernorGeneral Hanzo Yamanashi (山梨半造). Makiyama also sent a letter to
Chōsen Shimbun Vice President, Shirosuke Gondo (権藤四郎介), saying,
“Don’t give many useful pieces of advice to Kodama. We will wait until
he makes a decisive mistake.” This shows that he was looking for a
chance to replace Hideo Kodama.18
When the Governor-General’s Office submitted its request for the
budget for relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office
(359,000 wŏn) to the 59th session of the Imperial Diet of Japan, locals in
Kongju waged a large-scale campaign against the relocation plan. The
Minseito Party at the House of Representatives killed the budge request,
saying that it might stimulate the Koreans’ sense of nationalism and start
a riot and that it was not an essential budget item at a time when belttightening was required. Concerning such a situation, Governor-General
Saitō Makoto said to Hideo Kodama, “The current situation at the Diet is
quite outrageous. It appears as if the country’s party-based politics is put
to an end.”19
Judging that the situation was becoming serious, Hideo Kodama made a
counterattack, mobilizing his Kenkyūkai, which was the largest faction in
the House of Peers, and Friendship Club, which was aligned with
Seiyukai. To his counterattack, Koseikai took another offensive. ExGovernor-General in Taiwan, Takeji Kawamura (川村竹治), who was
affiliated with the Friendship Club, said as follows at the Budget
Committee of the House of Peers: “As regards the governor-general’s
request, which he prepared after checking public opinion, the central
138
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
government should comply with it, unless there is a serious problem.
Only that way the country’s colonial rule may be carried out smoothly.”20
Thus, he supported the position of the Governor-General’s Office, saying
that the killing of the budget thus requested would lessen the authority of
the governor-general. He also blamed Minister of Colonial Affairs, Genji
Matsuda (松田源治), saying: “As regards the request from the GovernorGeneral’s Office, the government approved it, but the Minseito Party
killed it. You, Mr. Matsuda, are an executive member of the Minseito
Party and responsible for liaison between your party and the government,
but you did nothing against such a measure taken by your party. Why?”21
Concerning the question, Sakatani, who belonged to Koseikai, said:
As the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, I am in contact with
influential people in Korea. I would not tell you whether it is good or bad
to delete the request for the budget to relocate the provincial office. It
may have to be deleted after all. It is the legitimate right of the country’s
Diet, guaranteed under the Constitution, to delete a budget item, but it is
an important matter in connection with a need for the assimilation of
Korea as part of Japan. It may stimulate Korean’s sense of nationalism.22
The foregoing shows that he was neither for the deletion of the budget
request nor against it. He was stressing the importance for assimilation of
Korea as part of Japan, while expressing his concern over the impact the
deletion might have on Koreans, but did not say that he was definitely
against the deletion. As the Chairman of the Central Korea Association,
Sakatani must have received many telegrams, letters or personal visits
from those for relocation of the provincial office and those against it, and
thus he judged that he had better stay equivocal, not to cause interruption
to the business of his association.
The relevant subcommittee of the Budget Committee of the House of
Peers finished the heated discussion and voted on March 9, 1931. Seven
voted against killing the budget request and four votes for it. Thus, it was
decided that the budget request should be accepted.
139
Lee Hyoung-sik
<Table 3> Position of the Imperial Diet of Japan Concerning Relocation of the
South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office
Those for the Relocation
Those against the
Relocation
Remarks
Minseito Party
For cut of the
amount of the
budget request
The Budget
Takeji Kawamura
Committee of the
(Friendship Club)
House of Peers
Masatane Inada
(Koseikai)
For revival of
the budget
request
Hirotomo Akimoto
The Subcomitte-6,
(Kenkyūkai); Yoshiaki
the Budget
Hatta (Kenkyūkai);
Committee, the
Takeji Kawamura
House of Peers
(Friendship Club)
Masatane Inada
(Koseikai); Shigemoto
Ooi (Koseikai);
Michiyoshi Sugawara
(Doseikai)
For revival of
the budget
request
The House of
Representatives
The government
representatives
Seiyukai
Superintendent of
political affairs Hideo
Kodama
Minister of Colonial
Affairs Genji Matsuda;
Wataru Taketomi (official
in charge of colonial
affairs)
* The foregoing is based on stenographic records of the Imperial Diet of Japan
Right before the vote on the matter at the plenary session, on March 13,
1931, Sakatani expressed his opposition to the budget allocation and said:
“Matters concerning Korea should be discussed and decided by Koreans.
It is regrettable that no representative of Koreans is included as a member
of either the House of Representatives or the House of Peers. Members of
the Diet and other Japanese politicians need to pay attention to what
Koreans feel, giving heed to what I said. It will be a rash action to cut
150,000 yen out of the budget, and it is not right to revive the budget
request. . . I am against revival of the budge request. It a matter involving
a sum of 150,000 yen, but the moral is that we need to be very careful
about.”23
Sakatani said that it was regrettable that Koreans were not represented
in the Imperial Diet of Japan and that Japanese needed to pay attention to
what Koreans felt. He blamed the Governor-General’s Office for causing
confusion by brining the matter to the Diet without listening to the
140
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Korean’s opinions on the matter sufficiently and expressed his opposition
to revival of the budget request.
At the plenary session of the House of Peers, held on March 14, 1931,
the revival of the budget request was adopted, with 166 votes for the
revival and 73 votes against it. It was a result of the positive support for
the revival by Kenkyūkai, a majority faction in the House of Peers, and
pro-Seiyukai Friendship Club in the House of Peers, despite the
opposition of Koseikai and pro-Minseito Party, Doseikai, in the House of
Peers. The Governor-General’s Office did its best to block the
interference of the Cabinet and the Minseito Party in the GovernorGeneral’s rule of Korea, through a coalition with members of the House
of Peers, which was a faction of non-elected Diet members. Thus, the
mainstream (Kenkyūkai and Friendship Club)of the House of Peers said a
definite “No” to the Minseito Party’s attempt to use the Diet’s budget
deliberation right to replace Superintendent of political affairs, Hideo
Kodama. However, this offended the Minseito Party even further, and
Governor-General Saitō Makoto and Hideo Kodama eventually resigned
as a result.24
As noted in the foregoing, the issue of the relocation of the South
Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office led to a complicated situation, with deep
involvement of political big shots, such as Kojo Makiyama (the House of
Representatives), Yoshiro Sakatani (the House of Peers), and Hideo
Kodama (the House of Peers). To reiterate the situation, the budget
request submitted by the Minseito Party-led Cabinet was killed by the
House of Representatives, where Kojo Makiyama, a leader of the
Minseito Party exerted a dominant influence. Thus, Kenkyūkai, to which
Hideo Kodama belonged, engaged in a fierce confrontation with Koseikai,
led by Yoshiro Sakatani, in the House of Peers concerning how to handle
the said budget. As a result of the final vote on the matter, Kenkyūkai and
Friendship Club, which were majority factions, won and the budget
request was revived. In the process, the Korean affairs experts served as a
counter for complaints and appeals made by those in Korea and conflict
of interest in the colony expanded to the political scene in the home
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141
country. The Korean affairs experts in the Imperial Diet could not make
one voice and it led to confrontation between the two Houses of the Diet
and between factions in the House of Peers concerning Korean affairs.
Koreans’ Right to Take Part in Political Affairs
Yoshiro Sakatani was also deeply interested in matters related to
Koreans’ right to take part in political affairs. He met Min Wŏnsik
(Wonsik), a Korean who came to Tokyo to ask to grant political right to
Koreans, in November 1919. In February the following year, Sakatani
said that he was meeting so-called influential Koreans and asked
questions about the government’s basic guidelines related to the rule of
the colony at a budget session of the House of Peers. In answer, Prime
Minister Takashi Hara said: “We are planning to adopt a system similar to
the home country in Korea gradually, including local autonomy, and
allow Koreans to dispatch their representatives to the Imperial Diet, a few
years later.”25 After Min Wŏnsik was killed by a Korean student, Yang
Kŭnhwan (Geunhwan), in February 1921, Sakatani referred to Min
Wŏnsik and Lin Xiantang (an activist asking for the establishment of a
Taiwanese Parliament), saying that they were nice people and expressed
appropriate opinions at the 44th session of the Budget Committee, the
House of Peers. Then, he asked about the Japanese government’s position
on the political rights of Koreans and Taiwanese. In response, Prime
Minister Takashi Hara said that a system similar to that of Japan would be
gradually adopted in these colonies and that the government would allow
them to dispatch their representatives to the Imperial Diet. In the ensuing
period, Sakatani asked new Cabinet members about the government’s
guidelines on the rule of the colonies and Koreans’ rights for participation
in political affairs at the House of Peers.
Sakatani also contacted Ch’oe Rin and Han Sangryong and discussed
Koreans’ rights for participation in political affairs in detail. On
November 24, 1926, he had a meeting with Ch’oe Rin for two hours and
the two discussed the future of Korea. Then, Ch’oe Rin appears again in
142
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Sakatani’s diary in an entry dated December 20, 1931. To Vice-Minister
of Colonial Affairs, Zenjiro Horikiri, who came to visit him, Sakatani
referred to Ch’oe Rin’s message and talked about Governor-General
Kazushige Ugaki’s view on granting Koreans political rights. According
to Satakani’s diary, in the following January, Ch’oe Rin said that he
would wait until Sakatani’s recovery from illness when talking about
political matters related to Korea.26 It shows that Ch’oe Rin relied on
Sakatani very heavily about Koreans’ right for participation in political
affairs. In March 1933, Han Sangryong conveyed his hope of being
selected as a Chōkusen councilor in the House of Peers to Sakatani,
implying that Governor-General Kazushige Ugaki agreed to it. In May the
same year, Sakatani contacted many sources concerning the selection of
Han Sangryong as a candidate for a seat in the House of Peers, sending a
letter to such an effect to the Prime Minister.
In 1934, in a message delivered to Sakatani through Min Sŏkhyŏn,
Ch’oe Rin said that Koreans wished to join the Japanese military as
volunteers, and added that some Ch’ŏndogyo (Cheondogyo) followers
started speaking for the Great Orientalism due to their discontent about
the discreet wait-and-see attitude taken by their religion for the past five
years.27 Ch’oe Rin spoke up for the Great Orientalism from the end of
1933, and announced: “Peoples in East Asia should march forward,
adopting Japan as their leading power. For Koreans, in particular,
assimilation and coexistence with Japan is the only way for their
rejuvenation.”28 In April 1934, Ch’oe Rin became an official at the Privy
Council (an advisory institution to the Governor-General’s Office in
Korea) through the good offices of Masahiro Yasuoka, Chŏnnam
(Jeonnam) Governor, Sugijo Yajima, and Police Chief Superintendent,
Kiyoshi Ikeda, and paid a visit to political circles in Japan in June of the
same year. In August of that year, Ch’oe Rin organized Sijunghoe, a proJapan political organization, with the help of Kim Sayŏn (Sayeon), Pak
Yŏngch’ŏl (Yeongcheol) and Pak Hŭido (Huido) and Ch’ŏndogyo
followers, including Chŏng Kwangjo (Jeong Gwangjo), and the support
of the Governor-General’s Office. He carried out efforts for Koreans’
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143
political rights, while checking the atmosphere of the central political
circles of Japan through Min Sŏkhyŏn, who was a Ch’ŏndogyo follower
and personal acquaintance of Sakatani. In February 1935, Sakatani said to
Min Sŏkhyŏn: “Concerning the issue of Koreans’ political rights, I intend
to check the merits and demerits of Ch’oe Rin’s view, once he settles on
his view. As the political system of Japan, including the central
parliament and local council, has lost its creditworthiness. It needs to be
reformed. Korea should not follow its footstep.”29
In December 1937, Sakatani discussed Koreans’ political rights with
Superintendent of political affairs, Rokuichiro Ono (大野緑一郎) and
proposed a way to select Chōkusen councilors in the House of
Representatives. In connection with adoption of the special system for
Korean volunteers in the Japanese Army in 1938, Sakatani started
carrying out activities for Koreans’ political rights in earnest. In his
interpellation toward the Minister of Colonial Affairs at the plenary
session of the House of Peers in February 1938, Sakatani tried to create
an atmosphere favorable to the political rights granted to the Koreans who
cooperated with Japan’s mobilization of war supplies. In October 1938,
Senior Managing Director Teijaburo, Sekiya (関屋貞三郎) of the Central
Korea Association, suggested that a few Koreans and Taiwanese be
appointed as Chōkusen councilors of the House of Peers each year as part
of a measure for innovation of the Decree for the House of Peers. In 1939,
Tsukasa Nakajima, an official of the Central Korea Association, paid a
visit to Kyŏngsŏng (now Seoul) and Ch’oe Rin and Han Sangryong told
him that the best way was to reduce the number of members first and
gradually increase it again concerning Koreans’ participation in politics.
In July 1939, Ch’oe Rin said that inclusion of five to ten Koreans in the
House of Peers would meet the expectation sufficiently. A month later,
Sakatani paid a visit to the Governor-General’s Office and asked
Superintendent of political affairs, Rokuichiro Ono, to discuss the
following in detail with Governor-General Jiro Minami: giving special
consideration to Koreans rather than Taiwanese on the issue of political
rights; enactment of the election law about election of provincial
144
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
representatives; granting Korean members of the nobility the same
authority as their counterparts in Japan in the House of Peers; setting the
number of Korean Chōkusen councilors at two or three.30 A few days
later, Sakatani exchanged opinions on the details of political rights to be
granted to Koreans, such as the number of those to be selected as
parliamentarians (ten to thirteen) and the timing and the method, with
Superintendent in charge of colonial affairs, Sinrokuro Hozumi, and
asked him to deliver his views to Governor-General Jiro Minami.
As noted in the foregoing, Yoshiro Sakatani kept in touch with proJapan Koreans, such as Ch’oe Rin and Han Sangryong and discussed the
issue of political rights granted to Koreans in public. Following the
adoption of the system for enlisting Koreans in the Japanese military in
1944, the said issue came to be discussed in earnest as a part of the
attempt for improvement of the treatment of Koreans and Taiwanese in
political affairs. However, the discussion met stiff resistance from the
Japanese government, particularly the Ministry of Interior. The plan for
granting political rights to Koreans was materialized, albeit in a limited
way, amid efforts made by Korean affairs experts, including Sakatani, and
the Japanese Army.31
Conclusion
This paper checked to see the relationship between Yoshiro Sakatani, a
leading Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers of the Imperial Diet of
Japan, and Japan’s rule of Korea. There were many Korean affairs experts
in the House of Peers, who had been directly or indirectly involved in the
rule of Korea, including ex-bureaucrats in the Governor-General’s Office
and chiefs of financial institutions in Korea, those in financial circles,
such as the Bank of Korea or Doyo Takushoku, and businessmen who
invested in Korea. They (particularly those who belonged to the Budget
Committee or special committees related to Korea-related laws of the
House of Peers) criticized or supported the policies of the Governor-
Lee Hyoung-sik
145
General’s Office, while deliberating on the Governor-General’s Office’s
budget and laws enacted by it. Koreans attempted to engage in lobbying
activities, such as complaints or appeals, through an informal network of
these Korean affairs experts.
Sakatani had not maintained direct relationships with Korea, but came
to be involved in Korean affairs due to his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa,
who made lots of investments in Korea. As a proponent of the policy for
gradual assimilation between Korea and Japan, Sakatani held a view that
matters concerning finance, banking, telecommunications, and postal
service, which were under the control of the Governor-General’s Office,
should be transferred to the relevant ministries of the home government.
His view was quite similar to that of Interior Minister Takashi Hara, who
intended to restrict the Governor-General’s administrative rights and
reinforce the government’s control over the Governor-General’s Office.
Upon Sakatani’s inauguration as the Chairman of the Central Korea
Association, a lobbyist organization for Japanese in Korea, both Koreans
and Japanese in Korea, asked him to settle the following problems for
them: a plan for an increase of rice production, construction of railroads,
rice/grain control, relocation of the Inch’ŏn Stock Exchange, provision of
relief supplies to Koreans in Manchuria, the municipal ordinance on
tenant farming, and suspension of publication of Tonga Ilbo. Sakatani
tried to stabilize the rule of Korea by accommodating such complaints
and appeals by mitigating the confrontation between colonists and the
people in the colony, where the public opinion was little heeded due to
the lack of political rights granted to Koreans. In addition, he spoke up for
the interest of Japanese in Korea or Japanese investing in Korea in such
matters as a plan for an increase in rice production, the construction of
railroads, and the control of rice/grains produced in Korea in Japanese
political circles. This paper selected subjects, such as political rights
granted to Koreans and relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial
Office, as concrete cases in its attempt to shed light on the relationship
between Satatani and Japan’s rule of Korea.
Sakatani asked Cabinet members to settle the issue concerning
146
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Koreans’ political rights, while making interpellation on the rule of Korea
at sessions of the Imperial Diet of Japan. He also discussed the said
subject in public and consulted it with the Governor-General’s Office,
while contacting pro-Japan Koreans, such as Ch’oe Rin, Pak Yŏngch’ŏl,
and Han Sangryong, through informal channels.
When the budget request for relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng
Provincial Office submitted by the Cabinet led by the Minseito Party was
killed by the House of Representatives, where Kojo Makiyama, a leader
of the Minseito Party exerted a dominant influence, the mainstream
(Kenkyūkai and Friendship Club) of the House of Peers insisted that the
budget request should be revived. On the matter, Sakatani, who led
Koseikai, said that the budget request should be deleted not to annoy the
relevant Korean locals, but the mainstream of the House of Peers won the
ballot and thus the budget request was revived. On the matter, the Korean
affairs experts served as a channel for complaints or appeals submitted
from Korea. Conflicts in the colony led to confusion in political circles in
the home country due to personal interests of the Korean affairs experts in
the Imperial Diet. The issue of relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng
Provincial Office became a symbolic event in which a political issue in
the colony extended to the political circles of Japan through the activation
of the informal lobbying channel of Koreans and Japanese in Korea.
Sakatani came to be deeply involved in the rule of Korea and affairs
concerning Korea by making efforts to settle the complaints and appeals
that he received as the Chairman of the Central Korea Association by
exerting his influence on the Imperial Diet of Japan and the Cabinet.
Notes :
1 The term “Chōsentsu,” along with Shinatsu (Chinese affairs experts), was
widely used by the mass media at that time. In this paper, the term Chōsentsu
or Korean affairs experts refers to Japanese who were directly or indirectly
Lee Hyoung-sik
2
3
4
5
147
involved in the colonial rule of Korea or those with expert knowledge on
Korea, including bureaucrats of the Governor-General’s Office, officials of the
government-run banks or businesses, scholars, journalists, business people,
and landowners. As for the case of France, the people of its colonies were
given the right to take part in politics. Parliamentarians, bureaucrats,
capitalists, and landowners from colonies established the Colonial Party. They
spoke for the rights of the people of the colonies and carried out lobbying
activities toward the French Parliament or government. Concerning colonial
parties and colony-related lobbies, see C. M. Andrew and A. S. KanyaForstner, “The French ‘Colonial Party’: Its Composition, Aims and Influence,
1885-1914,” The Historical Journal 14-1 (1971). See also, Stuart Michael
Persell, The French Colonial Lobby, 1889-1938 (Stanford, CA: Hoover
Institution Press, 1983).
Studies that focused on Sakatani as a financial adviser for Chinese financial
affairs include: Ichio Kawamura (河村一夫), “Chūgoku heisei kaikaku o
megutte no Ssakatani Yoshiro·Liang Shiyi kaidan ni tsuite” [On the Yoshiro
Sakatani-Liang Shiyi Meeting about a Need for Reform of the Chinese
Currency System], Seijikeizaishigaku 157 (June 1979); Keirei (奚伶), “Okura
kanryo Sakatani Yoshiro no 1908, 1918 nen no Chūgoku homon” [Financial
Ministry Official Yoshiro Sakatani’s Visits to China in 1908 and 1918],
Senriyama bungaku ronshu 84 (September 2010); Lee Hyŏngsik, “Senzenki ni
okeru chuo Chōsen kyokai no kiseki” [Activities Carried out by the Central
Korea Society in the Pre-war Period], Chōsen gakuho 204 (July 2007); Lee
Hyŏngsik, “Minami Jiro sotoku jidai ni okeru chuo Chōsen kyokai” [The
Central Korea Society During the Governorship of Jiro Minami], Nihon
rekishi 720 (May 2009).
Many Japanese who invested or owned land in Korea also invested or owned
land elsewhere. Thus, those who invested or owned land in Korea were not all
Korean affairs experts.
Sawakai was succeeded by Chōkusen councilors, a majority of whom were
ex-bureaucrats. They held anti-Seiyukai or anti-Kenkyūkai attitudes and
carried out activities as a detached force of the Minseito Party at the House of
Peers, along with Doseikai.
Kenichi Kondo (近藤釼一), “Banzai sojo jiken: San·ichi undo” [A Large
Number of Koreans Shouting “Long Live the Country!” Across the Country in
March 1919] 2, Chosŏn Saryo P’yŏnch’anhoe (1964), 33-34.
148
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
6 Maeil sinbo, July 11, 1924.
7 Stenographic record No. 22 Concerning the 50th session of the House of Peers,
March 10, 1925, http://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/050/0060/
ain.html.
8 Maeil sinbo, March 12, 1925.
9 Major stakeholders of Chōsen Kogyo Company included Shibusawa Dozoku
Gaisha, Toyo Life Insurance, Odaka Gomei, Jinju Life Insurance, Wada
Shokusan, Daiichi Life Insurance, and Fusataro Hazama, Okuragumi.
Concerning the form of major stakeholders in Korea, read: Asada Kyoji (浅田
喬二), Zoho Nihon teikokushugi to kyu shokuminchi jinushisei [Japanese
Imperialism and the Olden-day Landlord-based Colonial Land System],
(Tokyo: Ryukei Shosha, 1989); and Ha Chiyŏn, Ilche ha singminji chijuje
yŏn’gu [A Study of Landlord-based Colonial Land System] (Seoul: Hyean,
2010).
10 Reijiro Wakatsuki (若槻礼次郎), Kofuankaikoroku: Meiji, Taisho, Showa
seikai hishi wakatsuki reijiro jiden [Kofuan Kaikoroku (Memoir): Secret
History Concerning the Meiji, Taishō, and Shōwa Periods] (Tokyo: Yomiuri
Shimbunsha, 1950), 121-122.
11 The Late Baron Sakatani Memorial Program Association (故阪谷子爵記念事業
会), Sakatani Yoshiro den [The Biography of Yoshiro Sakatani] (1951), 462465.
12 Yoshiro Sakatani, Letter to Saitō Makoto, August 14, 1919, Saitō Makoto
kankei bunsho [Saitō Makoto Related Documents] (Tokyo: National Diet
Library of Japan), 812-15.
13 Concerning Takashi Hara’s view on an assimilation policy toward Korea, see:
Haruyama Meitetsu (春山明哲), Kindai Nihon to Taiwan: Musha jiken·
shokuminchi tochi seisaku no kenkyu [Modern Japan and Taiwan: A Study of
Musha Jiken and the Country’s Colonial Policy] (Tokyo: Fujiwara Shōten,
2008).
14 “Sakatani Yoshiro nikki” [Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary], December 27, 1932,
National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan.
15 Chi Sugŏl, “Ilche ha Kongju chiyŏk yuji chiptan ŭi toch’ŏng ijŏn pandae
undong” [The Opposition of Local Leaders in Kongju to Relocation of the
Provincial Office During the Colonial Period (November 1930 ~ October
1932)], Yŏksa wa hyŏnsil 20 (1996).
16 Makiko Okamoto (岡本真希子), “Sotoku seiji to seito seiji － Nidai seito no
Lee Hyoung-sik
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
149
sotoku jinji to sotokufukansei·yosan” [Governor-General led Politics and
Party-based Politics – The Way the Two Leading Political Parties Handled the
Selection of the Governor-General and the System of the Governor-General
and Budget], Chōsenshi kenkyūkai rombunshu 38 (January 2000).
Kurahei Yuasa, Leter to Saitō Makoto, February 5, 1931, Saitō Makoto kankei
bunsho [Saitō Makoto Related Documents], National Diet Library of Japan,
Tokyo, 1592-15.
“Shirosuke Gondo’s letter dated July 23, 1929 addressed to Matsuie Abe” in
Kodama Kodama kankei bunsho (Tokyo: Shōyūgu Gakubu, 2010), 114.
Saitō Makoto, “Letter to Hideo Kodama,” February 8, 1931, Kensei
shiryoshitsu shushu bunsho [Documents Collected by the Office of
Constitutional Government-related Materials], 90-10-9, National Diet Library
of Japan, Tokyo.
Stenographic records No.8 concerning the Budget Committee meeting of the
59th session of the House of Peers dated February 27, 1931, http://
teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/059/0080/main.html.
Stenographic records No. 10 concerning the Budget Committee meeting of the
59th session of the House of Peers dated March 1, 1931, http://teikokugikaii.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/059/0080/main.html.
Stenographic records No. 12 concerning the Budget Committee meeting of the
59th session of the House of Peers dated March 3, 1931, http://teikokugikaii.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/059/0080/main.html.
Stenographic records No. 32 concerning the 59th session of the House of
Peers dated March 13, 1931, http://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizok
uin/059/0060/main.html.
Makiko Okamoto, op. cited.
Stenographic records No. 2 concerning the meeting of the Budge Committee
meeting of the 42th session of the House of Peers dated February 20,
1920,http://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/kizokuin/042/0080/main.html.
Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated January 11, 1932,
National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan.
Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated February 17, 1934,
National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan.
Kim Miyŏng, “Ch’ŏndogyo sinp’a ŭi minjok chonggyo hoebok undong kwa
panghyang chŏnhwan nolli” [Ch’ŏndo Religion Followers’ Campaign to
Resume Its Position as Korean Nation’s Leading Religion and Logics Adopted
150
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
by Them for Conversion of Direction], Han’guk kŭnhyŏndae yŏn’gu 54
(September 2010); Chŏng Yongsŏ, “1930-nyŏndae Ch’ŏndogyo seryŏk ŭi
chŏngch’i undongnon kwa Sijunghoe ch’amyŏ” [Ch’ŏndogyoFaction’s
Political Movement and Their Participation in Pro-Japan Association
Sijunghoe in the 1930s] Han’guk minjok undongsa yŏn’gu 68 (September
2011).
29 Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated February 18, 1935,
National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan.
30 Sakatani Yoshiro nikki (Yoshiro Sakatani’s Diary) dated August 21, 1939,
National Library Archives, Tokyo, Japan.
31 Makiko Okamoto (岡本真希子). “Ajia·Taiheiyo senso makki ni okeru
Chōsenjin·Taiwanjin sanseiken mondai” [The Issue of Political Rights for
Koreans and Taiwanese Toward the End of the Pacific War], Nihonshi kenkyū
401 (January 1996).
†
Submission Date: 2012. 12. 27.
Accepted: 2013. 1. 19.
Completion Date of Review: 2013. 1. 7.
151
Lee Hyoung-sik
<Abstract>
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the
Imperial Diet and Korean Affairs Expert (Chōsentsu)
and Japanese Rule of Korea
Lee Hyoung-sik
This paper checks to see the relationship between Yoshiro Sakatani, a leading
Korean affairs expert in the House of Peers, and Japan’s rule of Korea. There
were many Korean affairs experts in the House of Peers, who had been directly or
indirectly involved in the rule of Korea, including ex-bureaucrats in the GovernorGeneral’s Office, chiefs of financial institutions in Korea, those in financial circles,
such as the Bank of Korea or Doyo Takushoku, and businessmen who invested in
Korea. They criticized or supported the policies of the Governor-General’s Office,
while deliberating on the Governor-General’s Office’s budget and laws enacted
by it. Koreans attempted to engage in lobbying activities, such as complaints or
appeals, through an informal network of these Korean affairs experts.
Sakatani had not maintained direct relationships with Korea, but came to be
involved in Korean affairs due to his father-in-law Eiichi Shibusawa, who made
lots of investments in Korea. As a proponent of the policy for gradual assimilation
between Korea and Japan, Sakatani held a view that matters concerning finance,
banking, telecommunications, and postal service, which were under the control of
the Governor-General’s Office, should be transferred to the relevant ministries of
the home government. His view was quite similar to that of Interior Minister
Takashi Hara, who intended to restrict the Governor-General’s administrative
rights and reinforce the government’s control over the Governor-General’s Office.
Upon Sakatani’s inauguration as the Chairman of the Central Korea Association, a
lobbyist organization for Japanese in Korea, consisting of both Koreans and
152
Yoshiro Sakatani, a Member of the House of Peers, the Imperial Diet, and ~
Japanese, in Korea asked him to settle the following problems for them: a plan for
an increase of rice production, construction of railroads, rice/grain control,
relocation of the Inch’ŏn Stock Exchange, provision of relief supplies to Koreans
in Manchuria, the municipal ordinance on the tenant farming, and suspension of
publication of Tonga Ilbo. Sakatani tried to stabilize the rule of Korea by
accommodating such complaints and appeals by mitigating the confrontation
between colonists and the people in the colony, where the public opinion was little
heeded due to the lack of political rights granted to Koreans. In addition, he spoke
up for the interest of Japanese in Korea or Japanese investing in Korea in such
matters as a plan for an increase in rice production, the construction of railroads,
and the control of rice/grains produced in Korea in Japanese political circles.
Keywords : Yoshiro Sakatani, the House of Peers, Korean affairs experts,
relocation of the South Ch’ungch’ŏng Provincial Office, Koreans’ right to take
part in political affairs
Lee Hyoung-sik
153
<국문초록>
일본제국의회 귀족원 ‘조선통’ 사카타니 요시로
(阪谷芳郎)와 조선통치
이형식 (가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 연구교수)
본 논문에서는 귀족원의 대표적인 ‘조선통’인 사카타니 요시로와 조선통치와의
관계를 살펴보았다. 제국의회 귀족원에는 전직총독부관료나 조선은행, 동양척식주
식회사와 같은 금융계 인사 등 조선통치에 직접적인 관련을 맺거나, 조선에 자본
을 투자하면서 조선통치에 대한 지식을 축적한 많은 ‘조선통’들이 존재했다. 이들
은 귀족원예산위원회와 조선관련법률 특별위원회를 중심으로 조선총독부 예산과
조선관련법률을 심의하면서 총독부의 조선통치정책을 비판하거나 옹호하면서 총
독부를 견제하거나 후원하였다. 조선사회는 이러한 '‘조선통’이라는 비공식적 네트
워크(informal network)를 통해서 진정, 청원, 교섭과 같은 식민지 로비(colonial
lobby)를 시도하였다.
이 가운데 사카타니는 조선과 직접적인 관계를 맺고 있지 많았지만, 장인인 시
부사와 에이이치가 조선에 많은 투자를 하고 있어서 조선문제에 관여하게 되었다.
사카타니는 점진적인 내지연장주의자로 조선총독부의 재정, 은행, 전신, 우편을
내각이 일원적으로 관리할 것을 주장하였다. 조선총독의 행정권을 제한하고 총독
에 대한 내각의 통제를 강화하려는 하라 다카시의 통치방침과 매우 유사한 조선
통치관을 보유하고 있었다. 재조일본인과 조선인이 재조일본인의 로비단체인 중
앙조선협회 회장에 취임한 사카타니에게 산미증식계획, 철도부설, 미곡통제, 인천
증권거래소 이전문제, 재만조선인 구제문제, 조선소작령, 동아일보 정간문제 등
조선의 각종 현안의 해결을 청원, 진정하였다. 사카타니는 조선사회의 진정, 청원,
로비를 적극적으로 수용하여 참정권이 시행되지 않아 민의의 반영이 극도로 제한
된 조선통치에서 식민지권력과 조선사회의 대립을 완화시켜 조선통치를 안정시키
려 했다. 뿐만 아니라 산미증식계획, 철도부설, 조선미통제와 같이 재조일본인, 조
선에 투자한 일본 자본의 이해를 일본정계에서 대변하였다.
주제어: 사카타니 요시로, 귀족원, 조선통, 충남도청이전문제, 조선인참정권